
.L?^Sc| 




lilhhyJBBMorl daslan. 



/ 







HISTOEY OF EAST BOSTON 



BlOGRxVPHICAL SKETCHES 



EARLY P R O P K I E T O R S , 



AN APPENDIX. 



WILLIAM II. SUMNER, A.M. 

EESIDEN'T MEMBER OF THE MASSACUUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AND OP THE NEW ENGLAND 
niSIORIC-GENEALOGICAL SOCIETY, AND CORRESPONDING MEMBER OP TUB 
. niSTORICAL SOCIETIES OF NEW YORK AND WISCONSIN. 



BOSTON: 
J. E. TILTON AND COMPANY, 

161 WASHINGTON STREET. 
1858. 



Fi2 

i 






Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by 

WILLIAM H. SUMNEE, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of tlie District of Massachusetts. 



CAMBRID&E : 
EN AND FAKN^H/iIrt, PRINTERS. 



r R E F A C E 



The motives which influence the author to give to the pub- 
lic a History of East Boston are twofold : first, his desire 
to make a permanent record of the transactions which have 
made Noddle's Island a populous part of the city of Boston, 
and added so largely to the present and prospective wealth 
and capital of the metropolis of New England ; and, secondly, 
his wish to perpetuate the names and lives of its early owners, 
most of whom were men eminently deserving that notice and 
that 'place in our colonial history which but few of them have 
hitherto received. As to the former, his personal acquaintance 
with the whole course of plans and results for the last half 
century is sufficiently described in the Introductory Letter im- 
mediately preceding the body of this work. For the latter, 
he has spared no pains to gather from printed works, colonial 
records, and the voluminous family papers in his possession, 
accounts which may be relied upon as authentic ; he especially 
refers to Samuel Maverick, Samuel Shrimpton, and John Yea- 
mans, of whom though only the first has been yet recognized 
even iu the local names of streets, squares, churches, or schools 
in East Boston, yet all will be found not only deserving re- 
membrance for their intimate connection with the Island, but 
also for their services in various public capacities which they 
honored. 

The author is especially gratified in being able to present 
likenesses of various persons referred to in this work, from orig- 
inal portraits in his own possession. One of these, the portrait 
of Governor Gage, was sent to him for the very purpose by 



iv PREFACE. 

Admiral Sir William Hall Gage, the third son of the Gover- 
nor, now living at the age of eighty-one. 

Varions gentlemen have aided the author materially by 
furnishing facts bearing upon his subject. Most of these have 
been mentioned in their immediate connection. He offers to 
them his cordial thanks, and also to others whose assistance 
has been of a more general character. Among the latter he 
may mention T. Russell Jenks, S. S. Lewis, Wm. Fettyplace, 
Albert Bovvker, Guy C. Haynes, H. P. Farnham, Wm. B. 
Trask, Major J. W. Barton, Col. Thomas Aspinwall, Capt. 
Wm. C. Barstow, S. G. Drake, W. W. Greenough, Charles 
Stoddard, Geo. Darracott, and Col. Sylvanus Thayer, all of Bos- 
ton or vicinity ; Rev. Messrs. Allen Gannett of Lynnfield, and 
James Fitton, W. H. Cudworth, S. J. Evans, Jas. N. Sykes, and 
Luman Boyden, of East Boston ; John Avery of Lowell ; James 
W. Gerard, Augustus Maverick, and N. B. Mountfort, of New 
York ; and Lord Gage and Admiral Sir W. H. Gage of England. 
The assistance of Mr. Samuel Burnham, of Jamaica Plain, has 
also been of material service in the author's labors. 

The writer regrets that an attack of illness just previous to 
the final preparation of the copy for the press, entirely pre- 
vented that personal superintendence which would have reme- 
died some imperfections which may appear. No pains, how- 
ever, have been spared to obviate the difficulties from this source. 
That the defects thus arising are far less than would otherwise 
have existed, is owing to the accurate care of his neighbor. 
Rev. Alonzo H. Quint, of Jamaica Plain, for whose services in 
superintending the publication the author feels himself emi- 
nently indebted. It is believed, at least, that every statement is 
reliable, and that the facts worthy of being perpetuated are 
herein presented to the public. 

WILLIAM IIYSLOP SUMNER. 

Jamaica Plaix, July, 1858. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



PAGES 

INTRODUCTORY LETTER 1-3G 



HISTORY 37-71-2 

CHAPTER I. THE EARLY CONDITION, NAME, AND OWNER- 
SHIP OF noddle's island 39-55 

CHAPTER IL SAMUEL MAVERICK, GRANTEE OK NODDLE's 

ISLAND ; HIS ANCESTRY 56-68 

CHAPTER III. SAMUEL maverick; HIS PERSONAL HISTORY 69-97 

CHAPTER IV. SAMUEL MAVERICK ; HIS ECCLESIASTICAL 

TROUBLES 98-114 

CHAPTER V. noddle's ISLAND A PLACE OF REFUGE TO 

THE BAPTISTS 115-126 

CHAPTER VL SAMUEL MAVERICK, ROYAL COMMISSIONER . 127-160 

CHAPTER VIL THE MAVERICK FAMILY .... 161-177 

CHAPTER VIII. THE OWNERSHIP TRACED FROM SAMUEL 

MAVERICK TO SAMUEL SIIRIMPTON .... 178-186 

CHAPTER IX. SAMUEL SIIRIMPTON; IIIS PERSONAL AND 

POLITICAL HISTORY 187-219 

CHAPTER X. THE TITLE OF THE ISLAND IN THE SHRIMP- 
TON AND YEAMANS FAMILIES 220-258 

CHAPTER XI. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES .... 259-313 

CHAPTER XIL LEASES OF THE ISLAND; THE AVILLIAMS 

FAMILY 314-339 

CHAPTER XIII. MILITARY OPERATIONS ON noddle's ISLAND 340-420 



vi CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XIV. THE PLANS FOR IMPROVEMENT WHICH 
RESULTED IN THE FORMATION OF THE EAST BOSTON 

COMPANY 421-448 

CHAPTER XV. THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY . . . 449-547 

CHAPTER XVI. PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS .... 548-642 

CHAPTER XVII. CHURCHES AND SCHOOLS .... 643-669 

CHAPTER XVIII. INDUSTRIAL OPERATIONS .... 670-712 

APPENDIX 713-764 

A. PROPOSAL FOR BRIDGE AND ROAD IN 1796 . . . 715 

B. CHRONOLOGICAL MEMORANDA OF GRANTS, DISCOVERIES, 

PATENTS, AND SETTLEMENTS 715-719 

C. DEED. SAMUEL MAVERICK TO ROGER GARD . . 719-721 

D. PAPERS RELATING TO THE SUGAR COLONIES . . . 721-730 

E. OPINION OF JOHN ADAMS ON THE WILL OF SHUTE 

SHRIMPTON YEAMANS 731-732 

F. GOVERNOR STRONG'S COURSE IN THE WAR OF 1812 . 732-743 

G. THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY 743-753 

H. EXTRACT FROM REPORT UPON ARTESIAN WELL . . 754-756 

I. PAPERS RELATING TO TREES ...... 756-758 

J. MISCELLANEOUS STATISTICS 758-764 

INDEX 765-801 



ILLUSTRATIONS, 



Autographs: — 

William H. Sumner (opposite the title-page). Page 

Samuel Maverick 69 

Ferdinando Gorges ......... 75 

Richard Bellingham 124 

Thomas Broughton 182 

Samuel Shrimpton, ojiposite 187 

Peter Sergeant 200 

Edmund Andros 205 

Edward Randolph 207 

Simon Bradstreet 214 

Ilezekiah Usher 220 

Samuel Shutc 232 

John Yeamans, opposite 239 

(Jov. Increase Sumner, opposite * 259 

William Hyslop 274 

Increase Sumner 291 

David Hyslop 307 

Gov. Thomas Gage, opposite 300 

Maps : — 

Noddle's Island in 1801, opposite 1 

East Boston, in 1858, opposite . . ... . . . 712 

Pedigrees : — 

Roberts 222 

Stoddard, opposite . 226 

Yeamans 231 

Shute 234 

Shrimpton 254 

Sumner, opposite ... 291 



VI 11 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Portraits: — 

William II. Sumner (opposite the title-page). 

Samuel Shrimpton 187 

ISIrs. Elizabeth Shrimpton 220 

Simeon Stoddard 225 

David Stoddard 237 

John Yeamans 239 

Shute S. Yeamans 249 

Gov. Increase Sumner 259 

Mrs. Elizabeth Sumner 300 

Henry Howell Williams 323 

Gov. Thomas Gage 3G0 

Views : — 

Church of St. Edburg, Bicester . 280 

Monument to Gov. Sumner 298 

First House built in East Boston 460 

Sturtevant House, opposite 515 

Cliurch of the Holy Kedeemer, oj^posite 657 



> 



/ Mursh rollcil 
I Hiuj J.slaiul iiiiinli 

( " '• A 




I 'ill a ml I'onii 
mil I'll Mill ill I' t'luiii 



ll|<l;nul 




Mar.fh Farm iiinvxli 
Uiif/ Island 
Pasiuvc 

I' a mi] Hill 



MuIiIIp I'unn 
llaxlrni Wonil Island 
Wtsti'in Wondhluiul 
t'tun/i Hill 
Smiffismi 



ZT5 -.^ Z-ff^ 
SZ-2 2 M 

II I :ii i% 

- '■ e- ,J?^^-1^1^ \ 

205 2 36,% 36'd I U- h% uglanA 

.'tf sm \ 

l-O'O/fo ^ 

II 37, ^i 

S8I 37 M- 
Wharf I -271^1 
IJ?l»na u>ul Marsh 1150 acres 

land e.U) acres 

.===______^^J«^^i.7i-^fi ,}iove eS Cham, or IQirois 



(k-ealMai'sli 20 5-1-^6 



\SmithmU 

a /■ jj. 

^Z0-l-12iii 





We^t Head 




A PLAN OF A SURVEY 

Of- 

OODLES ISLAi 

TfcLkeii foi' J)!ivid rrrpniuiujli 

By Willi am Tuylor. 

mm. 



JJUMlgvia Zith 




/ Maj'sJi called 

I Eug Is la 11 d mavsJi 

' a p. ^. 



Ujjlojid farm 

called Muiikl'ium 
a r. ]i. 

Z15 3~ Zir% 



rtp Hill 

V. V 
^-O-lf: 




Fpland _ Middle Farm 

Eastern Wood Island. 
WtstiTii Wood hhfid 
Camp Hill 
SmmsMl ^ 
Marsh _ larm marsh- 205-2-36i^ 



Hog Jsland 
Pasture. 

CanvQ Bill 



Bill 

V p. 



I- - O^o 

I- h37m 

22-3 - 9:^ - 



Wkart' 
650 acres '^Pf Q 



JJ-plaTui and Marsli 
Zand 650 acres. 

JfdlPond 10 .. F.B. .The distafi('efronitlieJfBatteiYWfiaTlQ^\ 
dreai Creek 3 .. oTlSSTLods 

From J[ Mojiiljjond across die Island. 
or 2 SI rods k 6 luiks. 
From WestHmd to Clwbea share 26 ch 



INTRODUCTORY LETTER 



INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 



TO WILLIAM C. BARSTOW, ESQ., 

Superintendent of the East Boston Company: — 

Dear Sir, — You have made very frequent inquiries of me 
relating to the persons who associated for the object of uniting 
the interests of all the different proprietors of Noddle's Island 
into one, with the purpose of connecting the Island interests 
with those of the city proper. In this you are not alone. 
Such inquiries have been often made by different individuals, 
and many friends have requested me to present to the public a 
connected account, which should comprehend all the accessible 
information relative to the early and modern history of the 
Island, and show in what manner the solitary farm has become 
the site of a populous city. 

Among those who have expressed a desire that I should 
furnish such an account, is L. F. Allen, Esq., a highly intel- 
ligent gentleman of Buffalo, who was connected with me 
in the East Boston Timber Company, of which I requested 
him to give me a history for publication. In a letter to me, 
after speaking of the disastrous results of that company, he 
remarks : — 

" With East Boston, results have been widely different. 
After long and arduous struggles, you have come out triumph- 
antly both in honor and fortune. You have founded a city, 
watched over its infancy, tended its growth into wealth and 
greatness, and can now exult over your labors. 'Tis fitting 
that you give to the world its history. I wish you every possi- 
ble success in accomplishing the work, and trust that I may 



4 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

be so fortunate as to possess myself of a book that will be so 
intrinsically interesting as it must prove." 

Mr. William Fettyplace, also, an early officer of the East Bos- 
ton Company, in speaking of a history of East Boston, says : — 

" No other person within my knowledge is so amply quali- 
fied to undertake such a labor as yourself." 

This remark may have some foundation in the fact, that it 
was known to him that I took a leading part in the laying out 
and carrying into execution the plans for connecting the Island 
with the city, and that very many valuable family papers and 
portraits relative to the early proprietors of the Island were in 
my possession. 

Individual requests and inquiries similar to these might be 
multiplied, but it is needless. It is sufficient to say, that a 
general interest seems to be manifested to learn the history of 
Noddle's Island. 

Gratified that it is in my power to answer your inquiries, 
and wishing to comply with these and with similar requests 
of the gentlemen just named, who are conversant with all 
the facts and interested in their development, and the often 
expressed wishes of numerous friends, I will relate in a simple 
manner my connection with Noddle's Island from my earliest 
recollection, and, after giving in a familiar way my personal 
reminiscences, I will enter upon a more detailed account, 
derived from all accessible sources. 

Long before the marriage of either of my sisters, and soon 
after my father's death in 1799, the care of my mother's prop- 
erty fell upon me ; although the accounts of the Island were 
kept by her respected cousin, D. S. Greenough, Esq., and the 
repairs, alterations, and improvements in the premises, were 
chiefly under his direction. He was a gentleman of good judg- 
ment and stern integrity, and, as he deserved, so he received, 
the united thanks of the different parties who placed their con- 
fidence in him. He was, in fact, the proprietor of one half of 
the whole Island; my mother and her brother, Mr. Hyslop, 
owning the other; so that the interests of the whole were 
identical. 

Among the earliest recollections of my youthful days are 
the annual visits of the families of the difierent proprietors, and 



FAMILY VISITS. 5 

their intimate connections, to Mr. Henry Howell Williams, the 
tenant at the Island. This Mr. Williams was also the lessee, 
and afterward the owner, of the ancient ferry between Boston 
and Winnisimet, the boats of which stopped at Noddle's Island 
on their passage from the one place to the other. We used to 
put up our horses in the barn of Mr. Fenno, who kept a 
grocery store and a house at the foot of Hanover street, for 
the accommodation of passengers who crossed the ferry. The 
boats were old-fashioned, with sails and with drops on each 
side to admit the carriages, which were drawn into the boats by 
hand, after the horses were taken out and led on board. They 
were so narrow that the carriages stood across them, with 
their shafts projecting over the water. It was not often that 
carriages were taken over to the Island ; but, as my grandfather 
Hyslop and his wife were aged persons, they usually crossed 
the ferry with theirs. When, from the state of the tide, the boat 
could not get to the wharf, nearly opposite the house, without 
grounding on the flats, it was necessary to land the passen- 
gers at the ferry ways, which were laid for that purpose from 
Smith's Head, (where Weeks's wharf now is,) into deep water 
towards the channel, which was only eighteen rods distant from 
that point. In that case, the passengers walked over the hill 
to the house, unless a carriage was taken over, (there being 
none on the Island,) in which the infirm could ride. The 
Rev. William Greenough of Newton, who had exchanged his 
interests in the Island with his brother David for an equal share 
of the Chelsea farm of four hundred acres, the title to which 
came from the same ancestor, was always, with his family, a 
part of the company. He, in his turn, entertained the same 
party, once a year, at Mr. Eustis's, the tenant of that farm, of 
which he was the chief proprietor. My father, not having any 
large possession of his own, at a convenient distance, to recip- 
rocate the civilities of his kinsmen, invited them with their 
families and friends to a farm of his of about sixty acres, lying 
above Sumner's paper-mills in Dorchester. This farm was 
called Merryfield's, after the name of the person from whom he 
purchased it. There was a beautiful wood upon it, lying on 
the westerly bank of Neponset river. In this wood, the party, 
opening their stores of good things, enjoyed a merry repast. 
1* 



6 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

If the invitation was given for any particular day, it was 
always intended for that or the first fair day afterward, so that 
the party might not be disappointed of their meeting ; for the 
house was small, and could not accommodate a large number, 
nor the barn, conveniently, many horses ; and besides, if the 
weather was foul, the children were deprived of their antici- 
pated enjoyment of whortleberrying in the pastures, fishing in 
the river, or catching the little spotted turtle in the ponds in 
the meadows. So that, although the party did not receive the 
generous supplies which Mr. Williams's table afforded of roast 
beef, oysters, and English porter, nor the china bowl full of 
punch that stood in the corner of the room, — to which the 
guests might help themselves before dinner, or when they 
pleased; nor the roast pig, fat mutton, chickens, and ducks, 
which Chelsea farm afforded, yet the children did not lack a 
sufficiency of milk and eggs, and the party enjoyed themselves 
in the fields as well, probably, as if the farm had been capable 
of furnishing a more sumptuous entertainment. 

At the Island the sports were of a different character. My 
grandfather, Mr. Hyslop, in his chaise, with Mr. Williams by 
his side and the other gentlemen on horseback, drove by the 
sheep-cote to Camp hill to see the rich meadow fields and the 
beautiful prospect of the town and harbor, and thence recrossing 
the bridge over the creek which ran through the Island, drove 
over the middle farm to Eagle hill, which commanded a 
view of the whole Island territory, at that time consisting of 
about 660 acres. In full view also were Lynn, Chelsea, Mar- 
blehead, Naha nt, Med ford, situated on the beautiful Mystic 
river, Charlestown, at the junction of the Mystic and Charles 
rivers, full of historical reminiscences, and Boston, the capital 
of the State. Charlestown, whose deeds are now commemo- 
rated by the monument on Bunker hill, was then surmounted 
by the old fort, and Boston, which is now crowned by the State 
house, had then, on the apex of its highest hill, a beacon thirty 
feet high, with a tar barrel on the top, to be lighted in case of 
danger, as a signal of alarm to the surrounding country. Those 
who were not thus interested in surveying the farm were fur- 
nished with fowling-pieces to shoot the plover and other birds 
which then in great numbers ■ frequented the Island, Mr. Wil- 



ISLAND PKODUCTS. 7 

liams not allowing them to be molested by the sporting public, 
who were met on their landing by a sign-board — " No shoot- 
ing alloived hereP 

It was a part of Mr. Williams's business to supply outward 
bound ships with live-stock of all kinds, which he put on board 
when their fore topsails were loosened to indicate their speedy 
departure. His stock for this purpose consisted of about eighty 
head of fat cattle, cows and calves, hundreds of sheep and pigs, 
flocks of geese, turkeys, ducks, and fowls. These were in addi- 
tion to the working cattle and horses of his own, employed for 
the cultivation of the farm. His hay was pressed into bundles 
in his own barn, where he had screws erected, which gave 
him almost a monopoly of the sale of hay for exportation to 
the South. The rent of the Island was at this time about 
700/., which he paid from the revenues thus derived and from 
the income he received for pasturing horses and cows from the 
neighboring capital. 

No rent was taken for the numerous beds of oysters planted 
on the flats for the daily supply of the city, other than that Mr. 
Williams and the proprietors had the right to take as many 
oysters as they chose. The proprietors exercised their right 
only at the time of their annual visit, and probably their respec- 
tive families had a better supply of oysters the day afterward, 
than they had on any other day in the year. 

Sometimes, when it was reported that the banks of the 
Island had given way by the severe storms which broke down 
the head walls erected for their preservation, the gentlemen 
took a boat at the bridge near the wharf, and rowed through 
the creek which separated Camp hill from the rest of the 
Island and round West and East Wood islands, through Hog 
island and Chelsea creeks, to the wharf from which they 
started, in order to see the extent of the damage which the 
storms had created. In this excursion they were frequently 
much interested, by noticing the haymakers from Weymouth, 
Braintree, etc., poling the abundant crop of salt hay from Hog 
island marsh (so called from its proximity to the island of that 
name) to the sloops they had brought up to transport it. It 
was necessary that the circuit should be made at half tide, and 
not later, for fear the boat should ground upon the mill-dam, 



8 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

which even now shows itself at low-water crossing the pas- 
sage. This, probably, was the foundation of the wall for a 
mill-dam upon which, in the several leases to Robert Temple, 
was reserved the right to build mills. 

The particular object of the annual visitation of the proprie- 
tors was to examine and settle Mr. Williams's accounts. His 
charges were very various and sometimes extravagant, particu- 
larly for the sea-walls and the wharf in front of the house, 
which it was always necessary to keep in a state of preserva- 
tion for the protection of the house and buildings, in front of 
which the south-east storms broke in threatening terror to the 
occupants, and also of the road from the house to the ferry- 
ways at Smith's Head where we landed. The other exposed 
places where walls were to be erected, were at the east end of 
Camp hill. West and East Wood islands. Eagle point, then 
called West Head, at the confluence of Chelsea creek and 
Mystic river, and Smith's Head. Mr. Williams's accounts for 
these items, and repairs to the wharf building and fences, were 
as easily settled before dinner as were Sheriff Allen's accounts 
for the support of the prisoners in jail at the opening of the 
Court of Sessions, the judges of which were always invited to 
dine with the sheriff, who on that day presented his quarterly 
accounts against the county for settlement. The revenues of a 
sheriff for the county of Suffolk made the office, at that time, 
of more value than any other in the commonwealth, from the 
extravagance of his charges for these items. The court, on the 
first day of its session, had such a pressure of business pre- 
sented to them, that it could not investigate the accounts with 
great particularity, and the sheriff was often obliged to remind 
the members of the court, that, although it would not take them 
long to examine his accounts, which were very clear, yet they 
must look them over so as to be able to sign them as approved, 
before dinner. It was very much so with the proprietors of the 
Island when they went to examine the tenant's annual 
accounts. They had so many objects to look at, and so far to 
row or to ride, that Mr. Williams often found it necessary to 
remind them that they would not have time to do so before 
dinner if they did not hurry back. Taking the hint, they 
hastened back to satisfy their appetites, rendered somewhat 



AREA AND DESCRIPTION. 9 

craving by their long ride, the wind blowing fresh upon them 
from the sea. Upon their arrival at the door they were design- 
edly met by the laborers, each with a bag of oysters upon his 
shoulders carrying them to the proprietors' boat, where they 
were often reminded by Mr. Williams of the generous supply 
which he furnished. After entering the house the accounts 
were opened, but hardly read over when a tempting dinner, 
smoking hot, w^as placed upon the table ; Mr. Williams remind- 
ing them, as the sheriff did the court, that if they did not sign 
the accounts before dinner, they would not have time after- 
ward. 

It is to be observed, that, at the time of the grant in 1633, 
Noddle's Island was estimated at 1,000 acres, and the flats 
about it at 1,200 acres or more, — both extending to Bird 
island channel and Pulling point, in Chelsea. Although great 
pains were taken by the proprietors, in the erection of sea-walls, 
to keep the headlands from washing away, yet, upon a meas- 
urement, at the commencement of the present century, by that 
eminent surveyor, William Taylor, (whose surveys gave him a 
more intimate knowledge of the lands in and surrounding the 
metropolis than any other man acquired,) it was found to con- 
tain but 666 acres of upland and marsh. The ground which 
was thus washed away now forms a part of the extensive flats, 
amounting to nearly 1,500 acres, which were the subject of a 
second grant, in 1640, from the government of the Massachu- 
setts colony, to the proprietors of the Island which they sur- 
rounded. 

Upon the Island, before the Revolution, there were two very 
respectable mansion-houses, with orchards and gardens ; one 
standing near the wharf before alluded to, which was the coun- 
try residence of Mr. John Yeamans, the orchard of which, lying 
on Smith's hill, extended from the house westerly so as to 
include several acres ; the other, upon the easterly end of Eagle 
hill, near the termination of Saratoga and Princeton streets, 
some of the terraces in the garden of which are now to be seen, 
and the well of which, upon lot 312 of Eddy's plan, is now 
used for the supply of the neighboring dwellings. Besides 
these, there were several other small houses for the tenants and 
numerous laborers in various parts of the Island. These build- 



10 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

ings were all burned by the order of Colonel Stark of the 
American army, ten days before the battle of Bunker hill, lest 
they should be taken possession of by the British forces from 
the ships in the harbor, to afford them shelter and an eligible 
position for commanding the town. 

The few trees that were left after Boston and Charlestown 
had exercised their rights to cut wood upon the Island, were 
destroyed at an early period of the revolutionary war, and the 
Island was so entirely denuded, that not a tree upon the hills or 
in the orchards was left standing. This accounts for the bare 
appearance of the Island at the time when the writer, with the 
proprietors before named, made their annual visits, though the 
trees in the gardens, and the willows for the shade of the cattle, 
which were of post-revolutionary growth, were, from the rich- 
ness of the soil, of very respectable size. A few of these 
ancient willows are now to be seen. The interesting fact of 
the conflagration of those houses was communicated to the 
writer by John Marston, Esq., who saw them burn, as he was 
crossing the ferry on his way to Master Moody's school at 
Byfield. His letter, and the estimates of the value of the build- 
ings burnt, will be inserted in an appropriate place. 

In partial compensation for this destruction of private prop- 
erty was the gift of the barracks at Cambridge, after the army 
quitted it, by General Washington, to Mr. Williams (who I 
think was a quartermaster-sergeant in the army), for the dam- 
age he, as tenant, had received. The barracks were removed to 
the Island, and part of them used for a house, which Mr. Wil- 
liams erected over the old cellar, to be used as tenements for 
his workmen, and for barns and sheds for the sheep and cattle, 
at the westerly slope of Camp hill. There was a well in the 
large sheep enclosure thus made, which is on lot 90, on which, 
after its purchase by Mr. Sargeant, the Cunard House was 
erected, on Webster street. On the middle farm in section 3 
there was a pond, a part of which was to be seen in the " pub- 
lic garden," so-called, though now no more. This is where the 
numerous cattle came to drink by day, and the wild ducks to 
lodge by night, and in the canes in the low grounds about 
it, thousands of bob-o-links afforded fine sport for the flock 
shooters. 



THE FERRY. H 

Westerly of this pond, on the southerly slope of Eagle hill, 
was some of the earliest ground, rendered rich and warm by 
its southerly aspect, and the oyster and clam shells which the 
plough threw up to view. Here Mr. Williams enclosed about 
ten acres, for a sheepfold in winter, and for early turnips in the 
spring. These vegetables were not only the earliest, but the 
purest and sweetest, brought into the Boston market. This 
proves practically, that the warmth of sheep manure and the 
ammonia of their urine, so destructive to all worms and insects, 
rendered to that intelligent farmer the best product of any 
vegetable that could have been planted upon that soil. The 
writer of this, when engaged in the sheep speculation, folded, 
on his farm in Dorchester, a small flock of merinos, and, sowing 
a few rods of the ground with turnips, reaped (as the reader 
may do if he will) a practical benefit from the knowledge thus 
acquired. His bed of turnips looked so promising in the spring 
as to call the attention of the neighboring marketers, to one of 
whom he sold the bed for twenty dollars, the latter realizing a 
profit of thirty dollars upon the purchase. 

But to return to the narrative. The party, well pleased with 
their day's excursion, were accompanied by Mr. Williams to 
the ferry-boat, which was lying at the wharf (the tide having 
risen suflficiently) to receive them. They landed at the Win- 
nisimet ferry-ways, whence they had embarked, and found their 
horses already put to their carriages by Mr. Fenno, who knew 
the usual time of their arrival. These ferry-ways, lying at the 
foot of Hanover street, are what were called " the town ways ; " 
for the ancient ferry before alluded to, called in the grant, " the 
ferry from Boston to Winnisimet, Noddle's Island, and the 
ships," was, in other words, a grant to the ferryman who pro- 
vided the boats of the exclusive right to take toll for transport- 
ing passengers from the town landing to either of the places or 
objects named. The ships, in the early settlement of Boston 
and Charlestown, usually anchored in the channel between the 
ship-houses in the navy yard and Noddle's Island, and not 
much out of the line of the boats to Winnisimet, whence com- 
menced the road to Salem and the settlements about that 
place. It will be perceived by this recital, that the grant was 
for a ferry to Noddle's Island as well as to Winnisimet, and 



12 mTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

that the passengers to one place had the same right to be trans- 
ported to the other. Hence it was sometimes called Noddle's 
Island ferry, although more commonly Winnisimet, from the 
greater number of passengers to the latter place. After the 
recent settlement at Chelsea by the Winnisimet Company, it 
employed large ferry-boats, propelled by steam, instead of the 
two-masted sail boats which they had bought. They discon- 
tinued the landing of passengers at Noddle's Island, which had 
now been purchased by the East Boston Company after Mr. 
Thomas Williams ceased to use it ; but this was not until the 
East Boston Company had obtained from the city the franchise 
of a ferry at a more convenient place to East Boston, and had 
set up their boats and established the ferry from Lewis' wharf, 
on the Boston side. The tenants of the Island had also a pre- 
scriptive right to land their own boats, to carry cattle over and 
back, and here was the place of landing their milk cans for 
their Boston customers. They did not use the ferry merely 
in their passage to Boston ; but they also used that part of 
it which lies between Noddle's Island and Winnisimet, in 
going to the Chelsea farm of four hundred acres, which was 
near the Chelsea meeting-house, and, belonging to the same 
proprietors, was usually leased to the same person who hired 
the Island. The passages between the Island and both the 
termini of the ferry were then frequent and necessary. 
Although it interfered with their right, to land passengers on 
the ferry-ways, the proprietors, receiving no notice of the sale, 
.made no serious objection to the grant by the city, for a few 
thousand dollars, of the town landing in Boston, to the Win- 
nisimet Company, who, with their purchase of the farm owned 
by the Williams family at Chelsea, bought also the ferry and 
the boats, of which their father, Mr. H. H. Williams, died the 
sole proprietor, he having grown rich by his position as 
tenant of Noddle's Island for the very unusual period of nearly 
forty years. Some time before his death he became purchaser 
of Governor Bellingham's very valuable and very extensive 
farm in Chelsea, at the ferry landing, and removed his family 
thither, leaving his son, Mr. Thomas Williams, his successor 
as tenant of the Island. This amiable gentleman, active, judi- 
cious, and enterprising, and his wife, who was the late Secre- 



IMPROVEMENTS. 13 

tary Avery's daughter, will long be remembered by all who 
knew them. He succeeded his father and had the sole man- 
agement of the Island Farm, and seemed to be as much 'inter- 
ested in it as if it was his own. Having often heard the 
writer confidentially express his intent (whenever he could 
accomplish it) so to connect the Island with the city as to 
make it a part of it, he in his turn consulted him about the 
sale of his father's farm in Chelsea to the Winnisimet Com- 
pany at the price which that company offered for it, appre- 
hending, as he said, that it might be considered by the writer 
as an interference with his plans of improvement on the Island. 
No objection on that score being offered, but the building of a 
town, as it were, behind Noddle's Island, which lies much 
nearer to the city, being considered rather advantageous to the 
Island than otherwise, Mr. Williams accepted, in behalf of the 
heirs of his father, the offer for their estate at Chelsea, and thus 
opened the door to the improvements which the enterprising 
Winnisimet Company projected and put into execution. 

Mr. Williams's tenancy on the Island did not terminate until 
a year or two after it was purchased by the East Boston Com- 
pany, whose varied improvements so much interfered with any 
occupation as a farm that he relinquished it; but his leaving 
the Island was so much to the regret of the new proprietors, 
that they offered him the privilege of selecting a house lot of 
an acre, if he would erect a house and continue his residence. 
This he declined, probably not anticipating the prospective 
value of the acre which he might have selected. 

He certainly did not anticipate the amount of money that 
would be expended on the Island, nor the extended and liberal 
plans that were thus early projected for its improvement 
through the laying out of wide streets, squares, and a public 
garden, together with the liberal grant of four acres to the city 
for public buildings. For when the surveyor was laying out 
the street, afterwards called Sufnner street, and was paying no 
regard to the additional expense of making the streets straight 
through the deep creek and marsh to Camp hill, Mr. Williams 
observed, that it would be better to lay that part of it out in a 
circular direction on the beach which connected that hill with 
the Island, and kindly remarked, that if the company were 
2 



14 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

going to lay out their streets in that extravagant manner, he 
hoped the writer would not be concerned with them. When 
told that the latter approved of laying the streets out wide and 
straight, with the view of the future elegatice of the settlement, 
regardless of the first expense, he observed, " Whr/, General 
Sumner, I always ihovght you knew something till now ;'^ but 
holding up his hands with the expression of surprise, he added, 
" if you go on in that manner, your project may succeed, but 
the proprietors will be ruined." 

It was thus that the writer's impressions of the value of the 
Island and its capacity for improvement were obtained in the 
days of his boyhood and youth. 

As by the rolling on of years he was progressing to man's 
estate, on the 11th of August, 1796, his grandfather, William 
Hyslop, died, by which event his two children, David Hyslop 
and Ehzabeth Sumner, became possessed of their part of the 
estate. Thfee years afterward, on the 7th of June, 1799, Gov- 
ernor Sumner died. His son, then nineteen years of age, 
becoming attorney for his mother, who was then administratrix, 
it became necessary for him to make more frequent visits to the 
Island, which had now become an interesting subject of con- 
versation. The sinking of the ways at Edmund Hart's ship- 
yard, at the north end, upon which the frigate Constitution was 
built (the launch of which he saw in the year 1798, after two 
most mortifying attempts to get her off), had made it evident 
that the ground at that part of the town was not firm enough 
to be used for the government purposes, and Noddle's Island, 
from its having been approbated as a suitable place for a navy- 
yard by the British naval officers who had visited the harbor 
before the Revolution, was now looked upon by the public as 
the most suitable place for that purpose. The expression of 
Admiral Montague was often quoted in support of this opinion, 
he having told Mr. Williams, when he was surveying the har- 
bor, that " the devil had got irtto the government when they 
fixed the navy-yard at Halifax ; God Almighty made Noddle's 
Island on purpose for a dock-yard." 

The United States government, intending an increase of the 
navy, appointed a commissioner, Mr. Humphrey, the naval 
constructor at Philadelphia, who built the frigate United States, 



NAVY-YARD. 15 

to view the ground in Boston harbor, and select the most suita- 
ble place for a governmental establishment. He looked at 
several positions ; but the two which were thought most 
favorably of were Noddle's Island and Charlestown. He was 
attended in his examination of the latter place by Doctor Put- 
nam, who had early secured for it the influence of Judge Tudor, 
who had been a law student of President Adams, and was now 
his particular friend. The writer, with Mr. Williams, attended 
Mr. Humphrey's examination of Noddle's Island ; and not a 
doubt remained in their or the public mind, from his open dec- 
laration in favor of that place, that he would so report, and 
that the dock-yard would be established there. What was our 
surprise when we heard, soon afterwards, that he had reported 
in favor of Charlestown ! I have since seen Mr. Humphrey's 
reports in the navy department, and made extracts from them ; 
these papers are not now to be found; but it is recollected, 
that, comparing the two sites, he observed that "the most 
suitable place on Noddle's Island for a navy-yard is said by the 
tenant to contain seventy-seven acres of upland and marsh. 
This presents a north-west and west exposure, which is a very 
cold one, and the ground is uneven. For this (which, it may 
be observed, included all the front towards the town on the 
harbor), the owners," he says, "demand $25,000." He then 
observes, that Charlestown is the most suitable place in the 
port of Boston for a building yard, and ought to be purchased 
by the government for that purpose. The cost of the place in 
Charlestown would be — 

For Harris's seven acres $12,000 

" Stearns's three " .^OO 

" Broad's two " 150 

" " nine " 3,600 

Additional for two acres more for altering the road to get more 
room where the ships will be built 3,000 

Making, for twenty-three acres $19,250 

Mr. Humphrey observes that Boston is secure from an 
enemy, and remarks upon the facility with which it can be 
fortified, and that the largest body of militia can be collected 
there in the shortest space of time of any in the country. 



16 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

Mr. Humphrey exhibited various tables, by which his report 
was accompanied, and after deciding the location in favor of 
Charlestown, he enlarged upon the advantages which Noddle's 
Island possesses. He says that across the river, at high-water, 
in an easterly course from Leach's wharf to Noddle's Island, the 
deepest water, five and a half fathoms, is on the Boston side of 
the middle ground, and on the other side of the middle ground, 
called the Muscle shoal, it is four and a half fathoms ; that, two 
hundred feet from the Island, there are fourteen feet of water, 
and that the soundings are all on hard bottom. He then says 
that a place may be made for docking timber between Noddle's 
Island, Camp hill, and Wood island. These favorable remarks 
upon Noddle's Island seemed to be added after his decision 
was made in favor of Charlestown, to show his candor ; but, 
he took care not to mention several facts that would upset the 
conclusion to which he came. For instance, he says that at 
Charlestown and Noddle's Island there are long flats, w^ithout 
remarking a fact which his survey disclosed, that the channel 
at the nearest point at Noddle's Island was but eighteen rods 
from the upland and against the deepest water in the harbor, 
and that, south of that point, where the navy-yard would proba- 
bly have been established, the fiats run out but forty rods to 
hard bottom; whereas, at Charlestown, the flats run out sixty- 
seven rods, and have a crusty bottom, unfit for sustaining the 
heavy stone walls of a dry dock. The reader will perceive 
the inaccuracy of this report by noticing that he says the front 
on Noddle's Island would be north and north-west, whereas it 
is south-west and south, while Charlestown faces easterly; 
and numerous other facts may be observed, which show a pre- 
determination, for some reason or other, to decide in favor of 
Charlestown, as the sequel will show. 

Having been deputed by the proprietors to go to Philadelphia 
to sell the Jersey lands bequeathed to them by the same will 
of Shute Shrimpton Yeamans by which they held the Island, 
and being there on that business, I received a letter from 
Joseph Russell, Esq., advising me that difficulties had arisen 
in estabfishing the dock-yard in Charlestown, and communi- 
cating his desire that I should go to Washington (where the 
president was making preparations for the first meeting of 



NAVY-YARD. 17 

congress at that place) to effect its establishment at Noddle's 
Island. Mr. Russell observed that this was also the wish of 
the chief proprietor, David S. Greenough, Esq., whom he had 
consulted. With that object in view, I made a visit to Mr. 
Humphrey the evening before he left Philadelphia. In that 
interview he admitted to me, that when he parted from Mr. Wil- 
liams and myself at Boston, he stated to us that he preferred 
Noddle's Island to Charlestown, at every point from which 
he contemplated it, and that he should report accordingly. I 
begged to observe, that his report in favor of Charlestown took 
us all by surprise after he had declared openly that Noddle's 
Island was the fittest place for the establishment of a navy- 
yard in every respect in which he could view it. He said that 
it was all true ; but that, when he was making up his report, a 
grand objection to Noddle's Island occurred to him, which was 
the turning point, and that was its exposure to the west and 
north-west winds. He illustrated the importance of this objec- 
tion by stating it as a fact in relation to the frigate United 
States, which he built at Philadelphia with a like exposure, 
that one side of the ship was rotten before she was launched. 
I had not seen his report at that time, and did not know the 
mistake he had made in the points of compass of the place ■ 
proposed on the Island, north and north-west for south-west and 
south. But I observed to him, that the Island's exposure was 
the best in the harbor, and that he had mistaken the sea-coast 
climate of Boston for the inland climate of Philadelphia; that 
north-east was our wet wind, while in Philadelphia it was 
south-east. He replied that if it was so, his report was made 
upon a mistaken principle. He further observed that he had 
been summoned to Washington, where, I told him, I was 
going. He begged me, if I got there first, to tell the president 
that his report in favor of Charlestown was made under a mis- 
take as to the climate. He said that he could not ask for a 
recommittal of his own report, he was ashamed to do so ; but 
that if I would get the report recommitted to him before the 
president acted upon it, he would make the correction. I 
considered time now so important that I took passage from 
Philadelphia in a stage which travelled all night, by which 
means I gained one day's ride, and arrived at Washington the 
2* 



ly INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

second afternoon. I went immediately to the White House, of 
which Mr. Adams, his son Thomas B., and his secretary, Mr. 
Shaw, were the sole occupants. They were surprised to see 
me, and, in answer to the president's inquiry what I came for, 
I told him the object of my visit, and stated to him the error 
that Mr. Humphrey had made, and that he had authorized me 
to make that fact known, and that he was now on his way and 
would arrive in Washington to-morrow. The president replied, 
" you are a day too late, my friend ; I decided yesterday, and 
the secretary is now making out a commission to Doctor Put- 
nam to make the purchase at Charlestown of the Harris and 
other lands, which have been selected as the most suitable place 
for the purpose." I immediately called upon the secretary of 
the navy, and after stating a few facts, which made some 
impression, I desired him, if the government had not come to 
an absolute determination, to defer making up a final judg- 
ment until Mr. Humphrey should arrive. He observed that 
the government had met with great difficulty in obtaining the 
land at Charlestown, had had a law of congress passed on pur- 
pose, had made several bargains, and the land which could not 
be purchased had been set off by appraisement ; that the land 
which the government had taken for that purpose they could 
not sell, and that the moneys appropriated for the purpose of a 
navy-yard were all expended, etc. ; " therefore," said he, " if 
Noddle's Island should prove the best place, it would be impos- 
sible to alter its establishment at Charlestown." In my letter 
to Mr. Greenough giving an account of my mission, I said that 
" I have only to regret, and this I did regret very much, that 
I did not have an opportunity of confirming the prejudices of 
the secretary in favor of Noddle's Island, which, he confessed 
to me, were very strong. I am sure, had I been here in the 
outset, I should have confirmed his waverings, and establisyhed 
his prejudices in favor of that place." 

Thus ended the exertion to establish the navy-yard at Nod- 
dle's Island, the want of which, though considered a great mis- 
fortune at the time, has resulted to the great benefit of the 
proprietors in the improvements which have since taken place, 
and which could not have been made if the navy-yard had 
been established there. 



VISIT TO WASHINGTON. 19 

In this connection it ought to be remarked, that some years 
after the navy-yard was built at Charlestown, Amos Binney^ 
Esquire, the navy agent at Boston, applied to Mr. Greenough, 
the chief proprietor, to purchase Smith's hill for the govern- 
ment. Mr. Greenough indignantly replied, that he would not 
sell it now for a quarter of a dollar a foot, and that gave a 
quietus to all applications for the sale of it to the government. 
What the motives of the government were in attempting to 
purchase a part of Noddle's Island, after the navy-yard was 
built at Charlestown, was not developed. It is only a matter 
of conjecture, that, after trying the experiment, they were disap- 
pointed in their location, and attempted to remedy it by pur- 
chasing the place which, they now saw, had superior advan- 
tages to that they had selected. 

Having mentioned my early visit to the city of Washington, 
as it was then called and now is, in the first year of the present 
century, before congress had met there, I cannot omit inci- 
dentally remarking upon the aspect the city then presented. 
Besides the capitol and the president's house, one »»«l-Tr4*»M" 
miles distant from it, each of which made a magnificent appear- 
ance, there were but few other buildings that were fit for the 
inhabitants of the future capital of this great country. These 
were placed upon such lands, by the different proprietors, as 
they thought would soonest rise to the greatest value. Some 
thought that the city would be built around the capitol ; and 
this, from the number of houses which were on Capitol hill, it 
might be presumed was the prevailing opinion. Others thought 
that the president's house would be the centre of the city loca- , 
tion, and they built on the westerly end of Pennsylvania ave- 
nue. The^six buildings, and a few other houses, were erected 
between the president's house and Georgetown. Here Gen- 
eral Wilkinson lived ; while the great projector, Greenleaf, 
exhausted all his means in building up Greenleaf s point, upon 
the Potomac, which he thought was the most favorable position 
for the future navigation of the city. When I afterwards saw 
the place, in 1808, the dilapidated appearance of the uninhab- 
ited houses, which had been erected upon a false supposition, 
. showed that Greenleaf s point was the most mistaken position 
for speculation which could have been chosen, excepting per- 



7 



20 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

haps that of the great building in the pastures north of Penn- 
sylvania avenue, which was erected by Mr. Blodget for a hotel. 
AH parts of the city had an unobstructed view of this building, 
which had in its pediment front the large capitals, HOTEL. 
This drew forth from the witty Mr. Law, brother of Lord 
Ellenborough, and who then resided in Washington, the Latin 
acrostic, " Hoc Omnium Turpissime Est LongeP 

I lodged at Stell's boarding-house, near the capitol ; and as 
there were no hacks at that time, when I went to the presi- 
dent's to dine, the day after my arrival, I had to walk a mile 
antha^ialf to his house, through Pennsylvania avenue, which, 
though laid out 150 feet wide, had no side-walk, except before 
Brown's hotel, one third of the way down, where there was a 
little settlement of a few houses. In the tortuous cart-paths, 
uninterrupted but by the banks of clay thrown out from the 
cellars to make bricks for the numerous buildings which were 
contemplated, the mud was ankle deep. After dinner, at the 
president's, where Doctor Putnam was, the president gave for 
a toast, " The navy-yard at Charlestown." This pleased the 
doctor, and convinced me that the location of it there, was a 
settled affair. 

In the edge of the evening, Mr. Shaw served as our guide in 
a call upon Mrs. Helen and the Misses Johnson, the sisters of 
my chum, Thomas Johnson, at Harvard College. They were 
the daughters of Thomas Johnson, formerly the American con- 
sul at London. One of these ladies was married to the presi- 
dent's son, John Quincy Adams, who was then in Europe, as 
American minister at the Hague. From thence, by starlight, 
Mr. Shaw led us across the fields to Mrs. General Wilkinson's 
party. The general lived in one of the^x buildings ; and, long 
before we reached the house, we heard the enlivening strains of 
a military band, with which his company was entertained. 
Our party consisted of Mr. Ralph B. Forbes, Mr. Sturgis of 
Connecticut, Mr. Thomas B. Adams, Thomas B. Johnson, and 
myself. Upon opening the door, we saw by the light of the 
entry lamp how muddy our shoes were. They were altogether 
unfit to walk upon a carpet, or be seen in a lady's drawing- 
room ; we were going to withdraw, as none of us had an invita- 
tion save Mr. Shaw, but he insisted upon it that we should not 



WASHINGTON CITY. 21 

do so before he had presented us to Mrs. Wilkinson, assuring 
us that we should be relieved from our embarrassment when 
we saw the boots of every gentleman in the room as muddy as 
ours. We were received by the general and his lady with the 
most distinguished attention. He, with his accustomed polite- 
ness, seating the strangers respectively by the side of Mrs. 
Wilkinson, Miss Wheeler of Norfolk (afterwards Mrs. Com- 
modore Decatur), Miss Chase (daughter of the judge of the 
supreme court), and Miss Carroll of Carrollton. To this latter 
lady, Robert Goodloe Harper, a leading member of congress 
from the district 9fi, in South Carolina, had been paying his 
addresses at Annapolis. These had been rejected a few days 
before ; but were most artfully and successfully renewed that 
evening. On our return, we were less embarrassed for want of 
light, as, for the whole length of .Pennsylvania avenue, our path 
was illuminated by brickkilns. My stay was short in Wash- 
ington, passing but one Sunday there, and worshipping in a 
small building under the Capitol hill, and hearing a missionary 
who derived his support there from an English society for 
propagating the gospel among the heathen ! Another occur- 
rence which took place in this city wilderness, where almost 
every other house was a tavern or boarding-house, and where 
the roads were so difficult of passage, was that Mr. Dexter's 
(the secretary of war) new carriage was overset %y a waggon, 
and the arm of his little daughter was bruised so as to take up 
his attention just at the moment he saw his office, to which 
he had recently removed his papers from Philadelphia, on fire. 
This was a circumstance which was made a plausible ground 
for a charge that it was done purposely, it being alleged that 
the administration was unwilling that their deeds should be 
submitted to their JefFersonian opponents, who were shortly 
coming into power. Like a thousand other calumnious charges 
which the virulence of party spirit generated, this was soon 
cleared up. There had been no fire in Mr. Dexter's room for a 
month. It was found that the part of a double house which he 
had hired for his office was separated from the other part, in 
which a family resided, by a wall of the width of a brick of four 
inches only ; the fire originated in the dwelling, and broke out 
so suddenly that the widow, who had just closed the eyes of 



22 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

her husband, was obliged to fly from her habitation, and the 
dead man Avas carried out of the house, now involved in flames. 
It is seldom that so many circumstances concur to render a 
scene so distressing; but they conclusively show that the fire 
was not set by design in the house in which it broke out, but 
was entirely accidental. 

The object of my visit to Washington having been defeated, 
I returned home. Soon after, in March, 1801, the Jeffersonian 
administration came into power. The head of it gratified the 
public clamor against the navy by an order for the sale of the 
public ships, substituting gunboats for harbor defence in their 
stead. These seemed to afford to the public convincing proof, 
that, in the then existing state of public sentiment, no appro- 
priation would be made by congress for building a dock-yard 
at Charlestown, the whole democratic party being opposed to a 
navy. This sentiment was so general that the subject of a 
navy-yard in the harbor of Boston, which had so long been 
desired, was no longer a topic of conversation. 

Some years before this, perhaps in 1795 or 1796, the building 
of a turnpike over the marshes to Salem had been agitated, as 
appears by a communication in the Mercury, dated May 30, 
1796 (Appendix A) ; but it was too expensive an undertak- 
ing to be suddenly adopted, and it was not until about this 
time that su^^eys of the route were made. These were done 
under the supervision of a committee of the petitioners, of 
which Moses Brown, Esquire, of Beverly, was chairman. As it 
was for some years in contemplation before leave of the legis- 
lature could be obtained, the change of the national administra- 
tion took place, and " gunboat Jefferson," as he was sarcas- 
tically called, succeeded John Adams, who had made such 
ruinons expenditures in building mammoth frigates. The gun- 
boat system for a while received the public favor. The decla- 
ration of the friends of the new administration, not only of this 
section of the country, but constituting a majority in congress ; 
the debates in that body, and the official reports of the public 
functionaries fuffy showed, that in their opinion the support of 
a navy was not the policy of this country, and indicated that 
appropriations for it would hereafter be very limited. 

I thought I would avail myself of this current of opinion, 



IMPROVEMENTS. 23 

although not according with it ; and after several personal inter- 
views with the road committee, whose favorable ear I obtained, 
at their request I addressed a letter to their chairman, embody- 
ing my arguments at shorthand, and pointing out tlie advan- 
tages of laying out their turnpike-road across Noddle's Island, 
and building a bridge from Smith's head to the north battery 
in Boston. 

However strange it may seem at this day, when the wharf 
frontage in Boston is all occupied, yet there are many living 
who can remember that half a century ago the wharves in Bos- 
ton above the north end ferry-ways, and those in Charlestown, 
were seldom visited, except by wood and lumber vessels, to 
which a draw in a bridge would be no greater obstruction than 
the bridge to Charlestown did to the same class of vessels 
which had to pass through it. Even the number of vessels at 
that time lying at the wharves in Charlestown and in Boston 
above the proposed bridge was less than that at the south end 
wharves above the Free bridge to South Boston, when the act 
authorizing its construction was passed in 1827. 

No copy of my letter was kept. It was not even recollected 
to have been written until the original was recently shown and 
handed to the writer of it by Mr. Brown's son, Charles Brown, 
Esq., of this city, who found it among his father's papers. Its 
perusal will show that at that early date, even before the writer 
of it was twenty-one years old, he had formed a project of con- 
necting the Island more intimately with Boston than it then 
was. The objections to the place proposed for the bridge were 
thought to be no greater than those against Charlestown bridge 
when that was built, and the road committee so seriously enter- 
tained the proposition, that a survey of the route across the 
Island and a plan of it were made by William Taylor, Esq. 
This plan, which was given to George Peabody, Esq. when 
the railroad to Salem was petitioned for, fell into the hands of 
the surveyors, and is not now to be found.^ By this plan it is 
seen that the distance from Salem to Boston is nearly half a 
mile less than the route by Moreton's point in Charlestown. 

^ Fortunately I have recently received from tlie civil engineer of the East 
Boston Company, Mr. Noble, a copy of the plan above referred to ; and an 
ensraving of it faces this letter. 



24 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

But, in consequence of the administration changing its views 
and giving an order for proceeding with the work, originally 
contemplated, of building a dock-yard at Charlestown, my 
project had to be abandoned. For although a bridge across 
the channel from the Island to the north battery would have 
formed but little obstruction to the class of vessels which then 
would have had to pass through its draw, yet it would have 
formed so serious an obstacle to the passage of ships of war to 
the navy-yard above it, that the projected route over the Island 
was given up, and the original one by Moreton's point sub- 
stituted. 

For several years no new or striking event occurred respect- 
ing the Island. David S. Greenough, Esq. directed the repairs 
and received and collected the rents, accounting with his 
cousin, Mrs. Sumner, or with her son as her attorney, for her 
proportion of the income, and with Mr. Hyvslop for his. And 
happy were they in having a friend of such sagacity and 
incorruptible integrity to take charge of their interests, which he 
did gratuitously. 

The gross rent of the Island at this time was one thousand 
dollars, and after deducting the tenant's charges for repairs, 
which often amounted to a third part of the rent, the balance 
was divided among the three proprietors according to their 
interests. 

Mrs. Sumner died intestate, December 28th, 1810, and for 
myself, and as attorney and guardian to my sisters Mehitable 
and Eliza, I had the sole care both of my father's and mother's 
property until the 13th of May, 1815, when a division of her 
estate and that of her husband, of which she had been endowed, 
was made by the estimate and appraisal of three of the best 
judges of real estate in Boston, — William Brown, Uriah Cot- 
ting, and Ebenezer Francis, Esquires. 

After the appointment of these gentlemen, I requested them 
to estimate the estates at their true cash value and submit their 
appraisement to me, when I would look it over and make such 
remarks upon their estimate of each article (whether it was too 
high or too low in my judgment) as occurred to me, and would 
request them, — after having given due consideration to the 
remarks, which, as an interested party, I should make, and 



DmSION OF ESTATE. 25 

altering their report or not according to their judgment upon a 
revision of their appraisement, — to divide the same into three 
parcels of equal value, marking them one, two, three, and then 
to draw these numbers by lot against the names of each heir, 
and thus make the division among them ; and this was so done. • 

These gentlemen appraised the Maiden wood-lots and Chel- 
sea farm of 392 acres at §12,600, and Noddle's Island of 660 
acres, as they called it, at §22,200. My remarks upon that 
appraisement were, that each of these two estates, in my opin- 
ion, was appraised too low, particularly the latter, as 1 should 
be willing to take it myself at even ten per cent, more than 
that. Upon a revision, they appraised them both higher, rais- 
ing the latter from §22,200 to $25,000. 

As I had set my heart upon this Island ever since I came of 
age, I would have been willing to have taken it at that, or even 
a greater, sum ; but as my sisters relied upon me to do them 
justice as well as myself, I did not see how an unobjectionable 
division could be made otherwise than by lot. To this mode 
of division there could be no objection now or hereafter ; and 
it would obviate those feelings of jealousy which are often 
indulged by females, and frequently not without cause, against 
their male coheirs. 

As I had it always in contemplation, if the Island should 
become mine, by the application of my other means, to make 
it the object of my speculation, I was greatly disappointed 
when that portion fell to the lot of my youngest sister; not 
that I was unwilling to do for her as I would for myself, but 
that my power as attorney and trustee would not allow me to 
apply her personal funds to speculative improvements. I kept 
my eye upon the object, however, in hopes that some oppor- 
tunity would present itself by which it might be accomplished. 

In some preceding part of this relation, I have mentioned 
the fact, that the elder Mr. Greenough declined answering defi- 
nitely the inquiry of Mr. Binney, the navy agent of the United 
States, what he would take for a part of Noddle's Island, (he 
wanted Smith's hill,) by saying indignantly, that no man could 
buy it under a quarter of a dollar a foot. 

Some years afterwards, I think it was in 1824 or 1825, in 
a conversation with his son, the late Col. D. S. Greenough, I 
3 



26 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

mentioned to him, that both Mrs. Gerard and myself thought 
it was a great pity that his father had not availed himself of 
the opportunity of making a grand sale to the government of 
the United States, as he might have done upon Mr. Binney's 
application, and thereby have converted unproductive real 
estate into cash, which the government of the United States 
always paid for their purchases. He answered that he con- 
curred with me in opinion, but that the old gentleman was 
fixed, and nothing would move him. I remarked that I was 
sorry, for that my sister's third part of the Island would lie idle, 
as it had done for years, unless the great proprietors could 
agree upon some plan for its more profitable improvement. 
" Never mind," said Colonel Greenough, " the time will come 
when you and I will have something more to do with it. 
"When that happens, I will agree with you upon some plan of 
operation to bring it forward into public notice." 

There was no movement nor proposition for improving the 
property other than as a farm until the period alluded to, 
which was nearly ten years after the division of my mother's 
estate. Meanwhile my sister Eliza, who had become the sole 
owner of my mother's interest in the Island, was married to 
James W. Gerard, Esq., of New York. This event took place 
in October, 1820 ; but, by their marriage settlement, the charge 
of my sister's property was continued in my hands as trustee. 
Her necessary expenses, from an increasing family, were gi'eater 
from year to year, which seemed to me to be a reason why 
some steps should be taken to render her property more pro- 
ductive. Accordingly I suggested to Colonel Greenough, who 
was the only son and prospective heir of his father, that as he 
would not dispose of the Island to any stranger, but preferred 
to keep it solely for his (the son's) account, perhaps his father 
would let him commence operations for making it more valua- 
ble than it was. I told him if he would obtain his father's 
consent, I would endeavor to get my sister's, and make a com- 
pany of it, as we could then sell out what portion of it we 
pleased to part with, and turn it into productive property. He 
said he would consult his father about it. I addressed Mr. and 
Mrs. Gerard fully on the subject, and received their reply on 
the 23d of February, 1825, and 8th of March following. They 



mLITARY BOARD. 27 

consented to a sale of half of her interest at the rate of $50,000 
for the whole Island, but declined to spend any money upon 
it or to be connected with any company. The next year, in 
August, 1826, old Mr. Greenough died, and left all his estate, 
under certain restrictions, to the management of his son. In 
October of that year I married my first wife, Mrs. Perry, a 
daughter of the Honorable James De Wolf of Rhode Island. 
Soon afterward I w^ent to Washington, having before my mar- 
riage been appointed a member of the military board, which 
was to consist of both army and militia officers, who were to 
convene at Washington for the purpose of devising a militia 
system, and a system of exercises and manoeuvres of the cav- 
alry and light-infantry and riflemen of the United States. 
Of this board Major-General Winfield Scott was president, 
and Major-General Thomas Cadwallader of the Pennsylvania 
militia, Brigadier-General William H. Sumner, Adjutant-Gen- 
eral of Massachusetts, Beverly Daniel, Adjutant-General of 
North CaroHna, Lieutenant-Colonel (afterwards Brigadier-Gen- 
eral) Abraham Eustis, 4th artillery United States, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Zachary Taylor, 1st regiment United States infantry 
(since president of the United States), Lieutenant-Colonel E. 
Cutler, 3d infantry, U. S., and Major Charles Nourse, U. S. A., 
were members. The board was in session several weeks. 
Ever mindful of my project regarding Noddle's Island, which 
I thought might now soon be commenced, I availed myself of 
the opportunity which my sojourn in Washington afforded me 
of examining the records of the navy department, to ascertain 
from the surveys what information they would furnish, and the 
depth of water between the city and the Island. This was 
found to be five fathoms, one fathom deeper than any other 
part of the channel. 

In this report, among other more important matters, Mr. 
Humphrey remarks, that " Noddle's Island presents a west and 
north-west exposure, which is a very cold one." His son, who 
was then the first clerk in the bureau of construction of the 
navy department, very readily furnished such papers as he 
could find connected with the report of his father. This was 
unaccompanied by plans, and was otherwise by no means as 
complete as the modern reports from the different bureaug of 
the government. 



28 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

These papers have before been referred to in the historical 
part of this relation, and there is now no occasion further to 
remark upon them. 

Some time after my return I opened the subject again to my 
sister and to Colonel Greenough. In my conference with the 
colonel, as well as in my letter to my sister, the capacity of the 
Island for city improvement was again enlarged upon and fur- 
ther developed, in case it could be connected with the main 
land by a bridge, and have a ferry established direct from the 
city. The plan then was to run the ferry, from the north bat- 
tery to Smith's head, directly across the narrowest part of the 
channel. My sister's answer, 'dated 28th February, 1828, is 
before me. In this she said, that she did not dare to put the 
whole of her interest into corporate stock, even if a company 
should be formed, and that she wished every thing to be kept 
" safe, safe^- as regarded the little property left her. 

In my interview with Colonel Greenough above referred to, 
I reminded him of my conversation with him years before, 
when his father was living ; and asked him if he was now 
ready to discuss the manner in which these improvements 
should be commenced. He replied (much to my surprise) that 
he believed he should let every thing lie as it was. He said his 
father thought it a valuable property to him, and he himself 
did not know of any estate he possessed which was so safe and 
valuable to leave to his own children. 

It is needless to say that after this no further effort to com- 
bine the interests of the proprietors for speculative improvement 
was made. Every thing went on in the old way ; the third part 
of the rents of the Noddle's Island farm being credited to Mrs. 
Gerard. 

Every door of improvement seemed now to be closed, and 
the building of a new city a vain imagination. Not exactly so, 
however, for the project of a railroad to Salem was soon talked 
of, which threw a gleam of light upon the subject, and which 
would effect the long sought for project of connecting the 
Island with the city by a ferry, if it should take that course, 
without any effort on the part of the proprietors, or agreement 
or concert between them, and which they would receive the 
benefit of, as it seemed, in spite of themselves. At that time 



PROPOSED RAILROAD. 29 

we had but little experience in railroads, and it was doubtful if 
subscribers could be found for the stock, even if the charter 
could be obtained. The expense of building the road on the 
Lynn marshes, and the bridges over their numerous creeks, and 
ferry-boats between the Island and Boston, it was thought, 
would make it too costly to yield an income to the proprietors, 
and there was but little spirit among interested persons to lead 
them to invest their money in so doubtful a project. Accord- 
ingly, the first object was to have a reconnoissance of the route, 
that some approximate estimate of the cost could be made ; 
and the next, to get the stock taken up. For if that could not 
be effected, there could be no use in petitioning for leave to 
build the road. 

At that time, in July, 1831, I was deeply interested in behalf 
of two gentlemen, Messrs. Perkins and Talmadge, of New 
York, who were large subscribers to the stock of the Boston 
and Providence Railroad, which had been surveyed, and was so 
favorably thought of, it was difficult to get any stock in it. I 
told them that I did not wish to undervalue their railroad, but 
that I had a project in contemplation which was worth two of 
it. They wished to know what it was. I told them if they 
would get into a carriage with me I would show them. We 
drove down to the north battery, then called Leach's wharf, and 
I pointed out the route which the railroad to Salem would take 
if it went over Noddle's Island, which, as Smith's hill loomed 
up, seemed to us within the distance of a rifle shot. I told 
them that the route over the Island had been surveyed thirty 
years before for a turnpike-road, and that the distance to Salem 
would be within a few rods of half a mile less than any other 
that could be taken ; but that we intended to have a survey 
made for this distinct object, by which we could better judge 
of its practicability and cost. They viewed the subject in a 
favorable light, but said that they had their hands full then, and 
we parted. 

But how uncertain are human events and the vicissitudes of 
life ! Two years had hardly elapsed since the date of Mrs. 
Gerard's letter declining to join any company for improving the 
property, when Colonel Greenough was seized with an apo- 
plectic fit, which, on the 6th of August, 1830, suddenly termi- 
3* 



30 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

nated his earthly career. He left a widow and six children ; 
but as one of them died soon after the father, there were but 
five to divide the inheritance with his widow. 

William D. Sohier, Esq., of Boston, who was Colonel Green- 
ough's classmate and intimate friend, was appointed the attor- 
ney of the widow, who administered upon her husband's estate. 
Her brother, James C. Doane, Esq., of Cohasset, assisted her in 
collecting the rents and taking charge of the Island and other 
real property which fell to her and her children, to whom she 
had been appointed guardian, the oldest, David S., then being 
but fourteen years of age. 

Mr. Doane was a member of the general court from Cohas- 
set for the year 1831, and, meeting him one day in the State 
house, the question was put to him what his sister designed to 
do with Noddle's Island. He answered that her attorney, Mr. 
Sohier, had advised her to sell it, thinking that the interests of 
the minor children would be promoted by so doing ; for there 
was too much property lying dead without any adequate inter- 
est for minors to hold. Mr. Greenough's estimate of the net 
annual income of the Island for twenty years was but ^702.71. 
Mr. Doane also said, that the friends of the administratrix and 
guardian had advised her to apply to the court for leave to sell, 
and that they were going to do so. I told him at once if that 
was their determination, that I would buy it ; that it had 
always been the object of my desire ; and by making a purchase 
I could unite their interests, if I owned it, with my sister's and 
uncle's, and thus accomplish something that might be of 
mutual advantage, which it was not in the power of any one 
else to do. It was further said by the applicant, that he had 
not the means to do this unless they would give him time and 
accommodation for the payment of so large a sum as it would 
probably be estimated at. To this, Mr. Doane thought, there 
would be no objection, on security. " What does your sister 
ask for it ? " said I. " She has no leave of court to sell," he 
replied, " and therefore cannot enter into any contract ; but if 
she saw a prospect of making a good bargain for the heirs, I 
think she would be willing to apply for it." At an after inter- 
view, Mr. Doane thought if she could get one hundred dollars 
an acre for it, marsh and all, she would be induced to enter into 



NEGOTIATIONS. 31 

a negotiation. " Now, if you want it," said he, " as we have 
discussed the subject, I think I might venture to sell it at that 
price," and on the 21st of December, 1831, he sent me the fol- 
lowing note : — 

December 21, 1831. 
Dear Sir, — A few minutes only were allowed me to con- 
sult my friend, Mr. Sohier, owing to his indisposition. The 
result is not to vary from the proposition which has been made. 
If, therefore, a purchaser can be found for Colonel Greenough's 
part of Noddle's Island at one hundred dollars an acre for 
upland and marsh, I will engage, in behalf of the heirs, to con- 
vey thehr interest in the same. 

Very respectfully yours, 

James C. Doane. 

To this it was replied, that although Mr. Doane was Mrs. 
Greenough's brother and confidential friend, his promise of 
sale, even if the terms were acceded to, would not be obliga- 
tory. " Besides," said I, " your sister will want to confer with 
her legal adviser, Mr. Sohier, respecting the terms and condi- 
tions, before she makes any definite offer. Will you be kind 
enough to ask her to do so, and to name her price and terms in 
writing, and eive me the offer of it?" He did so: and her 



'&' 



gi 



friends, having further reflected on it for two or three weeks, 
and probably considering that a purchaser of an undivided half 
of a farm of 660 acres, as (excluding the mill-pond) they then 
reckoned at, was not often to be found, advised the following 
letter to be sent : — 

Eoxbury, January 12, 1832. 

General William H. Sumner: 

Sir, — I will dispose of the interest which the late Colonel 
Greenough had in Noddle's Island, and now belonging to his 
heirs, for ^32,500, payable one fifth part upon delivery of the 
deed, the remainder secured by mortgage or otherwise to my 
satisfaction, payable at some distant day, paying interest at 
five per cent. — Provided the necessary power to sell can be 
obtained. — Reserving to myself the right to avail myself of 



32 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

the first satisfactory offer to that effect made me, and to with- 
draw this upon six days' notice. 

IMaria F. Greexough. 

This offer was accepted unhesitatingly ; and, on the 25th, a 
memorandum in writing was signed by the parties, specifying 
the terms of sale more particularly, as mutually agreed upon. 

The terms, other than those specified, it was said, should be 
made easy, and no money demanded under six months. Every 
inducement to purchase was kindly held out; but, now, when 
the great object of so many years' exertion was apparently 
obtained, obstacles to its accomplishment, which had always 
existed, but the weight of which was not forcibly felt until now, 
presented themselves. No time was to be lost in getting assist- 
ance towards enabling the contractor to fulfil his undertaking. 
His own pecuniary resources were limited ; and his experience 
in former speculations taught him, that ruin, instead of fortune, 
would attend every project without ample means to carry it 
through. 

Early in the present century, about the time the South Bos- 
ton (then called Dorchester point) purchase was made, and a 
petition for a bridge from South street was presented, he was 
employed by the Roxbury canal corporation to oppose it. The 
plan, if effected, he saw, would enhance greatly the property of 
the projectors, although he was not willing to enter into a pro- 
ject individually which he was employed to oppose profession- 
ally. But, from this the spirit of speculation seized him, and he 
became a purchaser of one twentieth part of Paulus Hook, 
in New Jersey, opposite to New York, at a very advantageous 
price, with the intention to do, what has since been accom- 
plished, — build a city there. But the hard times of the 
embargo and war pressed so heavily upon the project, that he 
was obliged to sell out, and was glad in doing so to get his 
money back. 

The same effect attended another speculation in Boston, in 
which he was the proprietor of sixty shares from the beginning 
to the end. This was the project of John Peck, to whom he 
acted as attorney, and for whom he drew the act of incorpora- 
tion called the Boston Mill Corporation, for filling up the mill- 



PROJECTS. 33 

pond lands in Boston, then consisting of about forty acres, and 
whom he assisted in procuring the releases of the trespassing 
abutters. Wealthy men, such as John Welles, H. G. Otis, 
William Payne, Ebenezer Francis, Robert G. Shaw, Benjamin 
Bussey, and others, became the purchasers of shares, and had 
a paramount interest in the company. To them the assess- 
ments, which came heavily upon smaller proprietors, were light. 

The same effect was produced, though not in an oppressive 
degree, in the Lamb's Dam farm, of seventeen acres, on Boston 
neck, of which he was the owner of one eighth part. This 
property was purchased in 1800, by a company consisting of 
George Cabot, Christopher Gore, William Payne, J. P. Davis, 
and myself, in the expectation that Suffolk street, which then 
ran through it, would be at once continued by the town of 
Roxbury to the main street, near Roxbury meeting-house. 
The petition for this was objected to so strenuously by Rox- 
bury street, that it neither took place at that time, nor has it 
since ; so that the expected rise on the land, which would have 
been consequent upon turning the travel through that street, did 
not take effect, and two of the wisest men in the land and their 
associates had to wait many years for the rise of the land from 
general causes for a profit, their capital lying dead all the time. 

These instances convinced him, that men of money as well 
as of influence were needed for his direct support in so large 
a purchase as Noddle's Island. 

It was necessary also, that the advantages which the Island 
presented for speculation should be convincingly urged to such 
as were applied to, before they could be expected to engage in 
it. If means could be furnished, the only uncertainty about the 
fulfilment of the bargain arose from the guardians getting 
leave of the court to sell. There seemed to be little doubt, how- 
ever, but that would be readily obtained, as the measure w^as 
adopted by the advice of judicious men, of high standing in the 
community, on the ground that the minors could not improve it 
themselves other^-ise than as a farm, as it had been, and by a 
sale they would be in receipt of three or four times the amount 
of income which their portion of it as a farm would yield. 

The general court was in session at the time, and it was 
seen, that, to accomplish the projector's design of connecting the 



34 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

Island with Boston by a ferry, its power would be needed, and 
no time was to be lost ; especially as, if a petition for a railroad 
to Salem should be presented, a direction should be given 
it over the Island, which, it could be shown, was both the 
nearest and best. This route, it is known to you, was finally 
adopted ; and the railroad was laid out over the Island, although 
it has been altered since, much to its cost. Persons of pecun- 
iary means and credit, who, it was supposed, would have influ- 
ence both with the petitioners in procuring the railroad across 
the Island and with the legislature, were selected, to whom to 
broach the subject. The Honorable Stephen White, a gentle- 
man of fortune and influence, who had recently moved from 
Salem to Boston, and was a member of the senate from Suffolk, 
and Francis J. Oliver, Esq., the president of the American Insur- 
ance Office in Boston, and a gentleman of high standing and 
credit among the merchants, were the persons to whom the pro- 
ject was opened. 

After they were satisfied, from Mr. Doane's note of December 
21st, 1831, and Mrs. Greenough's of January 12, 1832, that the 
premises were obtainable by the projector for a price which he 
named, and which seemed to them reasonable, they communi- 
cated to him their wish that he would name the proportion of 
his purchase which he would part with, and the terms on which 
they would be let in to the speculation. The answer was that 
they might take not exceeding one half; and the terms were, 
that each one should be responsible for his own proportion, but 
that the said White and Oliver should advance all the money 
which Sumner should need for his part of the purchase-money 
and improvements until one year after the railroad to Salem 
should be constructed and opened for public travel, if the same 
should be so constructed and opened within the period of three 
years, and, if not then open, in four years at furthest, and should 
pay him twenty per cent., or one fifth part of the profits which 
their investment should yield them. If any additional proprietor's 
interest should be purchased, it should be held by the parties on 
the same terms. These were agreed to, and the outlines of an 
agreement to that effect were entered into on the 26th of Jan- 
uary, 1832, even before leave was obtained by the guardian to 
sell. The purchase was completed on the 21st day of February 



THE INTERESTS UNITED. 35 

following ; and on that clay, by tripartite indenture, the parties 
further covenanted and agreed how they would hold the prop- 
erty ; that they w^ould endeavor to obtain the location of a rail- 
road over the Island, and to have a ferry established between 
the Island and Boston, and an act of incorporation to hold the 
estate as personal property ; and, in case such an act could not 
be procured, that they would convey the same to trustees, and 
manage it by a board of directors, etc. It was thus that these 
two gentlemen, Stephen White in two sixths, and Francis J. 
Oliver in one sixth, became associated with the projector in his 
purchase of one half of the Island, he retaining three sixths for 
himself. 

To make the title certain, an act of the general court was 
passed, on the 18th day of April, 1833, confirming the sale. 

There were many preliminary points to be settled before the 
mortgage and notes could be given, and these were not adjusted 
until the month of June following; but the mortgage and notes 
bore date on the 21st of February preceding. They were 
signed by all the three parties, and six notes at five per cent, 
interest were given, one to the widow for $6,500 payable in six 
months, and five others, each for the sum of $5,200, interest 
annually, payable on the days when each child should arrive at 
age, the last of which would be on the 21st of February, 1852. 

The leading object of the parties now was to buy out, or 
obtain the control of, the remaining half of the Island. But it 
was long before a union of the interests of all the proprietors 
could be effected ; but, by perseverance and a spirit of mutual 
accommodation, this was finally accomplished. Mrs. Gerard 
sold her two-sixth part for $32,500, under restrictions as to 
assessments, etc., one half in cash, and one half in stock of the 
company to be formed, and Mrs. Hyslop (then Mrs. Hayden) 
sold her one-sixth part for $15,000. Although it took time to 
reconcile these parties to a sale of their interests, we were never- 
theless left unembarrassed in our operations, for no objections 
were made to our course of procedure. 

Thus the whole Island came into the possession of the gen- 
tlemen who founded and put in operation the East Boston 
Company, to which organization are to be directly traced aU 



36 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. 

those improvements which have united to make Noddle's 
Island an important part of the metropolis of New England. 

As this letter is only introductory to a detailed account of 
the Island history, it is neither necessary nor proper that it 
should anticipate to any extent the particulars which are to be 
recorded in the succeeding pages. It has only been my object 
to allude, in a familiar way, to my own recollections of the 
Island, and of men and circumstances connected with it, reserv- 
ing the results of investigation and historical narrations for the 
body of the work. 

Hoping that these personal reminiscences have sufficiently 
excited your interest to induce you to turn the leaf and read 
the full history of Noddle's Island, 

I am, my Dear Sir, your friend and servant, 

W. H. Sumner. 



HISTORY 



H I S T Pi Y 



CHAPTER I. 

THE EARLY CONDITION, NAME, AND 0WNT:RSHIP OF NODDLE'S 
ISLAND. 

Noddle's Island is situated at the confluence of Charles and 
Mystic rivers, the united currents of which separate it from the 
city of Boston by a distance of one third of a mile. Its settle- 
ment dates back to the earliest accounts of Massachusetts bay, 
and its history includes many interesting incidents both of a 
local and general character. 

In investigating the circumstances connected with the settle- 
ment and subsequent history of this Island, it has been found 
expedient to examine the records of the discoveries and settle- 
ments upon our extended sea-coast, in one of the most impor- 
tant harbors of which it is situated, and the early charters of 
the Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies. While upon this 
subject, the author addressed some questions to a valued friend 
and statistician,^ who, in addition to the points particularly per- 
tinent to the Island history, furnished him with a condensed 
and complete chronological account of all the early discoveries 
and charters. This paper will be found so useful, its accuracy 
it is believed, only being equalled by its conciseness, that the 
author feels that he would be derelict in his duty to the public 
if he omitted any part of it. It is therefore inserted entire in 
the Appendix.2 

^ T. Russell Jenks, Esq. * Appendix B. 



40 HISTORY. 

Many persons recollect the Island as it was before it was 
conveyed to the East Boston Company; recollect the old 
farm-house and surrounding barns, the little wharf, the bridge 
which connected Camp hill with the rest of the Island, and the 
various appurtenances which naturally belonged to a well-kept 
farm. In the care of this farm, Mr. Williams, the tenant, was 
at one time assisted by John Fenno, a well-remembered citizen, 
who subsequently kept a grocery on the Boston side of the 
Winnisimet ferry, and brought up a large and respectable 
family; several of the sons are now among the most useful 
and active citizens of Chelsea. Mr. Fenno, and afterward Mr. 
John King, who is now living at an advanced age, brought milk 
from the Island to Boston to supply the north end people. The 
Island was then a noted pasturage ground. A gentleman ^ 
who has many recollections of those early times, in speaking 
of this milk business, says, " when, in consequence of a storm 
or a dense fog, the boat was delayed, we boys were sent down 
with our pitchers to get the milk for breakfast; and many a 
scramble I had to be first, which sometimes ended in losing 
both pitcher and milk." Mr. Fenno married and moved to 
Boston, and Mr. King succeeded him as a milkman, and upon 
whom the northern part of Boston depended for their supply. 
One foggy morning he rowed across the channel with his load 
of milk ; but the fog was so thick, resembling that of London, 
that it was two hours before he reached the Boston side. 
About nine o'clock he got into his boat and started for home. 
The fog had become so dense that he could not see a boat's 
length ahead ; still he had been across so frequently that he 
felt sure that he could row straight to the Island. He pulled 
away with a good will, and rowed double the time necessary to 
take him home, but no Island appeared. A little alarmed, he 
kept on rowing, and wondered that he did not come to land. 
At last he heard the city bells ring for one o'clock ! He began 
to be really frightened; and he afterward said that he verily 
thought the Island had sunk; for he knew he had roived over 
the spot where it ought to be I Bewildered, and growing more 



Mr. Geo. Darracott. 



KEMINISCENCES. 41 

find more alarmed as the hours of the afternoon passed away, 
he continued rowing, becoming more anxious and rowing the 
harder as night approached. At last the boat hit something, 
which on examination proved to be the pier of a bridge. He 
pulled along by hand from pier to pier until he reached the 
land, and then getting out of his boat he went ashore, and 
found himself at the end of the old South Boston bridge. He 
had been rowing from nine in the morning until six at nighty 
and after this nine hours' work had made a distance of two 
miles. 

Among the agricultural implements, Mr. Williams had a 
large screw-press for bundling hay compactly, then the only 
one, so far as is known, in the country. The greater part of the 
hay cut there was screwed, and sold for other ports, south and 
north ; much of it was exchanged for wood with the wood- 
coasters of Maine ; the eastern part of that district being then 
a new country, the wood-cutters and lumber-men did not cut 
enough hay for their own use, but were obliged to carry it from 
Boston, in order to keep their cattle in the woods. Now the 
case is reversed, and ship and car-loads of bundled hay are 
sent from Maine to Boston and ports further south, even to 
Mobile and New Orleans.^ 

The Island, ever after its discovery, was a favorite pasturage 
ground ; and during the summer months fine herds of cattle, 
flocks of sheep, and scores of horses, could be seen feeding 
along the green valleys and up the hill-sides. It was a great 
treat for the boys to assist in transporting the horses from Bos- 
ton to the pastures on the Island. They enjoyed the trouble 
of getting them aboard the boats, and assisted in rowing across 
the channel, and as the boats struck the beach, the boys would 
leap upon the backs of the horses, jump them overboard, and 
swim them ashore, resfardless of the salt water bath or the tem- 



^ A remarkable instance of change in the direction of certain branches of 
trade is to be seen in the leather business. Until ■within comparatively a few 
years, Roxbury was a great tannery for the country, and leather was sent 
from Boston and the vicinity to the south ; to Baltimore and other southern 
cities. Now, Baltimore has become the great receptacle of the leather, which 
is shipped from that port to the shoe manufactories of IVIassachusetts. 

4* 



42 HISTORY. 

porary danger. Other islands in the harbor were used for pas- 
tures, but Noddle's Island was perhaps more extensively than 
the others, on account of its proximity to the city and the 
estabUshment of a ferry. For a long course of years, these 
islands were a source of great convenience and profit in this 
way, and especially about the time of the Revolutionary war, 
they were well stocked with all kinds of domestic animals, 
which were brought from the surrounding country. These 
horses and cattle were the cause of many difficulties between 
the Americans and British, and at one time gave rise to a 
severe engagement on Noddle's Island, as will be fully shown 
in another place. 

Noddle's Island was a favorite fishing ground for men, boys, 
and family parties ; and in the quiet days of summer and 
autumn, along the pebbly beach, could be seen the patient 
fishermen, throwing their lines into the restless waters which 
rolled at their feet, and pulling out the incautious fish, while a 
little way from shore, in small boats, which rose and fell with 
every wave, the more expert ones would haul in the small cod, 
tom-cod, and flounders.^ When enough had been caught to 
supply the wants of the party, all would go ashore, kindle a fire 
on the beach, and, in primitive style, fry their fish, or make an 
old-fashioned chowder, and, with a few extras brought from the 
other side of the channel, enjoy their repast with a zeal to be 
envied by modern epicures. Boats without cuddies, and some- 
times larger ones, which went below for fish of greater weight, 
on their return landed upon the Island, and, kindling their fires, 
cooked the fish which they had brought with them. It was no 
unusual thing to see as many as eight or ten fires at a time 



* At that time the tautog, now abundant, was not known in Boston harbor, 
although they were caught in great numbers south of Cape Cod. Joseph Bar- 
rell, Esq., who resided at Cobble hill, in Charlestown, sent his sloop round to 
the back of the cape, filled the well of the vessel with tautog, and bringing 
them home, put them in the water at the end of his wharf. From that time 
this favorite fish has been a frequenter of the harbor, and is caught from the 
bridges. Mr. Barrcll formerly lived in an elegant house in Summer street, but 
becoming tired of his limited acres, and a part of his garden having been cut 
off' to open Franklin street, he bought Cobble hill, (the site of the Insane Hos- 
pital,) and erected a mansion-house upon it, which he occupied as his home. 



1620-2.] ROBERT GORGES. 43 

along the shore, and the parties engaged in various ways, — 
some in looking at their lines in the water with all a fisher- 
man's patience and anxiety, others wandering up and down 
the beach, gathering sticks for the fire, or enjoying the prospect 
and the invigorating breezes, while still others were bending 
over the little fires, tending the fish which they were frying, or 
watching the kettle, which, suspended from crotched sticks, 
hung its sooty sides into the blaze. 

The Island then presented a good picture of early times, 
early habits, and of the men of former days. But the beach 
fire has gone out, and the forge and furnace take its place ; 
the steam-ferry plies where once the little milk canoe made its 
uncertain trips; immense ships and steamboats come to their 
wharves, where once the horses swam ashore ; the pasture 
groi5nd is covered by warehouses and private dwellings; the 
steam-engine supersedes the hay-press ; and, in truth, " old 
things are passed away, and behold, all things are become 
new." And of the ancient frequenter of the Island it can be 
truly said — 

" New streets invade the country ; and he strays, 
Lost in strange paths, still seeking, and in vain, 
For ancient landmarks, or the lonely lane. 
Where oft he played at Crusoe when a boy." 

By patent, dated Nov. 3, 1620, King James the I. gave to 
the " Council of Plymouth " a grant of lands, " lying between 
forty and forty -eight degrees north latitude, and in length by 
all this breadth- throughout the main land, from sea to sea." 

A settlement was commenced by the " Plymouth Com- 
pany," at Plymouth, on the 22d of Dec, 1620 ; and on the 
13th of Dec, 1622, the Council of Plymouth, from whom the 
company derived their rights, gave to Robert Gorges, youngest 
son of Ferdinando Gorges (who had expended X20,000 in 
fruitless attempts to make settlements), and his heirs, " all that 
part of the main land in New England, commonly called and 
known by the name of the Massachusetts, or by whatever 
name or names whatsoever called, with all coasts and shores 
along the sea, for ten English miles, in a straight line, towards 
the north-east (accounting 1,760 yards to the mile), and thirty- 



44 HISTORY. [1628-9. 

one English miles, after the same rate, into the main land, 
through all the breadth aforesaid ; together ivith all the islands 
so If/ing' jrithin three miles of any part of the said landy 

Capt. Robert Gorges was employed by the Comicil of Ply- 
mouth, in 1623, as lieutenant-general, " to restrain interlopers 
and regulate all affairs." He acted under this commission but a 
few years, having died in 162S without issue, when the land 
descended to John Gorges, his eldest brother. In January, 
162S-1629, John (not his brother Robert, as is stated in a note 
to the London edition of Hutchinson's History of Massachu- 
setts, 1765, page 6) conveyed to Sir William Brereton, of 
Handforth, in the county of Chester, baronet, and his heirs, a 
part thereof, namely, — " All the land in breadth lying from 
the east side of Charles river to the easterly part of the cape 
called Nahant, and all the lands lying in length twenty miles 
north-east into the main land, from the mouth of the said 
Charles river, lying also in length twenty miles east into the 
main land from the said Cape Nahant. Also two islands lying 
next itnto the shore between Nahant and Charles 7'iver, the bigger 
called ' Brereton,'' and the lesser ' Susanna.^ " 

Thus it appears that Noddle's Island, whose history it is the 
particular object of these pages to illustrate, the larger of the 
two, was first called Brereton, after the grantee. And as Sir 
^Yilliam had a daughter Susannah, the other was probably 
named in honor of her. This latter, laid down on the old maps 
as Hog island, afterwards received the name of Belle isle from 
Joseph Russell, the owner of it, at the close of the last century. 
After his death it was purchased by the late John Breed, Esq., 
of Charlestown, a bachelor, who lived upon it in a large one- 
story stone house, of great length, built by himself. His brother 
in England is the present proprietor; and it is now some- 
times called Breed's island. 

It appears from the Massachusetts archives, that " Sir Wil- 
liam Brereton sent over several families and servants, who pos- 
sessed and improved large tracts of the lands granted to him, 
and made several leases," but it is not known that he ever came 
to this country. Probably he did not, as his grant was not 
recognized by the company or government ; and, as w^ill here- 
after appear, he was a man of authority and of great note at 



1629.] THE NAME. 45 

home. The largest of these islands took its name, indeed, from 
him ; but then it often happens that an estate is called by the 
name of a tenant in possession, rather than that of a proprietor, 
especially if the latter is a non-resident. Such has since been 
the case with this Island ; for, owing to the fact that Henry 
Howell Williams and his son Thomas occupied it as lessees for 
seventy years, it almost lost its proper name, and was often 
called Williams's Island.^ But the name by which the Island 
has been familiarly known, from the earliest knowledge of it to 
the present time, has been Noddle's Island. 

Conjecture has heretofore been busy to ascertain how the 
Island acquired its singular name, and after all the examination 
which has been made, the question is still unsettled. The solu- 
tion of the mystery, however, seems to be connected with the 
fact, that at the time the j&rst mention of the Island is made 
under that name there was a person in the colony of the name 
of William Noddle, and there can be little doubt that the Island 
takes its 'name from him. He was a man of character, being 
made a freeman, as we learn by the Colony Records, in 1631. 
The grant of the Island by the general court (1st April, 1633) 
to Samuel Maverick, it will be observed, was made to him, not 
under the name of Brereton's or Maverick's Island, as it prob- 
ably would have been had Maverick been the first occupant, or 
had the reno^\Tied Sir William Brereton's claim been respected, 
but by that of Noddle's Island. Now it is not a violent pre- 
sumption, that the person from whom it took its name was this 
same William Noddle, and that he was probably a settler upon 
the Island previous to the grant to Maverick. 

That the Island bore this name prior to the grant to Mave- 
rick is evident. Johnson, in his Wonder-working Providence, 
speaks of Maverick as being at Noddle's Island in 1629 ; and 
Governor Winthrop mentions in his Journal under date of 
December 24, 1630, that " three of the Governour's Servants, 
coming in a shallop from Mistick, were driven by the wind 
upon Noddle's Island, and forced to stay there all that night 
without fire or food." This renders it certain that the Island, 



^ See Snow's History of Boston, p. 11; 



46 HISTORY. [1G29. 

when spoken of, was commonly called by that title. We hear 
of no other person in the colony of that name, unless in the 
mention made in Winthrop's Journal in June, 1632, that " one 
Noddle, an honest man of Salem, carrying wood in a canoe in 
the South river, was overturned and drowned." But this may 
have been, and doubtless was, the same individual, and he prob- 
ably was a bachelor, as his name, so far as we know, has been 
extinct in Massachusetts ever since the upsetting of that canoe. 

If it be inquired, " How did William Noddle get to this 
country at so early a period ? " we answer : — It may have 
been that he was one of the persons sent over by Sir William 
Brereton as one of his settlers, or that he came over in one of 
the fishing shallops which cruised along the coast soon after the 
settlement of Plymouth. Several of these vessels had arrived 
and made fishing establishments at Piscataqua (Portsmouth 
and Dover), Cape Ann, and Naumkeag (Salem). At Merry 
mount, in Braintree, was the colony of Morton. Settlements 
also were early made in Winnisimet and Charlestown (in the 
former place, according to Hutchinson, about the year 1626).^ 
These vessels were more numerous than is generally supposed ; 
for we are informed, that as early as 1632 there were thirty-five 
of them on the coast of New England. Noddle may have 
come over with some of these parties, and been left at the 
Island which now bears his name ; or he may have gone there 
from some of these fishing settlements ; for there are historical 
proofs that there were removals from place to place even at this 
early period. For instance, we have an account of the jour- 
neying of David Thompson, some years before the arrival of 
Winthrop, from Piscataqua to the island in Boston harbor that 
bears his name, and from thence to Plymouth ; and also an 
excursion to this Island, by Miles Standish, the year after his 
arrival at Plymouth. 

That Noddle's Island had been inhabited some time before 



^ Johnson (in his "Wonder-Working Providence," chap. 17), says: " The 
planters in Massachusetts bay at this time [1629] were William Blackstone at 
Shawmut (Boston), Thomas Walford at Mishawum (Charlestown), Samuel 
Maverick at Noddle's Island (East Boston), and David Thompson at Thomp- 
son's island, near Dorchester. How or when they came there is not known." 



1G29.] SIR WILLIAM BRERETON. 47 

the arrival of Governor Winthrop is presumed from the fact, 
that some of the passengers in the ship Mary and John, who 
wished to proceed from Nantasket, where they were put on 
shore. May 30, 1630, by Captain Squeb, to Charles river, 
where they were bound, obtained a boat of some who had 
staid in the country, at Noddle's Island and Charlestown, for 
trade with the natives. This must have been quite a large 
boat, as the party consisted of ten persons, who went to explore, 
and who took their goods with them in the boat. They also 
carried with them " an old planter," as they called him, who 
" had staid in the country and could speak something of the 
Indian language." From the fact that he is called an " old 
planter," and that he had acquired such a knowledge of the 
language as to make himself understood by the Indians, we 
infer that he must have been one of the settlers before spoken 
of at Noddle's Island or at Charlestown.^ 

From the above-mentioned facts the inference seems to be 
justifiable, that the name which superseded the one given to 
this Island by Sir William Brereton was derived from William 
Noddle, a probable early resident upon it. He seems to have 
been the Robinson Crusoe of the Island without his " man 
Friday," and to have cruised about in his little canoe until 
he found a watery grave. 

No regard seems to have been given to the grant of the Ply- 
mouth Company to Robert Gorges, or to the title of Sir Wil- 
liam Brereton, who held under him, while at the same time 
great respect was paid to the latter person as a man. Leases 
were made under this grant, and families were sent over ; and 
Sir William himself was only prevented from coming by the 
breaking out of the civil wars, in which he distinguished him- 
self upon the popular side. As no compromise could be made 
with him, his claim and its litigation were bequeathed to pos- 

• On tlieir way, tlie boat stopped at Charlestown, wliere they ate boiled 
bass at an Englishman's house, but had no bread to eat with it. They sent the 
old planter to the Indians, and he persuaded them to keep at a distance that 
night. The next morning the Indians appeared, and in a friendly manner sent 
some of their number holding out a bass, and our people sent a man with a 
bisquct ; and so they exchanged, not only then but often afterward, " a hisquet 
for a bass." 



48 HISTORY. [1629-30. 

terity. His son-in-law, Edward Lenthall, Esq., of the Inner 
Temple (who married Susannah, for whom the "lesser island" 
was named), in 1691 claimed the lands in the right of his wife, 
but the claim was disowned by the committee of the council.^ 
Hutchinson observes that the grant of the Council of Plymouth 
to Captain Robert Gorges was loose and uncertain, and no 
use was ever made of it.^ That his grant to Sir William 
Brereton also was directly disowned by the Massachusetts 
Company, the following record shows : — 

" lOlh February/, 1629-30. Motion was made on behalf of 
Sir William Brewerton (Brereton), who, by virtue of a late 
patent, pretends right and title to some part of the land within 
the company's privileges and plantation in New England ; yet, 
nevertheless, he intends not to contest with the company, but 
desires that a proportionable quantity of land might be allotted 
unto him for the accommodation of his people and servants, 
now to be sent over. Which request, the court taking into due 
consideration, do not think fit to enter in any particular capitu- 
lation with him therein, nor to set out any allotment of land for 
him, more than six hundred acres he is to have by virtue of his 
adventure in the joint-stock, nor to acknowledge any thing due 
unto him as of right, by virtue of his said patent, nor to give 
any consideration in case -he should relinquish his pretended 
right, but they are well content he should join with them in the 
prosecution of this business, according to their charter, and do 
promise, in the mean time, that such servants as he shall send 
over to inhabit upon the plantation, shall receive all courteous 
respect, and be accommodated with land and what else shall be 
necessary, as other the servants of the company. Which 
answer was delivered unto those that were sent from him ; and 
the court desired also that Capt. Waller and Mr. Eaton would 
signify the company's affection and due respect unto him, he 
having written to them about this business." ^ 

Capt. Robert Gorges, the brother of John, the grantor, and 



* Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 169. 

' Hist. Mass. Bay, Tol. I. pp. 5 and 6. 

* Massachusetts Records, Vol. I. pp. 68, 69. 



1G23.] LIEUTENANT-GENERALS. 49 

the son of Sir Ferdinando, was a man of some eminence in 
that early period of the colonial history, if we may judge by his 
title ; for he was employed by the council in 1623, as lieuten- 
ant-general, to "restrain interlopers and regulate all affairs." 
He was the first person who bore that title in this country. We 
have no recollection of this title having been conferred on any 
person from that time until it was given to General Washing- 
ton, as commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States, 
in the quasi war with France in 1798 ; nor from that time until, 
by a late vote of congi-ess (in 1855), the complimentary title of 
Brevet Lieut.-General was conferred upon jMajor-General Win- 
field Scott, the general in chief of the armies of the United 
States, for his gallant and distinguished conduct in the war 
with Mexico, as exhibited in the victories which he gained over 
the enemy. Thus we see, that, in the course of upwards of 
tw*o centuries, there have been but three persons who have held 
that high military rank. The powers of the two latter officers, 
however, as commanders of the armies, were in wide contrast 
with those of the former, whose limited power as lieutenant- 
general was the very humble one of " restraining interlopers, and 
regulating all affairs!" Notwithstanding his high commission, 
and the extraordinary authority given by it, as his grant was 
not confirmed, he sacrificed his distinguished rank to interest, 
left the colony, and never returned to resume the duties of his 
office in restraining interlopers ; and it is not known who after- 
ward wore his epaulettes, or upon whom his responsible duties 
descended, or whether interlopers were ever afterward molested 
by so high a functionary. Not so with Sir William Brereton, 
the first grantee of Noddle's Island, and the major-general of 
Cheshire, Staffordshire, and Lancashire. Although he had so 
large a grant in this country, he never left England ; for he 
valued his rank and military fame more than he did his exten- 
sive possessions in the new world, and his military honors at 
home "'were greater by far than any he could hope for here. 
His wonderful exploits are recorded in a valuable work, printed 
in London in 1647, and very rare in this country, written by 
John Vicars, and called " England's Worthies vnder ivhom all 
the Civil and Blovdy Warres since Anno 1642 to Anno 1647 are 
related.''^ As Sir William has a particular claim upon our 
5 



50 HISTORY. [1642. 

attention, being so early and intimately connected with the 
Island, it is proper that some of his valiant deeds should here 
be noticed ; and for this reason, and as a matter of curiosity to 
the reader, we quote from the old book just mentioned. Here 
we find recorded in quaint language, that — 

" This most valiant and successefuU Patriot of his country 
was blessed by God with many memorable and famous Vic- 
tories over his Countrie's enemies, as first in the yeare 1642, In 
notably beating that Arch, Malignant enemy of those parts. Sir 
Thomas Aston, ncere Nampticich, utterly routing all his forces, 
taking about 100 of his souldiers prisoners, with many horse 
and Amies, and making Sir Vincent Corbet fly in a panick feare 
for his Ufe. 

" 2. Hee beat him againe most soundly at Middleivich, where 
he took prisoners, Sir Edward Moseli/, Colonel Ellis, divers 
Lieutenant- Colonells and Majors, 11 Captaines, most of all his 
j&eld Officers, about 600 souldiers, 2 peeces of Ordnance, many 
Arms, all his bag and baggage, his Army wholly routed, and 
Middlewitch firmely possessed by this noble and victorious Com- 
mander. 

" 3. He also obtained a most famous Victory over the Earle 
of Northampton, who was slain in the fight, and divers other 
Commanders and Officers slain and taken prisoners. 

" 4. He also bravely beat the E. of Darby at Stockton heath ; 
And Sir Vincent Corbet also a second time at Draighton in 
Shropshire, and took from him many prisoners, horse and 
Armes. 

"5. And in the yeere 1643, he took Wolverhampton, and 
Whitchurch in Shropshire, by a terrible storme, Stafford Town 
and Castle also, and Eccleshall Castle, with all the Ordnance, 
Armes, and Ammunition in them, and much other rich prize 
and booty. 

" 6. He bravely beat the cowardly L. Capell at Lappington, 
and at Leighbridge, where he put him twice to retreat and 
rout, slew many of his men, and forced him to fly into Shreivs- 
bunj for shelter ; he also took Holt bridge by storm, a strong 
Garrison of the enemies ; with his taking of Wrexham, in Wales, 
Haivarden Castle, and Gusanna house, a strong Garrison of the 
enemies in Wales. 



1643.] BRERETON'S VICTORIES. 51 

" 7. He won a most famous Victory of the Lord Capell and 
the Lord Bi/ron at Namplwich Siege ; and Sir Thomas Aston 
also, where he routed all Byron'' s Irish forces, took Maj or- Gen- 
erall Gibson, Sir Francis Butler, and divers other eminent com- 
manders prisoners, together with 2000 common souldiers, and 
bloody Irish women, 6 peeces of Ordnance, above 20 carriages, 
all their bag and baggage, and where were slain in the fight 
about 300 of the enemies, and Byron himselfe forced to fly into 
Chester. 

" 8. He also beat the enemy sorely at Welshepoole in JSlont- 
gomeri/shire, together with Sir Marmaduke Lang-dale at Mal- 
passc in Cheshire, in Aiig-nst, 1644, where he slew and took 
many eminent Commanders and Officers, and brought them 
prisoners to Nampticich. 

" 9. At Tarvin also he most magnanimously beat the enemy; 
and slew Col. Marrow, a most pestilent Atheistical Royalist ; 
and drove the enemy also out ot Worrall Island, and settled 
firmly many Garrisons in those parts. 

" 10. This most renowned Commander obtained a most glo- 
rious Viotory over his enemies at Montg-omery Castle, at the 
relieving of noble Sir Thomas Middletons forces besieged 
therein, where he put the enemy, being then very strong, to a 
totall rout and flight, took prisoners Major-Gen. Sir Thomas 
Tildsley, Major-Gen. Broiighlon, Lievtenant Col. Brovghton, 
Major Williams, 19 Captaines, 23 Knights and Gentlemen, 33 
Cornets and Ensignes, 57 Sergeants, 61 Corporals, 11 Drums, 
5 Trumpets, 1480 common souldiers ; slew two Lievtenant- 
Colonels, 7 Captaines, with many other Officers, 500 common 
souldiers, and took their Armes and Ammunition, bag and bag- 
gage. 

" 11. Hee also took the Town and Castle of Lever poole, with 
all the Ordnance, Arms, and Ammunition therein ; and had 
singular good successe in preventing a dangerous designe of 
Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice to have passed their forces 
through Cheshire into Lancashire, against our Brethren of Scot- 
land in the north. 

" 12. Hee also took the brave and strong Town and Castle 
of Shrewsbury, with all the Ordnance, Armes, and Ammunition 
therein, with very many riches, prisoners, and prizes. 



52 HISTORY. [1645. 

" 13. Hee also routed the King's forces at Denbigh^ in Anno 
1645, and tooke 400 of the enemies prisoners, about 600 horse, 
and many of the enemies slain in the fight. 

" 14. He also took the strong Castle of Beeston with all the 
Ordnance, Armes, and Ammunition therein ; and also took the 
strong and considerable Town and Castle of Westchester^ by- 
composition or treaty, with all the Ordnance, Armes, and 
Ammunition therein, which were very many, and much other 
rich prize. 

" 15. He also took the Town of Leichfield, and obtained a 
most glorious Victory over the Lord Ashley, the last and 
greatest prop of the Kings party at Stow in the Wouhls, where 
he routed the said Sir Jacob Ashless whole Army, took the 
Lord Ashley himselfe prisoner, with divers other eminent Com- 
manders, about 1800 common souldiers, with all their Armes, 
Ammunition, bag and baggage. 

« 16. After this hee took Titbury Castle, with all the Ord- 
nance, Armes, and Ammunition therein ; together with Dudley 
Castle also (a most strong and almost impregnable Castle, in 
the yeere 1646) with all the Ordnance, Armes, and Ammuni- 
tion therein also. 

" 17. And at last after a long Siege his valiant and Victo- 
rious forces took Leichfields strong close, where hee took pris- 
oners 7 Colonels, 6 Commissioners of Array, 2 Lievtenant- 
Colonels, 8 Majors, 32 Captaines, 15 Lievtenants, 8 Cornets, 9 
Ensigns, 21 Esquires and Gentlemen of quality, 700 common 
souldiers, and all the Armes and Ammunition therein ; And 
thus was a Speciall instrument of ending Victoriously those 
our unhappy and unholy Civill Wars." 

Sir William was indeed a valiant knight ; and perhaps it 
was fortunate that he did not come to this country and settle 
on that " bigger island " which for a little time bore his name ; 
for Winthrop and Standish, and their companions, would hardly 
have dared to have come into the vicinity of this renowned sol- 
dier in the " Bloudy Warres," through fear that, differences of 
opinion arising, they might be as " notably beaten " and 
" utterly routed " as " that arch malignant enemy. Sir Thomas 
Aston." 



1628-9.] GAME. 53 

for himself in 1628-9, was in the following year called Noddle's 
Island by Governor Winthrop, from its former probable occu- 
pant. It is also noted by that name on the 5th of July, 1631, 
in an enumeration of the islands in Boston harbor in the public 
records of Massachusetts. 

It was then ordered " that all the Ilelands within the Lym- 
itts of this pattent, viz : Conant's Ileland, Noddle's Ileland, 
Thompson's Ileland, together with all other Ilelands within the 
lymits of our pattent, shall be appropriated to public benefits 
and uses, & to remaine in the power of the Governor & Assist- 
ants (for the time being), to be lett and disposed of by them 
to helpe towards publique charges, & that no p^'son whatso- 
ever shall make any use or benefitt of any of the said Ilelands 
by putting on Cattle, felling wood, raising slate, &c., without 
leave from the Governor & Assistants for the time being." ^ 

At this early period the Island was frequented by waterfowl, 
pigeons, and other edible birds, and on this account proved so 
attractive to the hunters that it was very soon found necessary 
to pass a law to protect the game which flocked thither in 
great numbers. This law or order, which may be interesting 
to sportsmen, was passed on the 3d of April, 1622, to the effect 
" that noe person whatsoever shall shoote att foicle upon Pullen 
poynte or Noddles Ileland. but that the said places shall be 
reserved for John Perkins to take fowle with netls.^^"^ What a 
privilege I None such is granted in these days. Whether the 
ducks or plover which two centuries afterward frequented the 
Island in great numbers were at that time so plenty as to be 
caught with nets, we are left in doubt, except from the terms of 
the statute. Be that as it may, the writer of this, a half cen- 
tury since, in a violent north-cast storm, has known that kind 
of plover called dough-birds, from their superlative fatness, 
light upon the Island in such large flocks and in such a wearied 
condition, that it seemed as difficult for them to fly as it is for 
seals to run ; and Mr. Williams related to him, that in attempt- 
ing to rise on the wing they were chased by the men and boys 
and knocked down with clubs! None are now to be seen 
where once they were so abundant, and even the market offers 

* Mass. Records, Vol. L p. 89. ^ Ibid. p. 94. 

5* 



54 HISTORY. [1632. 

but few at fifty cents apiece I It was remarked by him, that 
they flew by Boston in the month of August, and if the August 
storm passed and these birds were not seen upon the Island, 
but very few of them would be seen in the market that year. 
Often, as they flew over the Island in flocks, they were shot, 
and were sometimes so fat that their breasts would break open 
as they fell upon the ground. It is, however, more probable, 
that the fowl which Mr. Perkins had the exclusive privilege of 
catching with nets were the wild pigeons, which frequent the 
first clearings in the woods, rather than ducks or plover, which 
require no statute to prohibit their being caught in that man- 
ner. It however does not appear on the grant what considera- 
tion was paid for it, nor why Mr. Perkins should have had this 
exclusive privilege. But as the public always like a quid pro 
quo for all benefits received, it is not improbable that he was a 
progenitor of the same family which in our day have so dis- 
tinguished themselves by their munificent liberality to our chari- 
table public institutions. If so, the grant may be easily ac- 
counted for, as the grantors would have rested in security of 
getting a consideration in a full tithe of the earnings of his 
industry. Mr. Perkins, however, enjoyed this privilege but a 
short time, as the Island was soon afterward granted to Mr. 
Maverick for a special consideration, without any reservation of 
this right. 

It appears that from the time of Mr. Perkins's grant down to 
the extensive improvements within the knowledge of the pres- 
ent generation, the Island has been a great resort for birds. 
This is shown in an anecdote in the journal of the Williams 
family, which, as illustrative of this fact, is here inserted, 
although it anticipates the chronological arrangement. 

Says the journal, under date of the 2d of September, 1795 : 
" Tom (Williams) went out with his gun, and returned at one 
with six dozen birds, with the assistance of Harry (Williams), 
who met him at the farm. He would not stay to dine, but 
took a new recruit of powder, and set off again. They returned 
at five, with three dozen more." i 



* The writer here acknowledges his great indebtedness to the politeness of 
John Avery, Esq., of Lowell, for permission to examine, and make free use of, 



1C33.] ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. 55 

Prior to 1633, the accounts of Noddle's Island are very- 
meagre, but with that year commences a series of events which 
constitutes an uninterrupted narration, abounding in historical 
interest. 



the manuscript Family Journal of the Williams Family, a narrative of daily 
occurrences on Noddle's Island beginning with the year 1793, now in the 
possession of Mr. Avery. From this valuable document much interesting 
matter has been obtained, which will be found scattered through the book. 
The volumes, which are large folio, thick and closely written, contain a full 
family history, facts, dates, incidents, memoranda of persons, places, and things 
on the Island and in the city. The narrative is full, going into every detail, 
and possesses great interest to the antiquary. The writer's access to these 
books is one of those fortuitous circumstances which seldom occur, and which 
he duly appreciates. The journal was continued after the family removed to 
Chelsea. 



CHAPTER II. 

SAMUEL MAVERICK, GRANTEE OF NODDLE'S ISLAND; HIS 
ANCESTRY. 

On the 1st of April, 1633, the record states, that — 
" Noddle's Island is granted to Mr. Samuel Maverick, to 
enjoy to him and his heirs for ever, yielding and paying yearly 
at the General Court to the governor for the time being, either 
a fat wether, a fat hog, or 40s. in money, and shall give leave 
to Boston and Charlestown to fetch wood continually, as their 
need requires from the southern part of the said Island." ^ On 
the 7th of December, 1636, the jurisdiction of the Island was 
laid to Boston, and on the 13th of May, 1640, it was declared 
" that the flats round about Nodles Hand do belong to Nodles 
Hand to the ordinary lowe water marke." ^ 

The name of Maverick has been associated with the colonial 
history from its earliest dates, and especially with the history of 
Noddle's Island, the first grant of which, by the general court, 
was to Samuel Maverick, who had occupied it for several years 
previous. There were a number of persons in New England 
by the name of Maverick as early as 1630 ; and the names of 
the Rev. John Maverick, Samuel, Elias, Moses, and Antipas 
have come down to posterity. From circumstances hereafter 
to be named, it seems probable that they were all connected by 
family ties, although it is sometimes difficult to trace the pre- 
cise relationship. The early history of the family is involved 
in much obscurity, which is the more to be lamented as some 
of its members bore a conspicuous part in the affairs of the 

^ Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 104. - Ibid. p. 291. 



1630.] KEY. JOHN MAVERICK. 57 

colony.^ The direct narrative of this book has particular refer- 
ence to Samuel^ the first grantee of Noddle's Island ; but it 
has been thought proper to introduce all the information rela- 
tive to those of the name which a diligent search and patient 
investigation could afford. 

The fact that no previous attempt has been made to present 
a connected account of this family or of any of its members 
has induced the writer to make a thorough search among the 
early records of the colony ; and as the result of his labors, while 
many points remain unsettled, and some errors may have crept 
in through the well-known difficulties attending a search into 
old records, he is able to present a more connected and fuller 
history of the Mavericks than has before been published. As 
many disputed points are thus settled, and others are fairly 
stated, and some important facts recorded, it is hoped that the 
general reader will find much to interest, and the antiquarian 
some dates and items w^hich will gratify his taste for the ancient 
and honorable. 

The most prominent of any of the name was Samuel Mave- 
rick, the owner and first white inhabitant of Noddle's Island, a 
stanch Episcopahan and a firm royalist. Around him as a 
centre, w^e find others of the name among the first settlers in 
Massachusetts Bay ; and from these, probably, have originated 
the few families w4iich have borne the name throughoat the 
country. It is impossible, with one exception, to ascertain 
when these different Mavericks emigrated from England. This 
exception is the Rev. John Maverick, of Dorchester. Before 
going particularly into the life of Samuel INIaverick, a few facts 
will be given, which have been collected concerning his father, 
" the godly Mr. Maverick," who w^as one of the original pastors 
of the first church in Dorchester. 

The Rev. John Maverick w^as a minister of the established 
church, w^ho resided about forty mQes from Exeter, in Eng- 



' There was a Radford Maverick, vicar of Islington, England, in 1603, and 
R. ]\Iaverick, rector of Trusham, between 1586 and 1616 (Mass. Hist. Coll.) ; 
but it does not appear whether those of the name in this country were of this 
connection. 



58 HISTORY. [1G30. 

land,i and, judging from the scattered accounts which have 
come down to us, he was a godly man, a beloved pastor, and a 
safe and trustful guide in temporal and spiritual things. The 
jfirst mention made of him is at the time the pious people 
assembled in the New Hospital, Plymouth, England, and were 
formed into a Congregational church. This was early in the 
year 1G30 ; a year in which " it pleased God of his rich grace to 
transport over into the bay of the Massachusetts divers honor- 
able personages, and many worthy Christians." ^ 

Preparations were then being made for a large emigration to 
New England, or more particularly to the Massachusetts col- 
ony, and Winthrop's fleet was getting in readiness as speedily 
as possible. Having decided to leave their native country for 
an unknown wilderness, or, more truly, compelled to leave, or 
else yield their freedom to worship God how and when they 
pleased, the preliminary arrangements were prosecuted with an 
earnestness of purpose and a religious feeling which made 
manifest their motives of action. The day of this meeting at 
the hospital was an important one to those who were incurring 
the frown of the government by thus assembling. A decisive step 
was then taken, which was to affect the whole future course of 
their lives, and, with the reverence peculiar to those days and 
too rare in these latter times, they looked to their spiritual lead- 
ers for direction in all things. A devout and earnest spirit 
characterized that meeting. Mr. White, an indefatigable pro- 
moter of the colony and a man eminent in his profession, 
preached in the forenoon. In the afternoon, the Rev. John 
Warham, a celebrated divine of Exeter, and Rev. John , Mav- 
erick, who lived about forty miles from him, were chosen and 
ordained by the church as their clerical officers. The fact that 
]Mr. White was present and co(5perated with the others is good 
evidence that the two ministers then chosen were well qualified, 
and adapted for the important station they were to fill. They 
had both been ministers of the established church in England, 
and had, therefore, been ordained by some bishop, as none 

1 Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. *28, note ; Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 128, 129, etc. ; 
Younj^'s Chronicles, p. 347, n. ; New England Memorial, p. Ill, note. 
* New England Memorial, p. 107, etc. 



1630.] MR. MAVERICK'S CHURCH. 59 

other in those days were allowed to preach ; nor, indeed, were 
separate congregations allowed until the civil war commenced, 
in 1642. Such was the rigor of government at that time, that 
Mr. jNIaverick and ]\L\ Warham would not have been allowed 
to form a Congregational church at Plymouth, were it not that 
those who thus associated were preparing to emigrate to New 
England, and were nearly ready to sail thither.^ Cotton Mather 
includes Mr. Maverick in his " First Classis " of ministers, 
which " classis," he says, " shall be of such as were in the 
actual exercise of their ministry ichen they left England, and 
were the Instruments of bringing the Gospel into this Wilder- 
ness, and of settling Churches here according to the Order of 
the Gospel." ^ It is, of course, not probable that Mr. Maverick 
would have been spoken of as in the actual service of his office, 
unless he had been a clergyman, (and of the church, of course), 
previous to the meeting at Plymouth. Besides, he is at that 
time spoken of as " the godly Mr. Maverick," as if he was well 
known, which would not be probable if he had been a private 
citizen. Prince, in speaking of the " eminent and noted min- 
isters''^ who came over in Winthrop's fleet, mentions "ilfr. 
John 3Taverick, and Mr. John Warham, who had been ministers 
in the iccst country. These were the first who came to set up 
Christian churches in this heathen wilderness, and to lay the 
foundation of this renowned colony."^ It appears, from differ- 
ent authorities, that he was older than Mr. Warham, and in one 
place we find him mentioned as the '■'• good old Mr. Maverick.^'' ^ 
This point will have its weight upon another page. 

The meeting at the hospital was a judicious step, fitted to 
preserve union, and secure their civil and religious liberty ; and 
the uniting themselves in a church previous to their embarka- 
tion gave a character and system, and definite purpose, to the 
enterprise, which would be of great use to the members when 
they should arrive in the new world. It is a fact worthy of 
note, that these were the first emigi-ants to this country known 



* Prince's Annals, pp. 369, 370. 
^ Mather's Magnalia. 

' Prince's Annals, p. 281. Also Bradford's Hist. Mass. p. 23. 

* New England Memorial, p. 111. 



60 HISTORY. [1629. 

to have prepared themselves in this manner with full ecclesias- 
tical privileges prior to leaving England. They came to this 
country as an organized church, and immediately on arrival 
they were ready to act as such, and thus had many advantages 
which were to be obtained only from concerted action. 

The meeting at the hospital, and other attending circum- 
stances, are thus recorded in the quaint old style: — 

" In ye year 1629, Divers Godly Persons in Devonshire, Som- 
ersetshire, Dorcetshire, & other places, proposed a Remoue to 
N. England, among w^hom were two Famous Ministers, viz. 
Mr. John Maverick (who I suppose was somewhat advanced 
in Age), & Mr. John Wareham (I suppose a younger man), 
then a, preacher in the City of Exon, or Exeter, in ye County 
of Devon. These good People met together at Plymouth, a 
Sea-port Town in ye sd County of Devon, in order to ship 
themselves & families for New England ; & because they 
designed to Hue together, after they should arriue here, they met 
together in the New Hospital in Plymouth and associated into 
Church Fellowship and chose ye sd Mr. Maverick & Mr. 
Wareham to be their Ministers & officers ; the Revd. Mr. John 
White of Dorchester in Dorcet (who was an active Instrument 
to promote ye Settlement of New England, & I think a means 
of procuring ye Charter) being present, & preaching ye forepart 
of ye Day, & in ye latter part of ye Day they jicrformed ye 
work aforesaid." 1 

Roger Clap, in his Memoirs, gives the same account, together 
with some personal matters. He says : " I never so much as 
heard of New England until I heard of many godly persons 
that were going there, and that Mr. Warham was to go also! 

I then wrote to my father, who lived about twelve 

miles off, to entreat his leave to go to New England ; who was 
so much displeased at first that he wrote me no answer, but 
told my brethren that I should not go. Having no answer, I 
went and made my request to him ; and God so inclined his 
heart that he never said me nay. For now God sent the rev- 
erend Mr. Maverick, who lived forty miles ofl", a man I never 

^ Blake's Annals of Dorchester, 7-10; Gen. & Hist. Register, Vol. V. 
p. 389, etc. 



1630.] THE MARY AND JOHN. 61 

saw before. He, having heard of me, came to my father's 
house ; and my father agreed that I should be with him, 
and come under his care; which I did accordingly. So God 
brought me out of Plymouth the 20th of IVIarch, in the year 
1629-30, and landed me in health at Nantasket, on the 30th of 
May, 1630, I being then about the age of twenty-one years. 
Blessed be God, that brought me here ! " " It was God that 
sent Mr. Maverick, that pious minister, to me, who was 
unknown to him, to seek me out that I might come hither." 

" There came many godly families in that ship. We were 
of passengers many in number, (besides seamen,) of good rank. 
Two of our magistrates came with us, viz., Mr. Rossiter and 
Mr. Ludlow. These godly people resolved to live together; 
and therefore, as they had made choice of those two reverend 
servants of God, Mr. John Warham and Mr. John Maverick, 
to be their ministers, so they kept a solemn day of fasting in 
the New Hospital in Plymouth, in England, spending it in 
preaching and praying; where that worthy man of God, Mr. 
John White, of Dorchester, in Dorset, was present, and preached 
unto us the word of God in the fore part of the day ; and in 
the latter part of the day, as the people did solemnly make 
choice of and call those godly ministers to be their officers, so 
also the reverend Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick did accept 
thereof, and expressed the same. So we came, by the good 
hand of the Lord, through the deeps comfortably, having 
preaching or expounding of the word of God every day for ten 
weeks together by our ministers." i 

The company set sail from Plymouth on the 20th of March, 
1629-30, in " that great ship of four hundred tons," the Mary 
and John. The vessel was indeed a floating Bethel. Religious 
services were held daily, and the pious passengers seemed 
impressed with the duties and responsibilities they were soon 
to meet. The ship, under the command of " one Captain 
Squeb, arrived at Nantasket (now Hull) ye 30th of May, 1630. 
They had agreed with Capt. Squeb to bring them into Charles 
River, but he was false to his bargain, and turned them ashore 
at Nantasket and their Goods, leaving them in a forlorn wilder- 

* Young's Chronicles, pp. 346-348 ; Prince's Annals, p. 369. 

6 



62 HISTORY. [1630. 

ness. They got a Boat of some that had staid in ye Country, 
(I suppose for Trade, for there were some on Noddle's Island 
and at Charlestown that staid in ye Country for Trade with 
ye Natives,) and with their goods rowed (as I suppose) up to 
ye Mouth of Charles River, it being about 3 Leagues. They 
went up the River until it grew narrow and shallow, Intending 
there to set down, it being about ye place where Watertown 
now is. They had not stayed here but a few days but ye Rest 
of their company had found out a neck of land joyning to a 
place called by ye Indians Mattapan (Dorchester), so they set- 
tled at Mattapan. 

" They began their Settlement here at Mattapan ye beginning 
of June, as I suppose, or thereabout, A. D. 1630, and changed 
ye name into Dorchester. Why they called it Dorchester I 
have never heard, but there was some of Dorcet Shire, and some 
of the town of Dorchester that settled here." i 

This Captain Squeb appears to have treated his passengers 
in a most shabby manner. Instead of bringing them up Charles 
river, according to his engagement, he landed the sea-worn 
wanderers with their goods upon Nantasket Point, and there 
left them " to shift for themselves in a forlorn place in this wil- 
derness." Says Roger Clap, " Capt. Squeb turned ashore us 
and our goods, like a merciless man ; but God, even our mer- 
ciful God, took pity on us," etc. On the next day after their 
arrival they obtained a boat from some of the old planters, and 
having laden her with goods and manned her with some able 
men well armed, they went up towards Charlestown to see 
whether the company could be accommodated there, while 
others went to explore the adjacent country for a location.^ 

At Charlestown the boatmen found " some wigwams, some 
few English, with an old planter who can speak Indian, and one 
hoiise.^^ 3 Continuing their course up the river, they landed 
their goods at Watertown. As evening came on, they were 
greatly alarmed on learning that a body of three hundred 



* Gen. and Hist. Reg. Vol. V. p. 390 ; Blake's Annals of Dorchester, pp. 7-10. 

* Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 134. 

' The " one house " was probably the one at Charlestown, " wherein lived 
Thomas Walford, a smith." 



1630.] MATT AP AN. 63 

Indians had encamped " hard by." Fortunately for them, the 
" old planter " had accompanied the party ; for, going to the 
Indians, he persuaded them to leave, and the explorers were left 
unmolested.! This incident shows that this "old planter" 
must have resided here some time, as he had evidently learned 
the language of the Indians, and was sufficiently in their con- 
fidence and acquaintance to exert an influence over them. The 
devout Clap says, with a thankful heart, that God " caused 
many Indians (some hundreds) to be ruled by the advice of one 
man, not to come near us. Alas, had they come upon us, how 
soon might they have destroyed us I I think we were not above 
ten in number. But God caused the Indians to help us with 
fish at very cheap rates." ^ A friendly intercourse was imme- 
diately established between the Indians and the English, com- 
mencing with that most ancient form of hospitality, the offering 
of food. In this instance the Indians made the first advances. 
A shelter was erected here for their goods, but they did not 
remain long, for their companions found a neck of land suitable 
to keep cattle on, and this party was ordered to join them. " So 
we remove to Mattapan, begin the town, name it Dorchester, 
and here the natives also are kind to us." ^ 

The Mary and John was the first of the large fleet of ships, 
seventeen in number, which arrived in New England in 1630, 
having one hundred and forty persons on board.* They landed 



^ Prince's Annals, p. 277 ; Snow's Hist. Boston, p. 25; Young's Chronicles, 
p. 349. 

* Young's Chronicles, p. 350. 

* Prince's Annals, 278. 

■• List of ships Yjjiich arrived in New England in 1G30 : — 



1. Lion. 
2. Mary and John. 

3. Arbella. 

4. Jewel. 

5. Ambrose. 

6. Talbot. 

7. Mayflower. 

8. Whale. 

9. Hopewell. 



10. William and Francis. 

11. Trial. 

12. Charles. 

13. Success. 

14. Gift. 

15. Another. 

16. Handmaid. 

1 7. Another sent out by a private 
merchant. 



See Prince's Annals; Young's Chronicles, p. 311, etc. 



64 HISTORY. [1630. 

at Nantasket on the 30th of May. On the 14th of June, the 
admiral of the New England fleet arrived in Salem. In the 
vessel which bore this distinction came Winthrop and Isaac 
Johnson as passengers. Soon after their arrival, a party set out 
from Salem to find a suitable place for settlement, and in their 
excursion met with the party from the Mary and John. Says 
Winthrop, " As we came home (from Charlestown to Salem) 
we came by Nantaskott, and sent for Capt. Squib ashore (he 
had brought the west country people, viz. Mr. Ludlow, Mr. 
Rossiter, Mr. Maverick, etc., to the bay, who were set down at 
Mattapan), and ended a difference between him and the passen- 
gers ; whereupon he sent his boat to his ship (the Mary and 
John) and at our parting gave us five pieces." ^ The cause of 
this difference was, without doubt, the ill treatment of the pas- 
sengers as before stated. For his base conduct Captain Squeb 
was afterward obliged to pay damages.^ 

Having decided to settle at Mattapan, afterward Dorchester, 
they move thither " by the Lord's day," which they hallow with 
praise to him for his protection, and other appropriate acts of 
worship. Mr. Maverick and Mr. Warham, immediately on 
their arrival, put their already organized church into operation, 
the same day that church-fellowship was commenced at Water- 
town.^ The church at Watertown had not then been organ- 
ized ; that at Dorchester emigrated as an organized body, thus 
conclusively establishing its priority. 

The remainder of the week is spent by the Dorchester emi- 
grants in " setting up cottages, booths, and tents " to protect 
their families, and on the following Sabbath they renew their 
vows of Christian faithfulness by partaking of the sacrament. 
Thus prepared with an harmonious organization, godly and 
honored ministers, and in the full enjoyment of those free relig- 
ious privileges for which they had sacrificed so much, they 
commence the experiment of colonial life. A common interest 
pervades the company ; the ends in view, whether principal or 



' Wintbrop's Journal, Vol. I. p. *28. " Five pieces " — a salute of five guns. 
* Trumbull's Hist. Connecticut, Vol. I. p. 8. 
' New England Memorial, p. 110. 



1631.] ESCAPE. 65 

subordinate, have a common demand on their united efforts ; 
and a deep religious feeling controls all their actions and pur- 
poses, calls into exercise their best affections and powers, and 
insures the security of their highest welfare. In this manner 
did the Dorchester settlement commence, a fine example of a 
firm purpose and determined energy controlled and exercised 
by religious principle. 

Mr. Maverick took the freeman's oath on the 18th of May, 
1631, having made application on the 19th of October preced- 
ing,i and appears to have been active in his duties as a pastor 
and citizen, and an instance is on record of his successful ser- 
vices as peacemaker. Prince states, that, " by the mediation of 
the reverend Mr. Maverick, Warham, and Wilson, governor 
Winthrop and deputy-governor Dudley are now happily 
reconciled." ^ 

An instance is recorded, by Winthrop,^ of the "wonderful 
working of a kind providence," in the preservation of the life of 
the Rev. Mr. Maverick and the meeting-house at Dorchester of 
which he had charge, and which contained the military stores. 
From his ignorance as a magazine keeper, and not having any 
apprehension of danger, he incautiously attempted to dry some 
wet gunpowder in a pan over the fire I The powder ignited 
from the heat of the pan, and, communicating with " a small 
barrel of two or three pounds," which was kept in the meeting- 
house as the only place of safety, exploded. The explosion, 
instead of blowing up the house and all its contents, as might 
have been expected, and thus have left the settlement unpro- 
tected from a savage foe, " only blackened the thatch of the house 
a little^ and singed the parson's clothes.^'' How very fortunate for 
the " parson," that it turned out only a " flash in the pan," 
instead of destroying the meeting-house and putting a sudden 
end to his earthly ministrations ! 

This was the first meeting-house built in Dorchester, and 
was erected on Allen's Plain for the first associated church in 
England which came to this country as such, under the charge 



* Farmer's Register, p. 346 ; Prince's Annals, p. 355. 
' Ibid. p. 401. 

* Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. *72. 

6* 



66 HISTORY. [1635. 

of the Revs. Mr. Maverick and Warham. It was built of logs, 
in 1631, was about twelve feet in height, and was surrounded 
with palisades. In addition to its more appropriate uses, it 
was the place of deposit for military stores, and the place of 
refuge in case of alarm from the savages.^ It is not to be 
wondered at that the old divine should have claimed the meet- 
ing-house, cum privilegio, as a magazine keeper ; for to whom 
could the key of the fortress which contained the military stores 
be committed by the church with more propriety than to the 
guardian of their souls? But, however well versed he may 
have been in spiritual warfare, it is evident, from this attempt to 
dry powder over a fire, that he was not worldly wise in the use 
of carnal weapons. This hairbreadth escape of Mr. Maverick 
is justly reckoned among the many instances of that " wonder- 
working providence " of which those godly people, in their 
emigration to the new world, had so large experience. 
' Before 1635, strange as it may seem, complaints were made 
in some towns that " the people were straitened for want of 
room." At Dorchester and Newton, particularly, were these 
complaints heard, and the ultimate result was the settlement of 
Connecticut.^ Without doubt, other reasons, and those more 
powerful, urged this migration. Bradford, in speaking of this 
removal to Windsor, says that they " hereing of y*^ fame of 
Conightecute river, had a hankering mind after it." ^ Glowing 
descriptions had reached them of the beautiful valley of the 
Connecticut, and the country had been commended to them as 
" a fine place for habitation and trade." ^ In the early part of 
May, 1635, a party from Dorchester made an overland journey 
to the " New Hesperia," and settled at Windsor, where they 
were located when Sir Richard Saltonstall's bark arrived.* 
The company established themselves near the Plymouth trad- 



' Blake's Annals of Dorchester. 

"^ Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 215. 

" Bradford's Hist. Plimoth Plaut'n, p. 338. 

* Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 218. " Hubbard suggests that jealousy had 
something to do with this removal ; for ' two such eminent stars, such as were 
Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, both of the first magnitude, though of difierent 
influence, could not well continue in one and the same orb.' " 



1635.] REMOVAL. 67 

ing house, of which Gov. Bradford complained, regarding them 
as infringing upon the rights of others who had prior possession 
and purchase of the Indians, and the Dutch sent to Holland for 
commission to deal with the new-comers.^ " The greatest 
differances fell betweene those of Dorchester plantation and 
them hear; for they set their minde on that place, which they 
had not only purchased of y" Indians, but where they had 
builte ; intending only (if they could not remove them) that 
they should have but a smale moyety left to y" house, as to a 
single family ; whose doings and proceedings were conceived to 
be very injurious, to attempt not only to intrude themselves 
into y'' rights and possessions of others, but in effect to thrust 
them out at all." ^ These troubles about the right to the soil 
and the different settlements were of a serious nature, but were 
adjusted after a time, although "the unkindnes was not so 
soone forgotten." ^^ This company consisted of about one hun- 
dred men, with women and children, mostly from Dorchester. 
Still cherishing the principles which brought them from their 
native land, they w^ere actuated mainly with the wish to spread 
the blessings of the religion they professed. And as they pur- 
sued their weary journey of fourteen days, they were constant 
in their worship of God, in whom they trusted for protection. 
The dark old forests echoed the psalms and hymns with which 
they lightened their steps, and as the voice of prayer and praise 
ascended to heaven, the Indians were attracted by the strange 
and impressive sight, and "looked on with silent admiration."* 
This removal of the Dorchester people was very disagreeable 
to their ministers ; but as the greater part of the church went, 
the pastors decided to go also;^ and Mr. Warham joined them 
in September, 1636, leaving his colleague, Mr. Maverick, who 
intended to do the same in the following spring.^ But death 

' Winthrop, I. p. *166. 
« Bradford's Hist. Plimotli Plant, p. 338. 

' Ibid. Bradford gives a pretty full account of these difficulties, and the 
learned editor, in his notes, refers to other authorities. — Winthrop, I. *181. 

* Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 222. 

» Vol. IX. Mass. Hist. Coll. p. 148. 

• Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 249 ; Young's Chronicles, p. 480, note ; Bradford, 
p. 36; Barry, I. 219. 



68 HISTORY. [1636-7. 

prevented him from leaving the place of his first ministrations 
in the new world : he died on the 3d of February, 1636-7, 
being about sixty years of age. Winthrop, in mentioning his 
death, calls him " a man of a very humble spirit, and faithful in 
furthering the work of the Lord here, both in the churches and 
civil state ;"i a compliment as high and honorable as it is truth- 
ful and well deserved. He probably died in Boston, and was 
buried in the first burying-ground in Dorchester.^ Nothing has 
come down to posterity which shows him other than a good 
citizen, a devoted pastor, a prudent, and at the same time firm 
and fearless, " defender of the faith," and a sincere Christian ; 
uniting the qualities of citizen, pastor, and patriot in a happy 
manner. 

It is greatly to be regretted, that the records of the lives of 
some of the first settlers are so meagre in their details ; still, 
this very paucity makes us the better study 'and appreciate 
the few particulars which have been preserved. Especially in 
regard to all of the name of Maverick, the strange lack of 
material from which to make a connected account of the family 
is to be regretted when we consider the important part which 
some of the name have borne in the colonial history. 



1 Winthrop, I. *181. 

» Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. 98 ; Vol. IX. 170. 



CHAPTER III. 

SAMUEL MAVERICK; HIS PERSONAL HISTORY. 

Samuel Maverick, of Noddle's Island, was a son of the Rev. 
John Maverick, of Dorchester, and was born in England about 
the year 1602, as appears from a deposition given by him on 
the 8th of December, 1665. Being the son of a clergyman, he 
undoubtedly received a good education (as is evinced by his 
public letters), and thus was well fitted to fill the various impor- 
tant positions which he occupied. As the time of his birth is of 
considerable importance in settling some disputed points, the 
deposition is inserted here entire : — 

" Samuel Mauerick aged 63 ijeares or thereabouts, deposeth 
that sometime last yeare, having some speech w*'^ SamueU Ben- 
net Sen' of Lynne, as to a match intended betweene his son 
Sam^ Benett Jun' & a dau. of Capt. Wm. Hargrave of Horsey 
doune Mariner. The s*^ Bennet sen' did promise that if his 
Sonne should marry w*^ s"* Hargraues dau. he would make over 
to him the house he now Hues in with barnes stables, lands &c. 
belonging to s"^ farme & £80 of stock, w*^ this prouisoe that 
s^ Bennet Jun*" should yearly pay his father during his life <£20. 
if he needed it or demanded it and to the best of my remem- 
brance he wrote so much to Capt. Hargraue. He also tyed his 
Sonne not to alienate the premises w'^^out his consent dureing 
his life. Thus much he testifieth and further saith not. Boston 
Dec' 7'^ 1665 Taken upon oath the 8'^^ Dec. 1665 

Before Thomas Clarke, Commiss. 

[John Gilford Aged 40 yeares, testifies to the same affair.] " ^ 

1 Suffolk Deeds, Lib. 4, fol. 328. 



70 HISTORY. [1602. 

According to this deposition, therefore, he was born about 
the year 1602, and must have been comparatively a young man 
when he first came to this country. 

The questions have arisen, whether Samuel Maverick of 
Noddle's Island was the son of the Rev. John Maverick, and 
whether he was the royal commissioner. These questions can 
be correctly answered, and proof will be presented to show that 
Samuel Maverick of Noddle's Island was the son of Rev. John 
Maverick, and vv^as the royal commissioner. Upon these dis- 
puted points, numerous authors have made the essential mis- 
take of stating that the son of Samuel Maverick, the original 
grantee of Noddle's Island, was the royal commissioner ; and 
even Mr. Savage, who is usually so correct in his facts and 
dates, and is so excellent an authority upon historical matters, 
indorses the same errors when he says : " In the Chronological 
Observations, p. 252, appended to his (Josselyn's) Voyages, he 
(Samuel Maverick) is strangely confounded as the father of 
Samuel Maverick, Esq., the royal commissioner in 1664, with 
the Rev. John Maverick, minister of Dorchester;" and at the 
close of the note Mr. Savage adds, " He died March 10th, 
1664."! 

The learned editor of Winthrop's Journal, in this short sen- 
tence, has fallen into both of the errors alluded to in the quota- 
tions above given, and ^the additional one of placing the death 
of the commissioner in 1664. He evidently supposes that the 
son of Samuel Maverick of Noddle's Island was the royal 
commissioner, and that the first grantee of the Island was not 
the son of the Dorchester divine. In tracing the history of 
Samuel Maverick in chronological order, it will be proper here 
to consider only the question as to his parentage, leaving to 
a more appropriate spot the discussion of his identity with 
the royal commissioner. That he was the son of the Rev. 
John is made perfectly clear by Josselyn, who says:^ "1630. 
The Tenth of July, John Winthrop Esq; and the Assistants 
arrived in New England, with the Patent for the Massachu- 
setts, they landed on the North side of the Charles River, with 



' Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. *27, note. 

2 Mass. Hist. Coll. 3d Series, Vol. HI. p. 377. 



1630.] MAVERICK'S PARENTAGE. 71 

him went over Thomas Dudley, Isaac Johnson, Esquires; Mr. 
John Wilson, Mr. George Phillips, Mr. Maverich^ {the Father 
of Mr. Samuel 3Iaverich, one of his Majestie^s Commissioners) 
Mr. Warham Ministers." 

There can be no doubt that the " Mr. Maverich " here spoken 
of is the Rev. John. It will be remembered, that the Rev. Mr. 
Warham came in the same vessel with the Rev. Mr. Maverick, 
and that both were ministers, with which Josselyn's account 
agrees. Most, if not all, of the other persons mentioned by 
Josselyn, came over in other ships of the fleet, of which the 
Mary and John was the pioneer, and brought the Dorchester 
ministers. Roger Clap's narrative, from which quotations have 
been made on previous pages, corroborates this view of the 
subject; as also does the reliable "Annals of Dorchester," 
reprinted by the Dorchester Antiquarian and Historical Society 
in 1846, from the original manuscript of the author, James 
Blake, who died in 1750. The accuracy and veracity of Mr. 
Blake are proverbial, and " this work was for many years the 
principal authority for all the early accounts published of the 
town of Dorchester." The ages of the two men also favor this 
view, if any thing was necessary in addition to the positive 
assertion of Josselyn, who was his contemporary, and probably 
spoke from personal knowledge. Rev. Mr. Maverick was 
advanced in life when he came to this country, as he died, in 
1636, at about the age of sixty ;^ consequently, he was born 
about 1576. Samuel Maverick was born, as we have seen, 
about 1602, or when the Rev. John was twenty-six years of 
age. These figures, therefore, bear strong evidence on the 
question ; and, indeed, there is no room for reasonable doubt on 
the subject. In addition to this, the fact that all of the name 
of whom we have any knowledge should settle so near to each 
other in the vicinity of Boston is strong presumptive evidence 
that they were connected by family ties. 

Samuel Maverick came to New England some years before 
his father; but the precise date cannot be ascertained. It is 
evident that he was in the country, and doubtless located on 



Winthrop, I. *181. 



72 HISTORY. [1629. 

Noddle's Island, before the arrival of Winthrop in 1630, for 
Winthrop made his house a stopping-place on the 17th of June, 
1630, on his excursion from Salem " to the Mattachusetts " ^ 
(meaning the country lying around the inner bay, Boston har- 
bor), the same excursion on which he met the party from the 
Mary and John. Savage thinks that he came in 1628 or 1629,^ 
and Drake also places his name on the list of those who 
were here as early as 1629.^ Importance enough has not 
been attached to the adventurers who came to Massachusetts 
Bay before the arrival of Winthrop. They are far more numer- 
ous than we have been accustomed to suppose. The fishing 
vessels along the coast were very many, and isolated settlements 
were commenced in different places. As early as 1626, we 
find mention made of planters at Winnisimet, who probably 
removed from some of the other plantations ; * and perhaps 
were of the Gorges company. The conjecture that several of 
the scattered settlers in and about Boston Harbor came over 
with Robert Gorges is a reasonable one. They lived gener- 
ally within Gorges' Patent, whose intended colony was Epis- 
copalian, and Maverick, Blackstone, Walford, and Thomp- 
son were of this faith.^ That Samuel Maverick was at Nod- 
dle's Island in 1629 is evident from Johnson, who says, the 
planters in Massachusetts Bay at this time (1629) were "Wil- 
liam Blackstone, at Shawmut (Boston), Thomas Walford, at 
Mishawum (Charlestown), Samuel Maverick^ at Noddle^ s Island, 
and David Thompson, at Thompson's island (near Dorchester).^ 



» Winthrop, I. * 27, 

* Ibid. note. Oliver's Puritan Commonwealth, p. 419, says that " the arri- 
val of Winthrop found Samuel Maverick, a clergyman of the Church of Eng- 
land, already settled on a flourishing plantation at Noddle's Island." This call- 
ing Samuel Maverick " a clergijman, &c.," is only one of the many unaccount- 
able errors in that remarkable book. The -writer could only have made this 
statement from a superficial knowledge of the man and the family, and doubt- 
less mistook Samuel for the Rev. John of Dorchester, although it seems strange 
how this could have been done. 

* Drake, Hist. Boston, p. 57. 

* Hutchinson, 2d London Ed. Vol. I. p. 8. 
^ Drake, Hist. Boston, p. 50, note. 

' Johnson's Hist. New England, ch. 17 ; Young's Chronicles, p. 150, note. 



1628-30.] MAVERICK'S RESIDENCE. 73 

Farmer also locates him there at that time, but probably upon 
the same authority. He says that he "lived at Noddle's Island, 
the settlement of which he commenced in 1628 or 1629." i 

The learned editor of the Genealogical Register, in a notice 
of a book,^ in which an effort is made to establish the theory that 
Roger Conant was the first governor of Massachusetts, says : 
" Who will say that Mr. Samuel Maverick did not begin his set- 
tlement on what is now East Boston, a year before the arrival 
of Conant ? His settlement was not only never abandoned, but 
it was far more substantial than that at Cape Ann or Salem 
before the arrival of Governor Endicott. Now, for aught we 
can see to the contrary, a descendant of Governor Maverick has 
as good right for his ancestor's title as the descendants of 
Conant." 3 

That very excellent authority, Prince's Chronology, says, 
under date of 1630 : " On Noddel's Island lives Mr. Samuel 
Maverick, a man of very loving and courteous behavior, very 
ready to entertain strangers ; on this island, with the help of 
Mr. David Thompson, he had built a small fort with four great 
guns to protect him from the Indians." ^ This extract shows 
that Maverick had then been in the country long enough to 
have established a reputation for hospitality, and for " loving 
and courteous behavior," which could only have been accom- 
plished by a residence of some time continuance. Edward 
Johnson, who was one of Winthrop's company, says, that " on 
the north side of Charles River, they landed near a small island, 
called Noddle's Island, where one Mr. Samuel Mavereck was 
then living, [1630,] a man of a very loving and courteous 
behavior, very ready to entertain strangers, yet an enemy to the 
reformation in hand, being sti'ong for the lordly prelatical 
power. On this Island he had built a small fort with the help 
of one Mr. David Thompson, placing therein four murtherers to 
protect him from the Indians." ^ That the reader may not 



' Farmer's Register of First New England Settlers, p. 192. 

* The Landing at Cape Anue, etc., by John Wingate Thornton. Boston, 1854. 
8 Gen. Reg. Vol. IX. p. 94. 

* Prince's Chronology, p. 309. 

* Young's Chronicles, p. 322, note; Snow's Hist. Boston, p. 31. 

7 



74 IIISTOHY. [1628-30. 

misapprehend the character of these " murtherers " as inhabi- 
tants of the Island, we have the authority of Phillips, in his 
" New World of Words, or Universal Dictionary," printed in 
London in 1706, that " Murderers, or Murdering Pieces " were 
" small cannon either of Brass or Iron, having a Chamber or 
Charge consisting of Nails, old Iron, &c., put in at their Breech. 
They are chiefly used in the Forecastle, Half Deck, or Steerage 
of a Ship, to clear the Decks, when boarded by an Enemy ; 
and such Shot is called a Murdering Shot." The same signi- 
fication is given by Smith, who speaks of " a ship of one hun- 
dred and fortie tuns and thirty-six cast Peeces and murderers." ^ 
How or when those early settlers, Maverick, Blackstone, Wal- 
ford, and others came over is uncertain ; there is no record 
accessible to enable us to settle the date. Maverick may have 
come in one of the fishing and trading vessels which frequented 
the coast for a number of years prior to the settlement of the 
Bay, or he w^as probably one of those who accompanied Robert 
Gorges to settle his patent.^ Eliot says, " he seemed to have 
in view trading with the Indians, more than any thing else." ^ 
It is safe to record his settlement here as early as 1629, and 
probably as early as 1628 (although he was not taxed in that 
year for the brief campaign against Merry mount) ; and that his 
residence, his locus in quo^ was on Noddle's Island in 1629 and 
1630 is made certain from Johnson, Prince, and Young above 
quoted. Our earliest accounts, then, of Samuel Maverick, as 
taken from those authors who have become classic, represent 
him as a whole-souled, generous, hospitable man, of warm 
impulses and courteous behavior, a royalist and Episcopalian, 
living in a strongly fortified residence on Noddle's Island. Such 
is his character and such his location when he first appears 
upon the page of history. 

But Maverick's early connection with this country was not 



^ History of Virginia, etc. Richmond Ed. 11. p. 208. Breecli loading guns 
have been considered as a modern invention ; but here, as in many instances, if 
■we do not mistake the purport of the definition, a modern invention is but the 
revival of something -well known in former times. 

2 Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 137 ; Winthrop's Journal, Vol. 1*27, note. 

8 Eliot'sBiog. Dict.p. 316. 



1631-2.] THE FREEMAN'S OATH. 75 

limited to Noddle's Island ; for we jfind that in 1631, he, with 
others, had a patent for lands in Maine, under the president 
and council of New England. These same premises were also 
given to him by deed, in 1638, by the council of New England 
and Sir Fcrdinando Gorges. The supposition that Maverick 
was one of those who came over to settle the Gorges patent 
(not improbable, with Robert Gorges, in 1623), gains plausibil- 
ity from the fact that he held this land at so early a period 
under Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and that a " plantation " was 
actually there commenced. It does not appear why Maverick 
made choice of Noddle's Island for his residence, rather than 
his lands on the banks of the " Agamenticus ; " but it is reason- 
able to suppose that the few settlers in the vicinity of Boston, 
Episcopalians, and the probability that INIassachusetts Bay 
would be the soonest colonized of any part of the New Eng- 
land coast, influenced him in locating his abode. The fact that 
he owned land in Maine as early as 1631 is rendered certain 
from a deed, which our in- 
vestigation has brought to — 'T^"'^ /f /^ 
light in the York county ^-■/—-'^^^^^/ l^/<v) n 

(Maine) records. This t/ ^^^''V^^^ / /y <3^^^ 
deed is of sufl^icient im- ^ ^-"^^.—^ /N i^ 

portance in its names and ^ 

dates to justify its inser- 
tion in the Appendix.^ 

Among " the names of such as desire to be made freemen " 
on the 19th of October, 1631, is that of Samuel Maverick ; 2 
but he was not admitted until two years after that time, 
although he had been in the country before the arrival of Win- 
throp and his company, and, of course, before the arrival of the 
charter. He took the freeman's oath, alone, on the 2d of 
October, 1632,3 although not a member of the church. The 
reason of this delay is not apparent. Whether he was pre- 
vented by his business in trading along the coast, whether he 
intentionally postponed it, or whether the colonial govern- 



See Appendix, C. "" Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 79. 

Ibid. 366, 367. 







76 HISTORY. [1631. 

ment was unwilling to admit an avowed Episcopalian, does 
not appear. Hutchinson, usually correct, is in an error when 
he says : " Mr. Maverick, being in the colony at the arrival 
of the charter, was made a freeman before the law, confining 
freedom to such only as were members of the churches, was 
in force, but, being an Episcopalian, had never been in any 
office." 1 

Eliot, in his Biographical Dictionary, page 317, following 
Hutchinson probably, makes the same mistake. It is not so 
surprising to find the error repeated by the author of the Puri- 
tan Commonwealth. He says that these privileges (i. e. rights, 
citizenship, voting, etc.) were conferred before " that monstrous 
alteration of the charter," the " church-member act, " was 
adopted. The general court records must be taken as authority 
on all points therein treated. At the time Mr. Maverick made 
application, there seems to have been no general rule adopted 
as to citizenship, although there was before he was admitted. 
More than a hundred persons applied for admission on the 
same day with him, and it doubtless became apparent that 
some system must be adopted, especially as the freemen had 
just acquired the political trust of " chuseing Assistants." ^ At 
that critical period, when a government was being formed, it 
was important to have some effectual restriction upon the 
crowds who claimed the rights of citizenship, in order that, from 
the mass of emigrants of all classes and conditions in society, 
unknowing and unknown, a proper selection might be made of 
those suitable to control the affairs of the colony. With this 
end in view, the court of assistants not only denied to some the 
rights of citizenship, but even of inhabitancy, and ordered some 
to be sent back to England, " as persons unmeete to inhabit 
heere." Upon these considerations, by an act passed on the 
18th of May, 1631, " to the end the body of the Commons may 
be preserved of honest and good men, it was ordered and 
agreed that for time to come, noe man shal be admitted to the 
freedom of this body polliticke but such as are members of 
some of the churches within the lymitts of the same." ^ 

1 Hist. INIass. Bay, Vol. I. p. 145. 2 jy^^ss. Records, I 79. ' 

^ Ibid. 87. 



1630.] THE FREEMAN'S OATH. 77 

This precaution, which at a first glance might appear rigid 
and bigoted, upon investigation vindicates itself by every con- 
sideration of safety and justice, and as a measure necessary to 
self-preservation. Then follow upon the records, " the names 
of such as tooke the oath of freeman," the first list of freemen 
to be found in the records. Samuel Maverick's name is not 
among them, and he was not admitted until about a year and 
a half afterward, as before stated, when he was allowed to take 
the freeman's oath, although not a member of any church 
" within the lymitts," and known as a strong Episcopalian. 

It is more than probable, that any doubts which might have 
been entertained by the Pm-itans as to the propriety of admit- 
ting a churchman were in the end overcome by the well- 
known characteristics of the man, his intimate business rela- 
tions with the governor at that time, and his prominence in the 
colony as an active promoter of the general cause, and eminent 
by his generous hospitalities. An article on ecclesiastical his- 
tory in the Historical Collections says on this point : " Mr. 
Maverick, who had fixed his tent on Noddle's Island, and pos- 
sessed considerable property when the banks of Charles river 
were settled by our fathers, had been declared a freeman, 
though an Episcopalian, which shows they were less rigid when 
they first came over than they were afterward." ^ 

Josselyn mentions that Winthrop and his company went first 
to Noddle's Island; and this is, doubtless, one of the many 
instances where Maverick exercised his public hospitalities in 
entertaining the new-comers, weary with the long and tedious 
voyage, at his fortified house. 

Says the quaint old writer : — 

"The Twelfth of July (June?) Anno Dom. 1630. John 
Winthrop, Esq ; and the assistants, arrived with the Patent for 
the Massachusetts, the passage of the people that came along 
with him in ten Vessels came to 95000 pound; the Swine, 
Goats, Sheep, Neat, Horses, cost to ti-ansport 12000 pound, 
beside the price they cost them; getting food for the people 
till they could clear the ground of wood amounted to 45000 



1 Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. IX. pp. 47, 48. 

7* 



78 HISTORY. [1G30. 

pound; Nails, Glass, and other Iron work for their meeting 
and dwelling-houses 13000 pound; Arms, Powder, Bullet, and 
Match, together with their Artillery 22000 pound ; the whole 
sum amounts unto One hundred ninety two thousand pound- 
They set down first upon Noddles-Island, and afterward, they 
began to build upon the main.''^ 

Immediately following the above quotation is a sentence 
which curiously illustrates the rigor and watchfulness with 
which our ancestors commenced their civil and social system ; 
and, in the particular instance given, it is by no means certain 
but that such a system might be adopted with good effect in 
our own day. The passage is this : — 

" In 1637, there were not many houses in the Town of Bos- 
ton, amongst which were two houses of entertainment called 
Ordinaries, into which, if a stranger went, he was presently 
followed by one appointed to that Office, who would thrust 
himself into his company uninvited, and if he called for more 
drink than the Officer thought in his judgement he could 
soberly bear away, he would presently countermand it, and 
appoint the proportion, beyond which, he could not get one 
drop." 

The " Observations," after speaking of the landing of " Win- 
throp " and his associates in July, 1630, says : " The Eagle 
was called the Arabella,^ in honor of the Lad// Arabella, wife to 
Isaac Johnson Esq ; they set down first upon Noddle's Island, 
the Lady Arabella abode at Salem.'''' ^ 

Maverick was engaged in commerce at an early date, and 
identified himself with the efforts to promote the success of the 
colony. Although opposed in religious sentiment, he joined 
with Governor Winthrop and Governor Thomas Dudley in 
trading expeditions, a circumstance which shows that he pos- 
sessed the confidence of the new settlers, and that he was a 
man of enterprise and energy in the colony. It is more than 



^ Josselyn's Account of Two Voyages to New England, p. 172, or Mass. 
Hist. Coll. Vol. III. 3(1 Series, p. 326. 

* See an interesting note in Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 70, on this name Ara- 
beUa. 

3 Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. IH. 3d Series, p. 377. 



1630.] TRADE. 79 

probable, that, from his previous residence in the country, he 
had an acquaintance with the coast and with the different set- 
tlements, and for this reason was a valuable aid to Winthrop 
and his company. He was a man of much importance in 
those days of small things ; and was associated with the pri- 
mates of the colony, not in the civil rule, but in affairs of a 
commercial character. 

In Thomas Dudley's letter^ to the Countess of Lincoln, it is 
stated: "About the end of October, this year 1630, I ioyned 
with the Governour & Mr. Mavcricke in sendinge out our pin- 
nace to the INarragansetts to trade for to supply our wants, but 
after the pynace had doubled Cape Codd, she putt into the next 
harbour shee found, and there meetinge with Indians who 
showed their willingness to Truck, shee made her voyage their 
and brought vs 100 bushells of come at about 4 s. a bushell 
which helped vs somewhat. From the coast where they traded 
they saw a very large island,^ 4 leagues to the east which the 
Indians comended as a fruitefuU place full of good vines and 
free from sharpe frosts, haueing one only entrance into it, by a 
navigable river inhabitted by a few Indians, which for a trifle 
would leaue the Island, if the English would sett them vppon 
the maine, but the pynace haueing noe direction for discovery, 
returned without sayling to it, which in 2 hours they might 
haue done. Vppon this coast they found store of vines full of 
grapes dead ripe, the season beeing past wiiether wee purpose 
to send the next yeare sooner, to make some small quantitie of 
wine if God enable vs, the vines growinge thinne wuth vs & wee 
not haueing yett any leasure to plant vineyards." On the 14th 
of March, 1632, "the bark Warwick (undoubtedly named in 
honor of the Earl or Countess of "Warwick, firm friends of the 
colony), arrives at Nantasket, and the 19th at Winesemet, 
having been at Piscataquack and Salem to sell corn which she 



^ Force's Historical Tracts, Vol. 11. ; Young's Chronicles, p. 301 ; Mass. Hist. 
Coll. Vm. 6. Prince says (Annals, 323), " 1630, Octr. The Gov. D. Gov. 
and Ml". (Samuel) Maverick join in sending out our Pinace to the Narragan- 
setts to trade for corn to supply our wants." 

* Prince, in his Chronology, p. 323, says : " This is no doubt the island of 
Aquethneck, after called Khode Island." 



80 HISTORY. [1635. 

brought from Virginia." And again we find that in "1632, 
April 9. The Bark, Warwick and Mr (S) Maverick's Pin- 
nace, go out, bound to Virginia, no doubt for corn." 

In 1635, Maverick went to Virginia to purchase corn, stock, 
etc., and remained there nearly a year, during which time 
Moses Maverick paid rent for Noddle's Island, having charge 
of it for Samuel while absent. Winthrop, in a letter to his 
son,i says : " It hath been earnestly pressed to have her [the 
Blessing] go to Virginia for Mr. Maverick and his corn ; but I 
have no heart to it at this season, being so perilous both to the 
vessel (for worms) and especially the persons. I will never 
have any that belong to me come there if I can avoid it ; but 
Mr. Mayhew hath taken order the Rebecca shall go, if she can 
be met with." 

And afterwards, in his Journal,^ he says : " Samuel Mav- 
erick, who had been in Virginia near twelve months, now 
returned with two pinnaces and brought some fourteen heifers, 
and about eighty goats (having lost above twenty goats by the 
way). One of his pinnaces was about forty tons, of cedar, 
built at Barbathes, and brought to Virginia by Cap* Powell, 
who there dying, she was sold for a small matter. There died 
in Virginia (by his relation) this last year above eighteen hun- 
dred, and corn was there at twenty shillings the bushel, the 
most of the people having lived a great time of nothing but 
purslain etc. It is very strange, what was related by him and 
many others, that, above sixty miles up James River, they dig 
nowhere but they find the ground full of oyster shells, and 
fishes' bones etc. ; yea, he affirmed that he saw the bone of a 
whale taken out of the earth (where they digged for a well) 
eighteen feet deep." 

A letter is on record, which illustrates the confidence placed 
in him in business matters. The following is " A Copie of a 
Letter sent by Captaine William Jackson to Mr Samuel 
Mavericke," viz. : — 

" Sir, — I would intreate yo" that if I should not come for New 

^ Appendix to Winthrop's Journal, p. 465. 
2 Aug. 3d, 1636, Vol. I. p. *191. 



1635.] TRADE. 81 

Encrland that yo" would be pleased to demand of INP Richard 
Parsons the summe of one hundred and sixty pounds sterling 
w*'^ a fourth part of what Voyage he hath made if he haue not 
giuen Account to my Atturneys at Providence & a fourth 
part of a certaine Frigot called the John ; And likewise there is 
one Captaine Growt, and Captaine Breame and Mr. John Win- 
shawe w*'^ hath promised to be heare the next Spring w* is 
indebted vnto me the summe of two hundred pounds sterling 
w'^'* is to be payed in New England, & likewise I left a smale 
Vessel at Providence w'^ is to send her goods to New England 
if it please God she do take any purchase I am to haue sixe 
Eights for the Vessel & Vittailing : And likewise I left at S* 
Chrii^tophers w*^ my Atturney betwixt fourty and fifty thousand 
weight of Tobacco w'='^ he did promise to bring or send to yo^ 
in New England w'''^ if he do I would intreate yo" to receiue 
for my Vse ; either in Whole or in part as he can get it into 
his hands. 

" My Atturney in S* Christopher is Captaine William Eppes ; 
& my Atturneyes at Providence is IM"^ Fountaine 6c Mr. Evenn 
Morgan the Secretary w''^ if M"^ Parsons do take any purchase 
and do come from thence yo"^ may demand the Covenants w'^'^ 
is betwixt him & me for the' fourth part of what I haue w*'* him : 
And likewise one M"^ Stew^ard is master of the other smale Ves- 
sel w"^ is called the Boune Voyage w'^'^ is to bring or send such 
goods as she shall take to New England ; and there to give an 
account of what shall belong vnto mee. 

" Likewise I have sent yo" INIr. Parsons bond, and Captaine 
Growte, Captain Breames and Mr. Winshawes Bond, and a 
Bond of one Captaine Powels w'=^ if he come for New England 
w*^ a Voyage I would intreate yo^ to demand the money of 
him, but if he should come and haue made no Voyage I would 
that yo'^ should not demand it of him ; so wishing yo"^ good 
health I take my leave and Rest. 

" You"^ loveing frend 
This 20tli of 7 ber WiLLIAM JaCKSON." 

1640.1 



» Suffolk Deeds, Vol. I. p. 30. 



82 HISTORY. [1645. 

Maverick also had business transactions with the noted La 
Tour, as appears from an " Indenture of a fraight"'* made 14 
Jan. 1645, betweene Charles of St. Steven Knight sen""' de la 
Tour of the one- part & Samuel Maverick for & in behalfe of 
the Right Worp Sir David Kirke, Knight one of the Lords 
Proprietors of New foundland & Governo'^ thereof of the other 
part Witnesseth that the s'^ Sam^ Maverick in behalf of s'^ Kirke 
hath let vnto freight vnto the said Mosieur la Tour a certaine 
Vessell called the Planter burden 35 tunns of thereabout, for a 
voyage in her to be made vppon the coast of Lacadie betweene 
the Capes of Sable & Britton & for the time of 3 months &c. 
[the vessell to be properly furnished & s"^ La Tour to pay s"^ 
Maverick for s'^ Kirk i half of all the furs & Merchandise he 
shall get by trade w*^ the Indians &c] ' Divers Gents & 
Merch*^ my frends on consideration of my present poore dis- 
tressed condition haue been pleased for my support to furnish 
mee w*^ a quantity of goods to trade w*'^ the Indians (in this 
my intended voyage in the Planter) [amounting to ab* ,£500 
sterling] — engaging to pay sd Maverick in furs &c to that amt 
6 days after his return. 19 Jan 1645. 

" Chevalier De La Tour." i 

A passage in the Massachusetts Records has given rise to 
some discussion as to the character of the " Mr. Maverick" 
therein referred to. The passage is as follows : — 

" It is ordered that M"^ Shepheard, and Robte Coles shalbe 
fFyned 5 mks a peece & Edward Gibbons xx^ for abuseing them- 
selves disorderly with drinkeing to much stronge drinke aboard 
the Frendshipp & att M'^ Mauacke his howse at Winettsemt." ^ 

Were there nothing else by which to judge of the character 
of either Elias or Samuel Maverick, this passage, taken alone, 
would have an unfavorable bearing ; although the strictness of 
the laws at that time, and the severe punishments inflicted for 
small crimes, are well known. On examination it appears that 
a part of the cargo of the Friendship was, " 2. hoggsheads 
meatheg'Hn, clraivne out in wooden Jlackets, but when these Jlackets 



1 Suffolk Deeds, Vol. I. p. 75. ^ j^^^ss. Records, Vol. I. p. 90. 



1631.] MAVERICK OF WIXNISIMET. 83 

came to he received there was left but 6 gallons 0/1/2 hogsheads, 
it being dmnke tip under y^ name 0/ leackage and so lost,''' ^ and 
in another place the crew is spoken of as a " most ivicked and 
drunken crue"^ The probability is that the liquor was drunk 
on board the Friendship, and thence they went to Mr. INIave- 
rick's house. But that drunkenness was countenanced by 
either Elias or Samuel is contrary to all our knowledge of their 
respective characters. And still further, these men so fined 
were subsequently discharged.^ 

There is another record, which reads as follows : — 

" 3d May 1631. It is ordered that Thomas Chubb shal be 
freed from the service of Mr. Sam^' Mauacke & shall become 
serv't to "Will"^ Gayllerd of Dorchester," etc.* Efforts have been 
made, in some directions, to impeach the character of Mr. Mave- 
rick from this record, which is only special pleading. If this 
Chubb had been bound to Mr. Maverick, of course he could not 
change his master without authority, and this record is no evi- 
dence that the change was on account of any misdemeanor of 
his old master. 

In the year 1632, when the colony was alarmed by reports of 
piracy committed by one Dixy Bull, a man of note on the 
coast, the governor and council determined to send an armed 
vessel with twenty men to join others at Piscataqua, and this 
united party was to go in search of the pirate. Samuel 
Maverick's " pinnace " was selected for the purpose, and it made 
a cruise of several weeks, but without success. In the bills for 
this expedition, we find the following : " Paid by a bill from 
Mr. Samuel Maverick, being husband and merchant of the pin- 
nace for a months wages to Elias jNIaverick £2 Paid for 
victuals on his account £2. 5s. Lieut. Mason for his service in 
the pinnace <£10." etc.^ 

"When the name " Mr. Maverick of Winnisimmet " has been 
mentioned, it has sometimes been difficult to determine whether 

^ Bradford's Plimoth Plantation, p. 269. 

* Ibid. 291. 

^ Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 243. 

* Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 86. 

* Drake's History of Boston, p. 148 and note. 



84 HISTORY. [1633. 

Elias or Samuel was meant. In Winthrop's Journal we find 
the following : " 1633 Dec. 5. John Sagamore died of the small- 
pox and almost all his people ; (above thirty buried by Mr. 
Maverick of Winesemett in one day) " and " when their own 
people forsook them, the English came daily and ministered to 
them : and yet few, only two families took any infection by it. 
Among others, Mr Maverick of Winesemett is worthy of a per- 
petual remembrance. Himself, his wife and servants went 
daily to them, ministered to their necessities, and buried their 
dead, and took home many of their children. So did other of 
their neighbors." ^ It has been generally supposed by writers, 
among whom are Savage, Drake, Felt, and others, that this 
referred to Samuel Maverick ; but there are many circumstances 
which go to show that this act of Christian kindness was by 
another of the name, Elias, probably a brother of Samuel. At 
this remote day, and in the lack of positive records, it is impos- 
sible to determine the question. All that is known on either 
side will be given, and the intelligent reader can draw such a 
conclusion as seems most satisfactory to his own mind. 

In Winthrop's narrative, one point is worthy of notice. He 
twice specifies on this point " Mr. Maverick of Winnesimmet,^^ 
as if to distinguish him from Mr. Maverick of Noddle's Island, 
and in speaking of the latter, he invariably calls him simply 
" Mr. Maverick," without giving him any location ; but in this 
case he gives the location, and the most natural conclusion is 
that it was done to distinguish two men. Samuel Maverick 
at that time was well known as the proprietor of Noddle's 
Island, it having been granted to him on the 1st of April, 1633 ; 
and, since all the authorities agree in placing him on Noddle's 
Island from 1628 or 1629, so on through a long course of years, 
it would appear to have been generally understood that that 
was his place of residence. It will be noticed also, that the 
Indians were not assisted until the December following the 
April in which the Island was granted to Samuel Maverick. 
The Island, according to the best authorities, seems to have 



1 Winthrop's Journal *119, 120, note; Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 164; Felt's 
Eccl. Hist. p. 173. 



1635.] MAVERICK'S RESIDENCE. 85 

been his established home before the arrival of Winthrop, and 
here he had fortified himself with his fort, and " four murther- 
ers," arrangements which pertain to a permanent, and not a 
temporary, habitation. Nor would he have protected himself at 
Winnisimet by building a fort and mounting the guns at Nod- 
dle's Island; nor after building his fort there, and after he " had 
fixed his tent"^ there, and acquired a "flourishing plantation," 2 
would he be likely to leave for another place. Johnson locates 
him at Noddle's Island in 1629 ; Farmer also at the same 
time. Drake, and there is no better authority, says that Mave- 
rick's settlement on Noddle's Island was commenced a year be- 
fore Conant's arrival, and that it was never abandoned. Prince 
states that he "lives" on the Island, in 1630, where " he had 
built a small fort." Edward Johnson, one of Winthrop's com- 
pany in 1630, speaks of him as then living on the Island, and 
mentions his fortifications,^ and the records of the court, and 
the histories which have come down to us, all unite in fixing 
his residence there, and speak of it as a well understood fact. 
The two principal reasons, probably, which have led to the 
supposition, that Samuel Maverick was of Winnisimet, are 
that he was the most prominent man of the name and occupies 
a more conspicuous place in the colonial history, and that the 
ferry to Winnisimet was granted to him. But it should be 
remembered, that the ferry was not granted until the 3d of 
September, 1634, almost a year after the sickness of the Indians. 
According to the Records, 1634, Sept. 3 : " The fFerry att 
Wynysemet is graunted to M"^ Sam'^ Maaucke, to enioy to him 
& his heires & assignes foreuer," * etc. He did not hold it long, 
however, for on the 27th of February, 1634-5, Mr. Maverick 
and John Blackleach sold to Richard Bellingham " a messuage 
called Winnisimmet," etc., and " also his interest in the ferry." ^ 
It is evident from this and from other records, that Samuel 
Maverick owned land at Winnisimet, and he probably desired 
the ferry as a mean of intercourse between the different por- 
tions of his estate. He owned a large tract of land on the 



' Mass. Hist. Coll. IX. 47, 48. "^ Puritan Commonwealth, p. 419. 

« Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. XII. p. 86. * Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 126. 
^ Suflfolk Deeds, I. 15. 



S6 HISTORY. [1635. 

Chelsea shore. For instance, we find that about the year 1642 
he sold land there to William Stitson, the father-in-law of Elias 
Mavericke. The record states, that — 

" W"" Stitson of Charlestown, yeoman, sell to Elias Maver- 
icke of Wenesimit w*in the precincts of Boston, all y*^ parcel 
of Land at Winesirait w'^'^ upward of 20 yeares I have quietly 
possessed by purchase from Mr. Sam^ Maverick, 70 acres or 
thereabouts.! (8-2: 1662) W« Stitson 

Elizabeth X Stitson." 

Still, this ownership of land at Winnisimet does not neces- 
sarily prove that he lived there, and indeed nothing is more 
improbable than that he should erect a strongly fortified resi- 
dence, occupy it for years just previous to this sickness of the 
Indians, then move to Winnisimet, and in a short time go back 
to the Island, at which place we find him not long afterward. 
Another reason to show that the Maverick in question was not 
Samuel is, that, on the 4th of March, 1634-5, " Mr. Maverick" 
was ordered to remove to Boston, and not to give entertain- 
ment to strangers, etc. This, unquestionably, refers to Samuel, 
who was so noted for his hospitality, and his hospitality is 
always mentioned in connection with Noddle's Island. 

Reasons like these give plausibility to the idea that it was 
not Samuel Maverick who was so kind to the Indians, although 
such acts would be in accordance with the benevolence of his 
character; while, from the reasons which follow, it is not 
improbable that the man in question was Elias. 

Elias Maverick was born in 1604, and was admitted to the 
church in Charlestown on the 9th of February, 1632-3 ;2 but 
there is no positive evidence, which we have yet been able to 
find, which shows that he resided there. Granting that he 
resided at Winnisimet, the church at Charlestown was the 
nearest one he could join, and the ferry between Winnisimet 
and Charlestown being already established, there was regular 
communication between the two places.^ In the town records 

1 Suffolk Deeds, Lib. lY. fol. 40. 

^ Budington's Hist. 1st Ch. in Charlestown. 

^ Mass. Records, I. 87. 



1633.] MAVERICK OF WINNISBIET. 87 

of Boston 1 is recorded the marriage of Abigail, " Daughter of 
Ellias Mavericke of Winnesimet," 4th of June, 1655. His name 
does not appear on the list of those who were inhabitants of 
Charlestown in 1630 ;2 it does not appear among possessors of 
land there in 1638, nor in town deeds from 1638 to 1665. This 
would indicate that he did not reside in Charlestown. His 
name is not found there as a resident, nor as a landholder, only 
as an active church-member. His locality in 1633 cannot yet be 
ascertained. Some one had been at Winnisimet for a number 
of years, but who, the records do not state. It may have been 
Elias Maverick ; this is supposition ; still it may be so. On May 
2d, 1657, we find " Ellias Maverick of Winnisimmet," planter, 
buying land on Hog island,^ and again in 1662 (2d month, 8th 
day),"^ " Elias Maverick of Winnisimmet," bought land in Win- 
nisimet of William Stitson (his father-in-law). 

Winnisimet was ordered to " belonge to Boston" on the 3d 
of September, 1634.^ Children of Elias Maverick born subse- 
quent to this date are found on the early records of Boston ; 
still, this of itself would not be enough to substantiate the 
point, as sometimes in those early records, names were inserted 
of those belonging in other towns.^ But taken in connection 
with all the circumstances, it seems to favor the idea that Elias 
was living at Winnisimet, especially when we are certain that 
he never resided within the limits of the city proper. That 
Elias made Winnisimet his home is made certain, still further, 
from his will, dated there, and which commences, " Elias Mave- 
rick senior of Winnasimmett." It will be given entire on 
another page. There is a record which states that Anne Her- 
ris became the wife of Elias Maverick of Charlestown ; still, 
this does not of necessity prove that Charlestown was his resi- 
dence. Of course, there were no records kept at Winnisimet, 
and Elias was well known as a prominent member of the 
church in Charlestown, and married a Charlestown woman. 



^ Gen. Register, Vol. I. New Series, p. 203. 

= Budington's Hist. p. 179. 

3 Suffolk Deeds, Lib. 3, fol. 20. 

' Ibid. 4, 40. 

* Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 125. 

« Gen. Register, Vol. IV. p. 268. 



88 HISTORY. [1633. 

From all that has been stated, a natural conclusion is that 
Elias Maverick is the one who is " worthy of perpetual remem- 
brance" for his kindness to the poor Indians. The substance 
of the reason is this : that Samuel Maverick lived at Noddle's 
Island, and there is no positive evidence that he ever lived any- 
where else within many years of the date in question (1633) ; 
Winthrop distinguishes between the two men, in locating one 
while he never locates Samuel, he being a man so generally 
known in the colony. Elias Maverick lived for many years at 
Winnisimet, and died there. He was a member of the church 
in Charlestown in 1632, and for the remainder of his life, so 
far as is known, but he was not a real estate owner there, nor 
is his name on the town deeds between 1638 and 1665. The 
church at Charlestown was the nearest one to Winnisimet, and 
a ferry made communication between the two places. The 
births of his children are recorded in Boston, and Winnisimet 
was "laid to Boston" before these births occurred. 

Except as a matter of curiosity, and for the sake of settling 
a disputed point, this question has no particular importance. 
The kindness performed was creditable in the highest degree 
to the doer, whether Samuel or Elias, and is in accordance 
with the character of both of the men. If it was Elias, it 
shows that Christian kindness was exemplified in his character 
to a remarkable degree, especially when we consider the nature 
of that loathsome disease, and especially before vaccination 
was known. If it was Samuel, it shows the same Christian 
kindness and humanity, only in a higher degree ; for although 
he was an Episcopalian, and as such was debarred from hold- 
ing office, and in adhering to his faith was opposing the wishes 
of the colonists, yet he united with them in the noble work of 
benevolence, subjecting the minor differences of sect to the 
universal principles of Christianity. 

Before closing this point, it should be stated, that, although 
in the printed text of his admirable history of Boston, Mr. 
Drake speaks of Samuel Maverick as the one who buried the 
Indians, yet in the Index, subsequently printed, he honors Elias 
with this distinction, and, in a note to the writer, he says : 
" On referring to my History, p. 164 (corrected copy), I find I 
have written against Samuel Maverick ^ Elias V having come 



1634-8.] HOSPITALITY. 89 

to the conclusion (after I had printed), that the ' Mr. Maverick' 
was Elias, and not SamueV^ Mr. Drake, from his thorough 
research, is probably as well qualified to judge on this point as 
any man living. Of course, a single date, locating Elias or 
Samuel in the year 1633, would decide the question ; and it is 
possible that such a date may yet be found, although the most 
patient research has as yet failed of so doing. 

With the destruction of the records at the burning of Charles- 
town in 1776 perished the records of the Maverick family;^ and 
this accounts for much of the difficulty in settling doubtful 
points. 

In March, 1634, it was agreed by the general court that 
" noe wood shalbe felled at any of the islands nor elsewhere, 
vntill they bee lotted out, but att Muddy Ryver, Dorchester 
Necke or Noddles Island ; y* all y® wood as yet left vpon y* 
Necke of land towards Roxburie, shall bee gathered vp and 
layd or heaped in pyles " before the seventh day of April next. 

In the month previous to this regulation by the general 
court, the Town of Boston had passed the following order ^r — 
" Y' all the inhabitants shall plant eyther upon such ground as 
is alreadie broken up or enclosed in the neck,^ or else upon the 
ground at Noddles Island from Mr. Maverick's grant, and that 
every able man fitt to plant shall have allowed him two acres 
to plant on, & for able youth one acre, to be allotted out by 
Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Cogan, Mr. Sampford, & Wm. Cheese- 
borough, & Mr. Brenton or any three of themP 

The hospitality of Maverick's mansion seems to have been 
generally acknowledged. 

Josselyn, who made a voyage to this country in 1638, in the 
" New Supphj^ alias the Nicholas of London," has given an 
interesting narrative.* He arrived " before Boston," after a pas- 
sage across the Atlantic of about seventy days, July 3d, 1638, 

^ On the authority of N. B. Mountfbrt, Esq., of New York City, a descendant 
of Maverick. 

- Town Records, Vol. I. p. 2, 

* Meaning the whole of the peninsula. 

* Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. III. 3d Ser. p. 220, 226. 

8* 



90 HISTORY. [1638. 

and after staying aboard a week, on the tenth of July he "went 
ashore upon Noddle's Island to Mr. Samuel Maverick (for his 
passage), the only hospitable man in all the country, giving 
entertainment to all comers gratis^ " Having refreshed him- 
self for a day or two upon Noddle's Island," he crossed to Bos- 
ton, " which was then a village of not above twenty or thirty 
houses ; and presenting his respects to Mr. Winthrope the Gov- 
ernor, and to Mr. Cotton the Teacher of Boston church, to whom 
he delivered from Mr. Francis Quarles, the poet, the translation 
of the 16, 25, 51, 88, 113, and 137 psalms into English Meeter, 
for his approbation, being civilly treated by all I had occasion 
to converse with, I returned in the Evening to my lodging. 

" The Twelfth day of Juli/ after I had taken my leave of 
Mr. Maverick, and some other Gentlemen I took Boat for the 
Eastern parts of the Countrie," etc. Upon his return, he says, 
" The Thirtieth day of September I went ashore upon Noddles- 
Island, where when I was come to Mr. Maverick^ s he would 
not let me go aboard no more, until the ship was ready to set 
sail." 1 

These extracts from Josselyn show in the plainest manner 
the character and reputation which Mr. Maverick had secured 
as a hospitable and generous man, and wherever his name is 
mentioned by writers of that time, this description is universally 
sustained. 

Samuel Maverick w^as one of the earliest (if not the ear- 
liest) of slaveholders in Massachusetts. A Captain William 
Pierce, who was a prominent person in the early years of the 
colony, carried to the West Indies, in 1637, some captive 
Pequods to sell for slaves. On his return from the Tortugas, 
26th Feb., 1638, he had as a part of his cargo a number of 
negroes. These appear to have been purchased by Samuel 
Maverick and others. " This is the first notice," says Felt in 
his Annals of Salem, " that we have of this disfranchised 
class." 2 At no period in the history of Massachusetts does it 
appear that slavery was viewed with favor by the people at 
large, while on the contrary it was repugnant to the feelings of 



» Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. HI. 3d Ser. p. 231. 
* Felt's Annals of Salem, Vol. I. p. 414. 



1639.] SLAVERY. 91 

the Puritans, and was looked upon with abhorrence. Yet, now 
and then two or three negroes at a time were brought from Bar- 
badoes and other British colonies and sold for about twenty- 
pounds apiece, and as late as 1678 there were more than a 
hundred slaves in the Massachusetts colony. So that this cruise 
of Pierce's, and this purchase by Maverick and others, were not 
solitary instances, which make them to our enlightened views 
sinners above all others, but composed part of a series of similar 
cases, which, at that time, were looked upon in a far different 
light from the views which are at the present day entertained. 

It is doubtless in reference to these same slaves, that Mr. 
Josselyn relates an incident, which at this day cannot be justi- 
fied, but which truth in a historical narrative demands to be 
recorded : — 

" 1639. The 2d of October, about 9 of the clock in the 
morning, Mr. Maverick's negro woman came to my chamber 
window, and in her own country's language and tune sang very 
loud and shrill ; going out to her, she used a great deal of 
respect towards me, and willingly would have expressed her 
grief in English ; but I apprehended it by her countenance and 
deportment, whereupon I repaired to my host, to learn of him 
the cause, and resolved to entreat him in her behalf, for that I 
understood before that she had been a queen in her own coun- 
try, and observed a very humble and dutiful garb used toward 
her by another negro who was her maid. Mr. INIaverick was 
desirous to have a breed -of negroes, and therefore seeing she 
would not yield by persuasions to company with a negro young 
man he had in his house, he commanded him, nill'd he, nill'd 
she, to go to bed to her, which was no sooner done but she 
kicked him out again. This she took in high disdain beyond 
her slavery, and this was the cause of her grief." ^ 

It must be remembered, that this was more than two hundred 
years ago, and that public sentiment then was not aroused to 
the moral and social evils of slavery, and the whole subject 
was looked upon in an entirely different light from what it now 
is ; and while we with our present feelings and belief do justly 



Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. in. 3d Series, p. 231. 



92 HISTORY. [1639. 

condemn such conduct as is here referred to, although it then 
was, and now is, a common practice in slave countries, we shall 
do well to ask ourselves whether parallel instances are not 
numerous in our day, in the West Indies and in our own coun- 
try, and to consider that these latter cases, committed in the full 
flood of moral, intellectual, and religious light of the nineteenth 
century, are beyond comparison more blameworthy than similar 
occurrences two hundred years ago. 

Josselyn ^ also speaks very feelingly of an incident of a dif- 
ferent nature, that occurred to himself. " The same day" (Oct. 
2d, 1639), he says, "in the afternoon, I walked into the woods 
on the back side of the house, and happening into a fine broad 
walk (which was a sledg-way), I wandered till I chanced to 
spye a fruit, as I thought, like a pine-apple plated with scales ; 
it was as big as the crown of a woman's hat. I made bold to 
step unto it, with an intent to have gathered it ; no sooner had 
I toucht it but hundreds of Wasps were about me ; at last I 
cleared myself from them, being stung only by one on the 
upper lip. Glad I was that I scaped so well ; but by that time 
I was come into the house, my lip was swell'd so extreamly, 
that they hardly knew me but by my garments." • 

Johnson cites Henry Gardner, who speaks of Maverick as. 
the " most hospitable man for entertainment of people of all 
sorts." 2 He doubtless extended his hospitalities to persons 
who sympathized with him in religious sentiment, and who, of 
course, were obnoxious to the government on that account. At 
this time the colonial authorities were exceedingly apprehen- 
sive of efforts to establish Episcopacy here. They had left 
England for the purpose of enjoying their own views, and 
were determined that that form of religion from which they had 
willingly and at great sacrifice exiled themselves should not 
follow them. While this state of mind, and the corresponding 
actions, under the circumstances were necessary for their self- 



^ It is a curious fact, that (26th June, 1639) Mr. Josselyn was visited by 
some neighboring gentlemen, who, " amongst variety of discourse," told him 
of a " ■s.^di-serpent or Snake, that lay quoiled up like a Cable upon a Rock at 
Cape Ann," considered by the Indians dangerous if molested. 

* Young's Chronicles, p. 322, note. 



1634-5.] EPISCOPACY. 93 

preservation, and thus were justifiable on that ground, still the 
effects in individual cases were often unhappy, and, at this lapse 
of time, appear harsh and unjust. In England there was a 
concerted plan to uproot Puritanism and establish Episcopacy. 
Laud, and other commissioners for this country, issued orders 
that none should leave the realm for New England without 
certificates of having taken the oath of supremacy and alle- 
giance, and of being conformists to the discipline of the 
national church.^ The court party felt that some decisive 
action must be taken, or else the Puritan colonists would get 
beyond their control. In furtherance of the plan, the Plymouth 
council agreed to surrender their charter to the crown, provided 
they could distribute their territory among members of their 
own body, and in the presence of his majesty they drew lots 
for the twelve royal provinces into which the territory had been 
divided. Thus the plan was in progress to establish the 
supremacy of the king and the authority of the bishops. 

Says Winthrop : " It appeared likewise, by a copy of a peti- 
tion sent over to us, that they had divided all this country of 
New England, viz., between St. Croix in the east, and that of 
Lord Baltimore, called Maryland, into twelve provinces, dis- 
posed to twelve in England, who should send each ten men to 
attend the general governour coming over ; but the project took 
not effect. The Lord frustrated their design." ^ 

This is not the place to go into the details of this contest 
between the colonists and the church royalists. With increas- 
ing apprehension that a new governor would be brought to 
their shores, forcibly dissolve it, and carry out the proposed 
plan, the general court passed an order that no person should 
visit any ship without leave from some assistants until she had 
been anchored twenty-four hours at Nantasket, or some other 
harbor, nor then unless it was evident that she was manned 
with friends. A beacon was ordered to be set up on Sentry 
hill, a watchman was stationed there, and a board of war was 
appointed to meet the emergency in case of a sudden invasion. 
This board was authorized to make every preparation for 



> Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 203. ^ ^yiuthrop's Journal, Vol. I. *161. 



94 HISTORY. [1635 

defence ; to confine persons suspected of treasonable purposes 
against the commonwealth ; fines were imposed, oaths of 
fidelity required, and every possible measure taken to protect 
themselves from the impending evil. 

This brief statement is made to explain the following order 
of the general court in relation to Samuel Maverick, on the 4th 
of March, 1634-5, in the midst of these exciting times. It 
was ordered that he should, "before the last of December nexte, 
remove his habitation for himselfe and his family to Boston, 
and in the mean tyme shall not give entertainment to any 
strangers for a longer tyme than one night without leave from 
some Assistant, and all this to be done under the penalty of 
iSlOO." ^ As he was an Episcopalian, and noted for hospital- 
ity to " all new-comers," he was doubtless put under these 
restrictions from fear lest he might have visitors for the pur- 
pose of promoting the introduction of the appointed govern- 
ment of New England.2 This injunction was not of long dura- 
tion, however, as it was countermanded in the September ses- 
sion. Felt says, " The suspicion against Samuel Maverick, as 
a staunch Episcopalian, having lessened, the injunction for his 
removal to Boston is repealed." ^ 

There is but little doubt that the authorities were jealous or 
suspicious of ]\lr. Maverick, as indeed they were of all who 
held views contrary to their own ; and it is probable that the 
severe treatment he received at their hands influenced his sub- 
sequent conduct. He does not come under the head of the 
" pilgrim fathers." He was an Episcopalian and a royalist, 
evidently a good liver, a whole-souled, jovial Englishman, gen- 
erous and kind, but not sympathizing with the Puritans in 
their peculiarities. Probably of a firm disposition, and not 
inclined to be subservient to the dictation of others, he natu- 
rally came in conflict with the more rigid rules of his neighbors. 
Possessing these traits of character, he was not a favorite with 
the colonial government, and, in turn, he had no great respect 



^ Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 140. 

' Felt's Eecl. Hist. N. E. p. 208. In this valuable work a brief but good 
account of this controversy can be found. 

^ Mass. Records, Vol I. p. 159 ; Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 227. 



1639.] GOVERNOR VAXE. 95 

for it, especially as he found it vacillating in its actions in 
most important matters relating to the welfare of the colony. 
And still he was always found ready to unite with the colo- 
nists, and do his full share in any public undertaking. 

At the time of the exciting controversies between the Legal- 
ists and Antinomians so-called, the differences grew so great 
that they tended fast to a separation, and to the breaking up of 
social intercourse. Governor Winthrop, in July, 1637, invited 
the late governor, Henry Vane, to accompany the Lord Ley 
at dinner at his house. But Vane not only refused to come 
(alleging by letter that his conscience withheld him), but also 
at the same hour he went over to Noddle's Island to dine with 
Mr. Maverick, and took Lord Ley with him.i This incident 
shows that Maverick continued his hospitalities, and was on 
familiar terms with the chief men of the colony. 

Vane was " a true friend to New England, and a man of 
noble and generous mind."^ Winthrop was his rival, and per- 
haps did not treat him so well as he probably wished he had 
done some years after. Vane filled the office of governor with 
general satisfaction, but was left out of office by a manoeuvre 
of the minority. He bore this in silence, his conduct was that 
of a high-minded and good citizen ; and when he left the coun- 
try, the people, who regretted his departure, showed him every 
attention in their power.^ 

Mr. Maverick's hospitality and humane disposition some- 
times brought him into trouble and expense. He may not 
always have been prudent or particular enough in the objects 
of his charity ; but at this lapse of time it is impossible to 
decide upon the merits of individual cases, especially when 
the records, of necessity, give only the bare facts without those 
attending circumstances, which, if known, might palliate seem- 
ing crime. 

In 1(341, one Thomas Owen and the wife of a William Hale 
had been imprisoned under the charge of illicit conduct. In 



^ Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. *232 ; Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 309. 

* "Winthrop's Journal, Yol. II. p. 304. 

* Drake's Review of Winthrop, p. 18. 



96 HISTORY. [1637. 

some way they found means to escape from custody, and it 
was ascertained that Mr. Maverick had admitted them to his 
house. It does not appear why he harbored them. He may 
have allowed them refuge as any other humane person would 
have done, seeing them in great distress ; or there may have 
been peculiar circumstances connected with the case, which do 
not appear upon the records, and which justified some such 
course of action. However this may have been, he was fined 
one hundred pounds for this act ; but it was afterward abated 
to twenty pounds. Mr. Maverick was not alone in this transac- 
tion, as we find six or eight individuals fined for the same 
offence ; and this fact leads to the inference that the proceed- 
ings against Owen were considered as unjust by not a few of 
the community, and that Mr. Maverick exercised the kindness 
for which he was so celebrated, in his usual independent man- 
ner, without reference to the authorities.^ His hospitable dis- 
position subjected him to numerous fines, which, however, were 
frequently remitted ; indeed, he seems generally to have been 
at war with the government. 

Says the editor of Winthrop's Journal : " The character of 
Maverick induces me to believe that he supposed the parties 
innocent, which probably influenced Winthrop and the majority 

to a mitigation of the penalty My opinion of Maverick's 

conduct, reported in the text, gains confirmation from the impli- 
cation of many others in the escape of the offenders." ^ 

There are many instances recorded where Maverick was 
intrusted with public matters, even before his appointment as 
royal commissioner, and these instances only show that he pos- 
sessed the confidence of the colonial government, and that they 
were willing to avail themselves of his services, although they 
did not allow him to hold any office. Such items, illustrative 
of his character and standing, may be introduced. 

" On the 6^*^ of June, 1637, Robert Anderson, for his con- 
tempt was fined £50, and sent to prison till he shall give satisfac- 
tion." " Mr. Samuel Mavericke," on the same day, " was injoined 



^ Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 259 ; Mass. Records, Vol. 1. p. 335, Vol. H. p. 32 ; 
Ibid. p. 54. 

2 Winthrop's Journal, Vol. H. *51, note. 



1637.] REPUTATION. 97 

to keep in his hands of the goods of said Anderson to the value 
of £50 starling for his fine & to deliver him the rest of his 
goods." ^ 

In another instance he is directed to bring in his accounts 
for "publique busines" in which he had been employed ;2 
again, he is one of the referees in adjusting the differences 
between "Charles Towne & Newe Towne;"^ and, again, he 
with another individual is appointed to purchase clothing in 
England for a Wm. Bunnell, which expense the general court 
is to make good to them.* In 1639, being bound in £10 for 
the appearing of James Meadcalfe, forfeited his recognizance, 
and in December of the same year paid in £5 of it.^ 

In 1640, among numerous grants of land by the town of 
Boston, Samuel Maverick and Thomas Fowle had 600 acres 
each, the greatest quantity allotted to any individuals. Mave- 
rick also had an additional grant of 400 acres of land in Brain- 
tree, by the town of Boston, " which was assigned unto Edward 
Bendall by said Maverick in 1643." ^ 

Maverick owned, or had claim upon property, in Boston, for 
we find on record a mortgage to him from Robert Nash, butcher 
in Charlestown, on a tenement upon the hill near the dwelling- 
house of "the Reverend Teacher, Mr. John Cotton, in Boston, 
formerly in the tenure of Lieut. Thomas Savage." The paper 
is dated on the 24th Sept., 1642, and discharged on the 29th 
August, 1648.''' In 1651 he is mentioned as one of the execu- 
tors of the will of John Mills, of Boston. 

Without going into further detail to prove the assertion, it 
may be safely stated, that, so far as the records bear testimony 
to Maverick's position in society, he appears to have deserved, 
and to have received, the confidence and respect of those with 
whom he was associated, both in public and in private life. 
But, as already intimated, his religious views involved him in 
difficulties with the government of Massachusetts. A more 
particular narrative of these troubles forms the subject of 
another chapter. 

* Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 199. ' Jb'id. p. 149. 

» Ibid. p. 101. * Ibid. Vol. n. p. 149. 

' Ibid. Vol. I. p. 149. 6 Boston Town Records, p. 67. 

' Suffolk Reg. Vol. I. fol. 35. 

9 



CHAPTER IV. 

SAMUEL MAVERICK; HIS ECCLESIASTICAL TROUBLES. 

In the Massachusetts colony there were from the commence- 
ment, individuals who held views, in both civil and ecclesias- 
tical matters, contrary to the opinions and practices of the colo- 
nial authorities ; as these became more numerous, and came to 
include in their number men of character and distinction, they 
were not backward in making complaints of such laws and 
enactments as they considered arbitrary and exclusive. The 
rigid laws of the colony, and in particular the law restricting 
to church-members the right to hold office, naturally gave great 
dissatisfaction to those who, by holding a different religious belief 
from their Puritan neighbors, were thus debarred from any influ- 
ence or position in the government; and a desire for, and a 
determination to obtain, religious toleration, was rapidly gain- 
ing ground. Indeed, as early as 1645, the subject of equal civil 
and religious rights and privileges to all citizens was extensively 
agitated, books in defence of toleration were circulated, and the 
exertions to obtain the desired end became so prominent that 
the authorities began to be alarmed. The movements of the 
disaffected were for a time carefully concealed under the guise 
of enlarging the liberties of the people, but the design could not 
long remain secret. The struggle commenced in Plymouth by 
a proposition for a " full and free tolerance of religion to all 
men that would preserve the civil peace and submit unto gov- 
ernment ; " and there was no limitation or exception against 
any sect whatever. Turks, Jews, Papists, Arians, Socinians, 
Nicolaitans, Familists, indeed people of every belief, were to 



1646.] EFFORTS FOR TOLERATION. 99 

have equal rights and privileges.^ It is not strange that svich a 
proposition alarmed the Puritans, and was considered dangerous. 
The magistrates accordingly combined to defeat the move- 
ment, and the scene of action was removed to Massachusetts. 
Prominent among those in the Massachusetts colony who 
were opposed to the prevailing principles of ecclesiastical 
policy, and the practices under them, was Samuel Maverick. 
The fact that his Episcopacy entirely excluded him from office 
was not calculated to conciliate his feelings towards the author- 
ities, or bring about a change in his opinions. On the contrary, 
he, and others who were under the same disabilities, the longer 
they were made in this way to suffer, were the more determined 
in their views, and commenced a course of proceedings for 
the advancement of religious freedom by far the most formi- 
dable which had yet been witnessed in New England. In this 
movement, personal motives may have been mingled with 
others of a more general character, but the main object in view 
was a worthy one. It was, however, unfortunately urged at a 
wrong time and in a wrong manner to accomplish much good. 
For the authorities were then peculiarly suspicious of any new 
movement, and were vigilant to preserve the purity of the 
churches, and to suppress all innovation upon the established 
laws and usages. The efforts to obtain equal civil and relig- 
ious rights and privileges may be said to have first taken a 
definite form in 1646. Says Hutchinson, " A great disturbance 
was caused in the colony this year by a number of persons of 
figure, but of different sentiments, both as to civil and ecclesias- 
tical government, from the people in general." The principal 
persons connected with the controversy were William Vassall, 
a prominent member of the church in Scituate, a town in the 
Plymouth colony contiguous to Hingham in the Massachu- 
setts colony. Dr. Robert Child, a young physician from Padua, 
and Samuel Maverick. Vassall, who had much influence in 
the Massachusetts and Plymouth colonies, prepared a scheme 
for petitions to be presented to the courts of both colonies by 
the non-freemen ; and if these petitions were refused, the plan 
was to apply to parliament, pretending they were subjected to 

^ Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 338. 



100 HISTORY. [1646. 

an arbitrary power and extrajudicial proceedings. The first 
two of the Massachusetts petitioners were Samuel Maverick 
and Robert Child.i 

In accordance with Vassall's scheme, a " Remonstrance and 
humble petition" was addressed (1646) to the general courtj 
signed by Robert Child, Samuel Maverick, Thomas Fowle, 
Thomas Burton, David Yale, John Smith, and John Dand. 
They complained, 1st, that the fundamental laws of England 
were not acknowledged by the colony as the basis of their gov- 
ernment, according to patent; 2d, that the civil privileges 
enjoyed by the freemen of the jurisdiction were denied to 
such as were not members of the churches, and did not take an 
oath of fidelity devised by the authority here, although they 
were freeborn Englishmen of sober lives and conversation ; 
8d, that they were debarred from Christian privileges, such as 
the Lord's supper for themselves, and baptism for their children, 
because they were not members of the particular churches here, 
although of good character, and members of the Church of 
England. They therefore prayed that civil liberty might be 
forthwith granted to all who were truly English ; and that 
all members of the Church of England or Scotland, not scan- 
dalous, might be admitted to the privileges of the churches of 
New England; or, if these civil and religious liberties were 
refused, that they might be freed from the heavy taxes imposed 
upon them, and from the impresses made of them, or their chil- 
dren or servants, in time of war; if they failed of redress 
there, they should be under the necessity of making application 
to England, to the honorable houses of parliament, who they 
hoped would take their sad condition into consideration, pro- 
vide able ministers for them, New England having none such 
to spare, or else transport them to some other place, their 
estates being wasted, where they may live like Christians. 
But if their prayer should be granted, they hoped to see the 
then contemned ordinances of God highly prized ; the gospel, 
then dark, break forth as the sun ; Christian charity, then 
frozen, wax warm ; jealousy of arbitrary government banished ; 
strife and contention abated; and all business in church and 

^ Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 145. 



1646.] REMONSTRANCE. 101 

state, which for many years had gone backward, successfully 
thriving, &c. 

The substance of the remonstrance is thus given in the 
Massachusetts archives : — 

" 1. They discerne not a clear settled forme of gov^^ment 
according to y^ fundau^" laws of England, which seemeth 
strange &c. 

" 2. No body of lawes to cnioy lives liberties, goods accord- 
ing to y" rights of English subiects from whence arise Jeal- 
ousies of introducing arbitrary govnmnt, w'^'' is detestable to 
o'^ English nation, & to all good men, fro"" whence is feare of 
illegall commitmts taxes customes uniustifiable p''zes, undue 
fines & unconceivable dang'"s, by a negative, or destuctive vote 
unduly placed, or not well regulated of a non conformity of all 
things they enioy, & of undue oathes subject to exposition 
according to y® will of y^ giver. 

" 3. W'fore they desire y^ establishing of y® fundam*all lawes 
of England to w*'^ we are obliged by o' charter, & oathes of 
allegiance fro™ w"^ if wee swerve y^ be a pow"^ setled to call us 
to account according to y lawes of England. 

" 4. Slav'y & bondage, upon y"*, & y'' posterity intollerable 
by ym who ought to love, & respect y™ as brethren, for not 
bearing office, or haveing votes, w^fore y^y desire equall liberty 
w*^out imposing oathes, or covenants, on y"^ unwarranted by 
y^ patent "nor agreeing with y« oath of allegiance, & y® place 
stiled a free state, rath' y° a Colony, or corporation of Eng- 
land or at least, y* y^"^ bodies may not be imprest nor y^"^ goods 
taken away least they ignorant of y® witness of y® warr may be 
forced upon y'^ destructions, & y* all taxes & impositions may 
be taken away, yt so they me be strang^'s in all things ; other- 
wise they are in a worse case y° y^ Indians. 

" 5. yt none be banished, unles they breake y*^ known lawes 
of England deserving such punishm*, & yt those yt come may 
settle without two ma*"^'^ hands. 

*' 6. They desire lib'ty for y® memb" of y® Church of Eng- 
land to enioy all ordinances w*"^ us, or els to grant liberty to 
settle y™ selves in a church way according to Engl : and Scot- 
land, w''^ if not granted they will petition y® Parliam*. 
9* 



102 HISTORY. [1646. 

" 7. These thinges amended all o'^ calamities are like to cease, 
& all things p'^sper. 

Robt Child Thomas Fowle 

Thom Burton David Yale 

John Smith Samu: Maverick." 

John Dand^ 

It is evident that this petition was intended for an extensive 
circulation, as copies were rapidly spread into the adjoining 
governments of Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, and 
even in the Dutch Plantations, Virginia, and the Bermudas; 
and it seems to have been well understood that it was expected 
to reach English ears, and that it was to be forwarded to par- 
liament. The petition gave great offence to the court and to 
the people generally ; and in reply a declaration was published 
by order of the court, in which the charges were freely exam- 
ined and the government vindicated. The petitioners were 
required to attend court, and, on so doing, urged their right of 
petitioning ; to which it was replied, that they were not accused 
of petitioning, but of using contemptuous and seditious expres- 
sions in their remonstrance, and they were ordered to appear 
before the court. In the mean time there was much agitation 
in the community, and the civil authorities applied to the elders 
for their opinions respecting the bearing of the laws of England 
upon the government here. It perhaps was fortunate that at 
this time the government in England was in too ilnsettled a 
condition to attempt to settle affairs in the colony.^ 

In November (4th) the court came together by adjournment, 
and the case of Dr. Child and others was taken up. Two of 
the petitioners, Fowle, who was preparing to sail for England, 
and Smith of Khode Island, then in town, Were required to find 
sureties for their appearance to answer. In the end they were 
all fined in proportion to their supposed demerits. Winthrop 
says : " The court proceeded to consider of their censure, and 
agreed, that the doctor ^ (in regard he had no cause to com- 
plain, and yet was a leader to the rest, and had carried himself 



1 (1646.) Vol. 106, pp. 5, 6. « Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 295. 

* Doctor Child. 



1646.] FINES AND APPEAL. 103 

proudly, etc., in the court) should be fined fifty pounds, Mr. 
Smith (being also a stranger) forty pounds, Mr. Maverick 
(because he had not yet appealed) ten pounds, and the other 
four, thirty pounds each." He adds, that, being called again 
before the court and admonished, " they were offered also, if 
they would ingenuously acknowledge their miscarriage, etc., it 
should be freely remitted. But they remaining obstinate, the 
court declared their sentence, as is before expressed." ^ 

This exorbitant imposition excites both surprise and indig- 
nation, wholly opposed, as it was, to every principle of a free and 
enlightened government, and bearing with severity upon some 
of the most prominent and useful men of the colony. One of 
the petitioners was at that time associated with Winthrop as 
one of the selectmen of Boston, and Maverick, another one, had 
that very year shown his interest in the welfare of the colony by 
advancing a large part of the outlay required in fortifying Castle 
island, in which the town of Boston had engaged to save him 
harmless to a certain extent.^ This harsh legislation can only 
be viewed as one of the arbitrary proceedings which were too 
frequent in the early days of the colony. 

It should be remarked, that the court was not unanimous in 
its sentence. Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Saltonstall, and Mr. Brad- 
street dissented, and desired that their dissent should be en- 
tered upon the records, — a course of action which reflects 
much credit upon them. Two or three of the deputies also 
dissented. 

The petitioners then claimed the right to appeal to the 
commissioners for plantations, in England; but this was not 
allowed. Yet they appealed to parliament, and Dr. Child, with 
others, prepared in all haste to go to England to prosecute the 
appeal. The court, judging it dangerous to allow these men 
to proceed to England under these circumstances, and, under 
the pretence of detaining Child on account of his fine, deter- 
mined to seize him, and to take away and destroy whatever 
papers any of them might have, calculated to expose the pro- 
ceedings here ; and, as if to aggravate this intended outrage as 
much as possible, it was " agreed to defer it till the Doctor had 

* Winthrop's Journal, Vol. 11. pp. *291-2 and note. ' Ibid., note. 



104 HISTORY. [1646. 

been on shipboard." But the plan being discovered, they say, 
"we sent the officers presently to fetch the Doctor, and to 
search his study and Dand's, both at one instant, which was 
done accordingly." Nothing obnoxious was found in the doc- 
tor's possession, but with Mr. Dand were found various objec- 
tionable documents, among which were two petitions to par- 
liament setting forth the experience of the petitioners in the 
court in Boston, and suggesting remedies ; also a paper con- 
sisting of some twenty questions respecting the validity of the 
patent of the colony; whether certain acts were not treason, 
and whether the courts had a right to prevent the establishment 
of churches according to the reformed English Church, and 
other inquiries of a similar nature. 

Beside this search, so clearly unworthy of the authorities, 
there were other aggravating circumstances connected with the 
proceedings against Child, Dand, and Smith ; and, to make 
the measure of punishment and disappointment full, they were 
held in durance until the ships had sailed. Vassall and Fowle 
sailed for England early in November, 1646. 

Felt says : " The night before they intended to embark, order 
is given that search be made for their papers. At Dand's resi- 
dence some are found, which Smith, being with him, catches 
up to secure from exposure. When the officer seized them, the 
latter said ' he hoped, ere long, to do as much to the governor's 
closet and to him, as he did for them.' Among them is the 
petition of non-freemen, with twenty-five signers, most of them 
young men and strangers, which prays for liberty of conscience 
and a general governor ; and also another, of the remonstrants 
to parliament. In the last document, prayer is made for 
' churches according to the reformation of England,' and for 
the removal of several customs here, which the petitioners call 
grievances. 

" Child, Smith, and Dand are committed to the custody of 
the marshal till the vessels bound to sea shall have sailed. 
This was on account of the new matter which appeared from 
their papers. On giving sufficient bail, the first was allowed to 
be confined to his house. The other two were kept in the 
house of the prison keeper. A young man, Thomas Joy, who 
had circulated the petition for the non-freemen, and otherwise 



1646.] VOYAGE OF FOWLE AND VASSALL. 105 

busied himself against the authorities, was put in irons for 
several days, when he confessed that he had done wrong, and 
was therefore released." ^ 

The measures against Child were probably thus severe from 
the fact that, as Winthrop says, "the writings were of his 
hand." By this phrase is undoubtedly meant that he drafted 
the petitions, for although Vassall was without doubt the prime 
mover in the controversy, he was not, to our knowledge, a man 
of public education, although his wealth and position in society 
gave him an extensive influence in the colonies. Child, who 
lived in the adjoining town of Hingham, was a talented man, 
and educated at Padua, that celebrated seat of learning. Even 
Winthrop, who was his bitterest opposer, calls him " a man of 
quality, a gentleman, and a scholar," and he of all the peti- 
tioners seems to have been the most likely to have been 
selected to draft the different papers ; indeed, they bear internal 
evidence of a discriminating and educated mind. 

As Mr. Drake, the author of the admirable history of Boston, 
has given a well condensed account of Fowle's and Vassall's 
voyage, so far as this particular matter is concerned we repeat 
it in his language. 

He says : " They went in a ship named the Supply. About 
the time of her sailing, Mr. Cotton preached a Thursday lecture 
sermon, with special reference to persons going over in her with 
written complaints against the late transactions in Boston. 
Some belonging to the ship, or going in her, were his hearers at 
the lecture, and he warned them against the bearers of such 
communications ; that any such papers would prove a Jonas to 
the voyage ; and recommended, if a storm did arise, that certain 
trunks should be searched for a Jonas. A storm did arise, and 
a certain female on board, who had heard Mr. Cotton's late ser- 
mon, ran about the ship in much consternation, insisting that if 
any passenger had a Jonas, it should be produced, and the ship 
delivered of it. She gave Mr. Vassall a call at midnight. He 
asked her why she came to him ? ' Because,' she said, ' it was 
thought he had some writings against the people of God.' He 

1 Eccl. Hist. N. E. p. 592. 



106 HISTORY. [164G. 

told her he had only a petition to parliament, merely praying 
that they might enjoy the liberty of English subjects ; and 
surely that could be no Jonas. She next paid Mr. Fowle a 
visit, in ' like distracted manner.' He told her he had only a 
copy of the petition, which himself and others had presented to 
the court at Boston. This he produced and read to her, and 
then said, that if she and others judged that that was the cause 
of the storm, they might have it, and do what they would with 
it. She took the paper to her companions, who, after a consul- 
tation, decided that it should be cast overboard. But it is 
remarked, that though it was thus ceremoniously committed to 
the waves, there was no immediate cessation of the tempest ; 
nor did it prevent another, which seemed to have doomed them 
all to certain destruction near Scilly, fourteen days after. 

" Notwithstanding those and other storms during the voyage, 
and notwithstanding the real Jonas continued in the ship, and 
was ' cast up at London ' in safety, as were all the ship's com- 
pany ; yet it was reported that they owed their safety to the 
destruction of the petition to parliament, when, as Major Child 
says, it was only a copy of a petition to their own court at Bos- 
ton ; still the petition to parliament, with a copy of that thrown 
overboard, and other writings of that nature, were still in the 
ship, and safely delivered at London, as before mentioned." ^ 

The petitioners may not have been all of the best temper, 
nor in all respects of the best intentions ; but the treatment 
they received was singularly unjust. A number of years sub- 
sequent to this, Mary Hooke, a daughter of Maverick, in a peti- 
tion to Governor Andros, refers to the severe treatment which 
her father received. This petition, which is an important one 
in many respects, is as follows ^ : — 

"Feby 13th, 1687 — 

" To His Excellency S' Edmund Andros Knight Capt" Gen- 
erall and Governo'' in Chiefe in & over his Majesties Territory 
and Dominion of New England &c. 

" The Humble Petition of Mary, the wife of Francis Hooke, 

^ Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 298. 

^ Mass. Archives, Vol. 128, p. 45 ; N. E. Hist. & Gen. Reg. Vol. VHI. 
p. 334. 



1648.] MARY IIOOKE'S PETITION. 107 

of the Towne of Kittery in the Provynce of Mayne, Daughter 
and Heiresse of Samuel Mavericke, deceased, 

" Sheweth unto yo"" Excellency 
" That Your Peticoners said Father the sd Samuell Maverick 
was in the yeare of our Lord God 1648 an inhabitant and 
owner of a place called Noddle's Island in New England, now 
in the possession of Corronell Shrimpton, at which tyme, he 
y"" Peticon''* s^ father with some others drew upp a Peticon w*^ 
an intent to p'"sent it to the late Maj*^ King Charles the first of 
ever blessed memory, in which Peticon they requested severall 
liberties which they did not then enjoy, and amongst other 
things for the baptizeing of their Children. But by some means 
or other the said Peticon was discovered by the Massathusetts 
Government and the Peticon" imprisoned for a long season, 
and att length all fined, amongst which yo'^ Peticon'^ s"* Father 
was fined the full summe of Two Hundred and Fifty pounds 
sterling ; ^ Which sume he resolveing not to pay, and fearing the 
s"^ Island would be seized to make payment of itt, he made a 
deede of Gift of the s*^ Island to his Eldest sonne, not w*^ any 
designe to deliver the s"^ Deede to him, but onely to p^'ent the 
seizure of itt. But yo'' Peticon" s"^ Eldest Brother heareing of 
itt, by a Crafty Wile contrary to his Father's Knowledge gott 
the s^ deede into his custody. But whether he sold it, or how 
he disposed of itt yo"^ Peticon"^ canot sett forth, soe that yo' 
Peticon" s*^ Father in his life tyme. And yo"" Peticon"" since his 
decease hath been debarred of their just right, and partly by the 
Massathusetts Government continuing soe long. And yo"" Peti- 
con" Father being one of the Kings Comiss" sent with Collon" 
Niccolls Gen S-^ Rob* Carr & Collon" Cartwright to settle the 
affaires in New York & New England but were interrupted at 
Boston w*'^ sound of Trumpett. 

" Wherefor yo"^ Peticon'^ humbly desires yo"^ Excellency to 
take the p'misses into consideration and to graunt her some 
reliefe therein And yo"" Peticon'^ as in duty bound shall ever 
pray &c 

Mary Hooke."^ 

^ She makes a mistake ; the fine was £150. 

* Mary Hooke married, first, John Palsgrave on the 8th ot the 12th month, 



108 HISTORY. [1647. 

The petitioners of 1646, two of whom went to England with 
their appeal in November of that year, had declared their inten- 
tion of appealing to parliament. This is probably the one to 
which Mary Hooke refers, although, from the ambiguous man- 
ner in which her statement is worded, it might seem the petition 
to which she refers was sent in 1648. But as Charles I. had at 
that time lost his throne, she undoubtedly had reference to the 
petition of 1646, and the words, " at which time,^^ may mean 
that the petition was sent when Maverick was owner of Nod- 
dle's Island. 

In March, 1647, the assistants arraigned Samuel Maverick, 
and William Clark for their active exertions in obtaining signa- 
tures to the non-freerhen's petition, which it was intended to 
present to the Earl of Warwick and the other commissioners, 
who had the control of affairs in the North American colonies. 
Clark was a member of the Salem church. Both Maverick 
and Clark were bound over to the general court, Smith and 
Dand having given security for the payment of their fines. 
Relative to the first petition, they were bailed to appear at the 
same tribunal. Child declined to give similar bonds, and was 
therefore committed to prison. The reason for such particu- 



1655, and after his decease, on the 20th of September, 1660, Francis Hooke. 
" Francis Hooke is first introduced to us as a pious man and preacher of the 
gospel. He selected his place of abode at Winter-harbor, in Saco, -where men- 
tion is made of liim in 1660. Inflexibly attached as he was to the interests of 
Gorges, in belief that his right was well-founded, he was appointed a justice, 
both under Archdale in 1663-4, and by the king's commissioners in 1665. For 
a period his acceptance of these offices, in connection with his political senti- 
ments, might have rendered him unpopular among the partisans of Massachu- 
setts; yet so entirely had he regained the pubhc esteem in 1680 as to be 
appointed first county treasurer under President Danforth's administration, and 
a member of the council during the whole period of his presidency. He seems 
to have had the singular good fortune of a very few public men, that is, to be 
popular with all parties. For, in 1692 and 3, he was a member of the prov- 
ince council under the charter of William and Mary, a judge of probate two 
years, and also a judge upon the bench of the common pleas. He removed to 
Kittery before the commencement of the second Indian war, where he died 
in January, 1695. In a word, such was Francis Hooke, that no other of that 
age in the province was so public spirited and highly useful, none better 
beloved." — Appendix, Williamson's Hist. Maine, p. 679. 



1647.] BIPRISONMENT. 109 

larity, as Winthrop observes, was that " the cause was of so 
great concernment as the very life and foundation of our gov- 
ernment." ^ 

" On the 26th of May, at the general election, an effort was 
made by the favorers of the principles advocated by Child and 
others to choose a governor and magistrates who would sus- 
tain their cause. The attempt was unsuccessful, no one of 
their candidates being elected save Robert Bridges, belonging 
to Lynn, for an assistant." ^ 

On account of the insecurity of the Boston jail, the court in 
June gave instructions, that if all the prisoners of Dr. Child's 
company be released except one or two, these should be put in 
irons, unless they paid the charge for two watchmen.^ 

It was ordered, in October, that Dand, one of the remon- 
strants, should be set at liberty on condition of tendering a 
suitable acknowledgment, and giving sufficient security for the 
payment of fifty pounds.* 

If by " all the prisoners of Dr. Child's company " is meant 
all who signed the remonstrance to parliament, then Maverick 
was at one time imprisoned for an offence like that his 
daughter names ; and that this was the case is evident from a 
clause alluding to his imprisonment in one of the petitions pre- 
sented by Maverick to the court, which is given on a sub- 
sequent page. 

On the 26th of May, 1647, the court agreed upon the sen- 
tence against the petitioners, and it is thus recorded : — ^ 

" The Courte having taken into serious consideracon the 
crimes chardged on Doc* Rob* Child, Mr John Smith, M"" 
Thomas Burton, M"" John Dand & ]\P Samuell Mauericke, & 
whereof they have binn found guilty vpon full evidence by the 
former judgement of this Courte, have agreed upon y" sentence 
here ensewing respectively decreed to each of them, 

£ s. (1. 
Doctor Child, two hundred pounds, & imprisonment vntill 

it be payed or security given for it 200 00 00 



Felt's Eccl. Hist. N. E., p. 594. ■ Ibid. 596. « Ibid. 598. 

Ibid. 602. ^ Mass. Records, Vol. III. p. 113. 

10 



110 HISTORY. [1647. 

£ s. d. 

Mr John Smith, one hundred pounds, & imprisonment as be- 
fore 100 00 00 

M"" John Dand, two hundred pounds & imprisonment as be- 
fore 200 00 00 

Mr Tho : Burton, one hundred pounds & imprisonment as 

before 100 00 00 

M" Sam: Mauericlce,ffor Ids offence in being pfy to y« conspir- 
acy one Jiundred pounds, Sf imprisonment as before . . 100 00 00 

M^ Sam. Mauericke, ffor his offence in breaking his oath, §• 
in appealing ag'^^^ y' intent of his oath of a freeman, ffifty 
pounds Sj' imprisonment as before 050 00 00 

Jacob Barney, contradicens to ye sentence of ye Courte." 

Maverick did not quietly submit to this heavy tax, but 
earnestly addressed the court on the subject. The following 
petition is copied from the archives : — ^ 

" I Samuel! Mavericke humbly request that whereas at a 
Co^'te held in May & June 1647 there was layd to my charge 
conspiracy and periury, for w'=^ I was fined 150 £, no witnes 
appearing either viva'voce or by writinge, but was refered to the 
records for sufficient testimony to convince me, w*^ records I 
could not obtaine in thirteen weekes, in the space of one month 
after sentence I yielded myself prisonner according to the order 
of Co'^te, & after my abode there 12 dayes paid the fines, & so 
was discharged, w'^'^ time haveing gotten coppies of the records, 
and finding nothing materiall against me, whereby I may, (as I 
conceive) be rendered guilty, so as to deserve so great a fine, or 
to lye under so great disparagment upon record. 

" I therefore humbly desire this hono''ed Courte, that my fines 
may be repaid, and my Credit repaid, by recording my inno- 
cency, if such testimony do not further appeare, as may render 
me guilty. 

" Samuell Mauekicke." 

8 (3) 1649 

Another petition, for the remission of his fines, etc., entitled 
" M"" Mauericke's 2nd petition," was presented on the 16th of 
May, same year, and is thus recorded. ^ 

1 Lib. 38, B. 228. ^ j^j^ss. Records, Vol. III. pp. 166, 167. 



1647.] PETITIONS. HI 

" To the honnored Generall Courte, now assembled in Boston. 
" May it please you : 
" Whereas I have been formerly chardged \y*'^ conspiracy & 
perjury, w*^'^ to my vnderstanding, hath not binn sufRcyently 
pvd agt me, tho the Courte,' vpon the evidences brought 
against me, sentenced and fined me 150 <£, & having searched 
the records cannot yett see sufficyent evidence to prove the 
chardges against me, w'^'^ mooved me to petition this honnored 
Courte for a review of my cawse ; yett T desire the Courte to 
vnderstand me, so as if I accoumpted myself altogether free of 
error, but have cawse rather to suspect and judge myself and 
accons then your justice and p'ceedings ; and being confident 
and experimentally assured of yo'' clemency to others in the like 
kind, I am bold rather to crave yo' mercy in the favorable remit- 
tance of my fines then to stand either to justify myself or p'ceed- 
ings, w'"^ as they have (contrary to my intencons) prooved p'ju- 
dicyall and very offensive, so it hath binn, is, and willbe, my 
griefe and trouble. I shall not trouble you w''^ arguments 
respecting myself and family, though the burden lyes heavy in 
that respect ; the only motive lies in yo"* owne breasts, yo' 
wonted charity, w*^^ will render you to the world mercifull, and 
refresh and fully satisfy yo'^ humble petitioner, who doth 
remaine Your humble servant 

" Samuel Mauericke." 

To this petition the deputies consented in full, " w*^ refer- 
ence to the consent of our honno'ed JMagis**" But the magis- 
trates refused their consent, and the petitioner failed in his 
request. 

We find yet another petitione, in these words : — 

" To the right worpp'^ the Gouerno'^ Deputie Gouerno'" and 
Assistants togeather w*'^ the hono'*^ Deputies now Assembled in 
the Generall Court at Boston — 

" The Humble Petition of Samuell Mavericke sheweth that 
Whereas yo'' Petition'^ did in or about November last p'"ferr a 
peticon to this honored Court ; wherein hee desired yo"^ would 
graunt him a review of his Tryall, the reparacon of his Creditt, 
and remittm* of fines imposed on him for the reasons therein 



112 HISTORY. [1650. 

Declared as more fully doth appeare by the sayd Peticon, a 
Coppy whereof hee doth heerew'*^ p'^sent vnto you but receiving 
noe Answer. 

" Hee doth Humbly request yo" to take the sayd Peticon into 
yo"" serious Consideracon being ready to make his Purgation 
on Oath if desired, and willing if any Evidence appeare suffi- 
tient to Render him Guiltie (and hee not able apparently to 
Contradict it) freely to Submit vnto the Sentence ; his Request 
being, (as hee supposeth) reasonable, hee doubts not of yo"" 
fauorable Answer w'^'^ will farther Obleidge him Euer to 
Remaine Yo' Humble Servant." 

Mr. Maverick's persevering efforts were, at last, partially 
successful; for on the 19th of June, 1650, — 

" In answer to the petition of Mr. Samuel Mauericke for the 
remittinge or mitigation of a fine of one hundred & fiftie pounds 
formerly layd vppon him, it is ordred, that the petition"' shall 
haue the one halfe of the foresd fine abated, p Curiam." ^ 

Mr. Maverick, a few years later, had these proceedings of the 
government in full remembrance, and doubtless enjoyed the 
exercise of the power given him over those who had, but a short 
time before, judged his actions so severely ; and it is only 
another instance of the vicissitudes of life, when the accused 
becomes the accuser, the law-breaker the lawgiver. 

On this whole subject, Drake justly observes : " It may 
appear strange that Mr. Maverick should submit to so many 
indignities as from time to time it has been seen that he did ; 
a man that Boston could not do without. He was a gentleman 
of wealth and great liberality. A few pages back, 291, we 
have seen how much the town was indebted to him for help to 
rebuild the fort on Castle island. He may have looked upon 
these and other proceedings against him as petty annoyances, 
to which it was best quietly to submit, not wishing to set an 
example of opposition to the government, or, having a large 
property at stake, he might not wish to jeopardize it." ^ Says 
another writer : " He was compelled to contribute to the sup- 
port of the elders, but, with his family, was excluded from all 

1 Mass. Records, Vol. III. p. 200. ^ Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 296 



1662.] REFLECTIONS. 113 

participation in the solemn ordinances of religion." ^ When 
considering the peculiar circumstances under which he was 
placed, and the evident fact that his position as a man of 
wealth, liberality, hospitality, public spirit, enterprise, and rank 
in society, demanded at least equal rights and privileges, it 
must be admitted that he exercised exemplary patience. 

It is sad to contemplate such acts of oppression as have been 
briefly noticed, whatever the provocation might be that called 
them forth. The government appears to have been for a long 
period in constant fear of attempts, both here and in the mother 
country, to establish Episcopacy, to which their own independ- 
ence would be brought into subjection ; and that fear was 
doubtless the chief incentive in all their harsh and oppressive 
acts towards members of the Church of England contending 
for their rights. But a significant clause in the letter of Charles 
II. (28th June, 1662) to the Massachusetts Colony, illustrates that 
the spirit of intolerance was not confined to New England, nor 
to any particular sect of Christians. " We cannot be under- 
stood hereby to direct, or wish, that any indulgence should be 
granted to those persons commonly called Quakers, whose prin- 
ciples being inconsistent with any kind of government, we have 
found it necessary, by the advice of Parliament here, to make a 
sharp law against them, and are well contented that you do the 
like there." 2 

In the spirit of toleration and mildness our ancestors were 
far in advance of the mother country ; and it would be well 
for those who delight in dwelling on the confessed severity 
and rigidness of the early settlers, and their spirit of intolera- 
tion to all who differed from them, to compare, with reference 
to this point, Old England and New England at that time. 
Such a comparison will show that our honored ancestors, 
although to our present ideas harsh and bigotedly illiberal, still 
were many years ahead of the times in which they lived. It 
was natural that they should be jealous of any innovation in 
their religious worship. They had left their own country on 
account of the persecutions of the church, and, with singular 
self-sacrifice, had crossed the ocean and founded a settlement 



Puritan Commonwealth, p. 419. * Danforth Papers. 

10* 



114 HISTORY. [1650 

to enjoy their own forms of worship and their own ideas of 
government ; and when they saw the attempt made to establish 
here the very system from which they had fled, they resisted, 
and resorted to measures which we cannot approve ; but yet 
they were much milder measures, and more in accordance with 
the opinions of the present day, than were pursued under the 
same circumstances in England. It is by no means certain 
but that, with all our boasted liberality of sentiment, we should 
act in the same manner if placed in a similar situation; and 
our judgment of others should always be regulated by the time 
and the peculiar circumstances which surround the subject. 
Situated as we now are in the full enjoyment of the funda- 
mental principles which our forefathers established, it is difficult 
for us to appreciate their peculiar situation, or to realize the 
difficulties they had to encounter and overcome. Their tenacity 
of opinion and jealousy of intrusion led to a too intense expres- 
sion of their ardor in the cause they had espoused, and for the 
establishment of which they had planted their feet on these 
western shores. Smarting with their recent sufferings from 
intolerance at home, they could not brook the thought that 
they were to be followed over the waters by the same spirit. 
They pursued a course of measures perhaps impolitic and 
severe, and upon which we look back wnth regret. But, w^hile 
we condemn, let us not forget the extraordinary circumstances 
in which they were placed, and let us give our judgment upon 
an honest investigation and just appreciation of all the pecu- 
liarities of the case. 



CHAPTER V. 

NODDLE'S ISLAND A PLACE OF REFUGE TO THE BAPTISTS. 

Similar in character to the Episcopalian troubles in the Mas- 
sachusetts colony were the Baptist difficulties, which lasted for 
a period of twenty years, and involved both church and state 
in an unhappy controversy. 

In the direct order of time, the sale of Noddle's Island by 
Maverick came between these two religious controversies, but 
they are so closely connected in character it is thought best to 
present them in juxtaposition, even at the sacrifice of strict 
chronological order. Suffice it then in this place to say, that, 
during the protracted contest in which the persecuted Baptists 
took refuge on Noddle's Island, the Island was not in Mave- 
rick's possession, nor was he connected with it in any maimer. 
With him circumstances had vastly altered. He had sold his 
Island home, and, as a royal commissioner. Was in the exercise 
of authority over those who so recently had apparently taken 
delight in using with severity their brief authority over him. 

Persisting in their harsh treatment of all who differed from 
what might with propriety be called the Established Church of 
the colony (for such it was in spirit), the authorities, in oppo- 
sition to the well-known wishes of the crown, and in spite of 
the presence of the royal commissioners, who had power over 
them in these matters, afflicted the Baptists with the same 
rigorous treatment with which they had treated Maverick and 
his Episcopalian friends. Resisting the authority of the com- 
missioners, the colonial government determined, at all hazards, 
to preserve its favorite form of religious worship untainted with 
any heresies, and this persecution of the Baptists well illus- 
trates this point, and is pertinent to the narrative. 

As Noddle's Island was long the residence of Maverick, the 



116 HISTORY. ^ [1665. 

zealous Episcopalian and royalist, whose efforts to obtain relig- 
ious toleration and civil rights brought him only fines and 
imprisonment, so also it was, after it passed out of his posses- 
sion, the refuge of the First Baptist Church of Boston, while 
under the interdict of the provincial government. 

" I give," said Henry Shrimpton, the father of Colonel 
Shrimpton, a subsequent owner of Noddle's Island, in his will, 
dated July 17th, 1666, " ten pounds to the society of Christians 
that doth meet at Noddle's Island, of whom is Gould & 
Osborne & the rest, as a token of my love." That this was 
also a token of his liberal and catholic spirit, and of his indiffer- 
ence as to official prejudice, the facts relating to this society 
will show. 

This was not only the " First Baptist Church of Boston" (a 
name it still bears), but for nearly forty years comprised almost 
all the Baptist interests in the colony. Formed in Charlestown 
28, 3, (May) 1665, by Thomas Gould, Thomas Osborne, Ed- 
ward Drinker, and John George, who were then baptized, and 
Richard Girdall, William Turner, Robert Lambert, Mary 
Girdall, and Mary Newell, who had been Baptists in England, 
the organization was preceded by ten years of ecclesiastical 
troubles, and followed by ten more of legal oppression. 

Gould and Osborne had been members of the First Church 
in Charlestown ; but, " it having been a long time," says Gould, 
" a scruple to me about infant baptism, God was pleased at last 
to make it clear to me by the rule of the gospel that children 
were not capable nor fit subjects for such an ordinance." This 
was in 1655 ; and the omission at that time to present his 
child for baptism, introduced those troubles which issued in the 
formation of a Baptist church. He was cited to appear before 
the Charlestown church, and he did so ; and at several meetings 
the propriety of infant baptism was discussed at length. The 
discussions resulted, as such disputations generally do, in con- 
vincing neither party. No church action, however, was had 
until he adopted the practice of leaving the church during the 
performance of this rite. Upon this and other manifestations of 
his dislike, as he himself says, he was " dealt with " for " unrev- 
erent carriage." The proceedings ran through two years, in the 
course of which he was laid " under admonition." From that 



1665.] THE BAPTISTS. 117 

time he ceased to attend the meeting at Charlestown. A short 
time elapsed, and he was summoned to answer for so doing. 
His reply that " he had not rent from the church, for they had 
put him away," was not considered valid ; and, in June, 1658, 
after conference between himself and the church, in which he 
justified his long absence upon the ground that their suspen- 
sion of him had deprived him of membership, he was " admon- 
ished for breaking away from the church in the way of schism, 
never having used any means to convince the church of any 
irregular proceeding, but continuing peremptorily and contu- 
maciously to justify his schism." 

No further notice was taken of him, although he still con- 
tinued absent for more than five years ; nor until he had begun 
to hold meetings upon the Sabbath in his own house. Upon 
this new offence, he received, in February, 1664, a second 
"admonition" for "schism," and for refusing to make any 
explanations regarding " a private meeting kept at his house on 
the Lord's day." 

At the same time, Osborne, who in the preceding November 
had been "admonished" together with his wife, the former for 
" anabaptism," the latter, not only for that, but also for what 
the church styled " Quakerism," received a second censure. 
The object of the church in this proceeding being still unat- 
tained, and, in addition to the former reasons, it appearing that 
these persons had formed themselves into a church, they were 
summoned to meet the Charlestown church to account for 
their withdrawal. They refused to appear; a further delay 
was had, a second summons being in the mean time issued, 
which met with the same result. After still a third notifica- 
tion, on the 30th of July, 1665, Gould, Osborne, and Mrs. 
Osborne were, for " withdrawing from the church and neglect- 
ing to hear the church," formally excommunicated. 

Had these persons been subjected to no more violent pro- 
ceedings than these of the Charlestown church, they would 
have had slight cause to complain. That their principles were 
in several respects irreconcilable with those of their former 
church ; that the manner in which their opinions were ex- 
pressed was far from conciliatory and respectful ; that the pro- 
ceedings against them were neither hurried nor unlawful ; and 



118 HISTORY. [1G65. 

that their treatment of the church's authority was certainly not 
according to usage, is clearly evident. In the cases of Gould 
and Osborne, the final action was taken for long withdrawal 
from public worship, and refusal to meet the charges against 
them ; Osborne complaining that they " gave no liberty to 
several brethren to prophesye," and " that they limited the min- 
istry to learned men." In the case of Osborne's wife, action 
was taken for " her notorious neglect of the public worship of 
God, denying our churches to be true churches, and also the 
church's power over her;" in that of John Farnum, one of the 
first members, — having been early a member of the Dorchester 
church, and afterwards of the Second Church in Boston, — it 
was " for renouncing communion with the church, holding 
familiarity with excommunicated persons, slanders against 
several holy and worthy men," and in persisting to refuse com- 
munion with the church except upon the preposterous condi- 
tions that " they must set up the ordinance of prophecy ; 
promise to baptize no more infants ; all be baptized (i. e. 
rebaptized) themselves; put away their present teacher (Rev. 
Mr. Mayo) from his office." As they denied the Puritan 
churches to be churches, and " did not consider that any but 
practical believers who had been baptized upon a profession of 
faith (thus excluding the great bulk of church-members) could 
be visible members of the church of Christ," ^ it is difficult to 
see how the churches could have taken any different action. 
Indeed, soon after, the Baptist church itself excommunicated 
Farnum for the same offence of withdrawing from worship and 
refusing to hear the church, as we shall see. But when the 
state brought its force to bear against these few conscientious 
and powerless men and women, the subject takes a different 
aspect ; for, although their conduct was in many respects unjus- 
tifiable, neglect would have rendered harmless those whom 
force exalted into martyrs. 

For the first ten years this church appears to have held its 
meetings mostly at Noddle's Island. In August following its 
formation, their place of meeting was not publicly known ; for 
the constable of Charlestown was directed to use his endeavors 

^ Hist, First Bap. Church, Boston, 1853. 



16GG-74.] WORSHIP AT NODDLE'S ISLAND. 119 

to discover it. But in the next April (1666) they plead in 
court that they steadly attended public worship ; which open 
statement, with the legacy in the will of Henry Shrimpton, 
July 17, 1666, already quoted, makes it evident that their place 
of gathering was then well known ; though when these meet- 
ings were first held there, and at just what time Gould moved 
there (which were apparently coincident), it is impossible to 
tell; yet it seems evident that it was as early as the summer of 
1665. Drake saysi^ "The date of the first Baptist church in 
Boston is reckoned from the time of Mr. Gould's removal to 
Noddle's Island, ascertained to be in the year 1668. From this 
date the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary was celebrated in 
1818." This is an error, as various circumstances go to show 
that Gould resided at the Island two or three years previous to 
1668. 

In 1668 the church had increased to eighteen members ; and 
for some years, as appears from their correspondence, they were 
known as the " Church of Jesus Christ ivor slapping' at Noddle's 
Island in New England." Samuel Hubbard of Newport, R. I., 
so addressed them in Nov. 1671. In Nov., 1670, Drinker, in a 
letter to Clarke and his church at Newport, says, " Warrants 
arc in two Marshal's hands for brother Gould, but he is not yet 
taken because he lives in Noddle's Island, and they wish to take 
him at town." And again, " we keep a meeting at Noddle's 
Island every first day, and the Lord is adding some souls to us 
still, and is enlightening some others. The priests are much 
enraged." 2 Under date of 1674, Capt. John Hull, in his MS. 
Diary, writes, " This sumer the Anabaptists i/' ivere ivont to 
meet at Noddle's Island met at Boston on y° Lords Day. One 
Mr. Symond Lind letteth one of them an house which was 
formerly Mr. Rucks." 

At this time half a dozen of these brethren were living at 
Woburn, among whom were Elder John Russell, Senr., who 
held meetings with them on the Sabbath, when they could not 
go to the Island. As, besides having " set up the ordinance of 
prophesies," which thereby allowed all members to take part in 
their meetings, they had several elders, it is not probable that 

' Hist. Boston, p. 378. = Backus, Hist. Bap. L 398. 



120 HISTORY. [1668. 

these meetings were discontinued at that time, although Gould 
was in prison. Drinker is styled " Reverend," and Isaac Hill, 
the first person admitted after the organization, is included 
among their ministers. But Gould, while he lived, was 
regarded as their pastor, and his residence at Noddle's Island, 
until the erection of a church at Boston twelve years after- 
ward, was their house of worship. " Little is known of him," 
says the brief history of the church already quoted, " more than 
that he suffered much from the bigotry of his opponents, and 
was founder of the church which included almost the whole of 
the Baptist interests in the colony of Massachusetts for more 
than forty years." 

The laws, whose severity Gould and his associates were 
made to feel for the ensuing ten years, were by no means new 
enactments, nor did all of them have special reference to the 
Baptists. Such was the first in point of time, passed in 1635, 
which forbade citizens from " meeting upon the Lord's day " 
under a penalty of imprisonment and a fine not exceeding five 
shillings for each offence, to be imposed by any two assistants ; 
and which was reenacted with more fulness in 1646. Such 
also was the law of March 8d, 1635, which rendered illegal the 
formation of a new church without the consent of " the magis- 
trates, and the elders of the greater part of the churches ; " a 
law intended for those of the established faith, and considered 
necessary in a country so thinly settled as to render a multi- 
plying of churches not only troublesome as to harmony, but 
burdensome as to support, and which bore with especial sever- 
ity on those who not only subdivided, but renounced the 
fellowship of, the churches which they abandoned. The law, 
however, which was intended directly for such cases, was passed 
13th Nov., 1644, against the Anabaptists ; that, after recapitu- 
lating the troubles which had arisen from these people in other 
commonwealths as they "who have held the baptizing of 
infants unlawful, have usually held other errors," and mentions 
that " divers of this kind " had appeared in Massachusetts who 
denied the ordinance of magistracy and the lawfulness of mak- 
ing war, declares that all persons who should offend in the 
specified particulars shall be banished. It is fair, however, to 
notice the statement of the general court, two years after, that 



1665.] THE BAPTISTS ADMONISHED. 121 

those who differed merely in judgment in point of baptism 
and live peaceably amongst us " were not to be molested ; to 
which the venerable Increase Mather, in 1681, adds his unim- 
peachable testimony, that he had never known " those that 
scruple Infant Baptism to be molested merely on the account 
of their opinion ; " and he bases the propriety of the banishment 
of such as created trouble upon the fact that they themselves 
had, at great labor and sacrifice, transported themselves and 
their families into a " Wilderness that so they might be a pecul- 
iar People by themselves," and appeals to their opponents " to 
do as they would be done by, and deal with us as they would 
have us to deal with them were they in our case and we in 
theirs." 

There was a law enacted on the 4th Nov., 1646, against any 
person who should go about to destroy or disturb the order of 
the churches by open renouncing their church state or their 
ministry, or other ordinance, upon various specified " pretences," 
for which the penalty was 40^. per month, " so long as he con- 
tinue in his obstinacy." 

Under all these enactments were the Baptists prosecuted. 
In less than three months after the church was gathered, 20th 
Aug., 1665, the constable of Charlestown was directed to dis- 
cover the place of meeting of Gould and his associates, and in 
case of failure to report their names and places of abode to 
some magistrate.! In consequence, perhaps, of the latter direc- 
tion, Gould, Turner, Osborne, and George were summoned in 
September before the court of assistants held at Boston, and 
" legally convicted of a schismatical opposition to the churches 
of Christ here settled, and of profaning the holy appointment of 
Christ, and in special, the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's 
Supper, by administering the same to persons under censure of 
an off'ended church among us, and presuming, as a covert of their 
irreligious and pernicious practices, to declare themselves to be 
a church of Christ." ^ No penalty was inflicted at this time 
beyond an admonition to desist from their meetings and irre- 
ligious practices ; but in October, on their own acknowledged 
disregard of this advice and their expressed determination to 

1 Backus, Hist. Bap. I. 371. ^ j^jj^gg Records, Vol. IV. Part 2, p. 290. 
11 



122 HISTORY. [16G6-8. 

persist, they were disfranchised, and made liable, upon convic- 
tion before any magistrate, to be imprisoned dm-ing the pleas- 
m-e of the general court. 

In April following (1666) they were "presented" in the 
county court at Cambridge, " for absenting themselves from the 
public worship." They replied, referring to their meeting at 
Noddle's Island, that tliey constantly attended such worship. 
The court decided that that was not a lawful assembly; and 
Gould and Osborne were fined ,£4 each, and required, in bonds 
of <£20 each, to appear at the next court of assistants ; refusing 
to obey the decision in either respect, they were committed to 
prison. 

At the ensuing session the court of assistants confirmed the 
sentence of imprisonment until the fines were paid; and in 
September the general court, after a full review of the case, sus- 
tained the decision. As the convicted men were soon after at 
liberty, it is probable that they complied with the arbitrary 
sentence. At the same time the general court reaffirmed its 
order of October, 1665, in relation to the " said schismatical 
assembly." 

" Thus they went on from time to time," says Backus, " till 
the court of assistants met at Boston 3d March, 1668, when 
on an appeal of Gould from a judgment of the county court at 
Charlestown, the jury decided in his favor. The decision was 
not satisfactory to the court, and the jury were sent out again 
with instructions to return a special verdict. They did so ; the 
decision of the lower court was confirmed ; judgment was 
entered ; the appellant refused to pay the imposed fine, and 
again was committed to prison.^ 

Such peculiar arguments failing to convince these men of 
their errors, the governor and council determined to allow a 
public discussion on the points at issue. The 14th of April 
was the day selected ; the place was " the meeting-house at 
Boston ; " the question, " whether it be justifiable by the word 
of God, for these persons and their company to depart from the 
communion of the churches, and to set up an assembly here in 



Backus, 1.373-375. 



1668.] DEBATE. 123 

the way of anabaptism, and whether such a practice is to be 
allowed by the government of this jurisdiction ? " 

There was a great concourse on the day appointed. Gould, 
Farnum, Osborne, and others were present, and with them sev- 
eral members of Mr. Clarke's church at Newport, sent to assist 
their brethren in debate. On the other side, several of the min- 
isters were requested to assemble with the governor and council. 
An elaborate debate, doubtless as convincing on both sides as 
such debates usually are, was had and closed ; and, in May, the 
Baptists were summoned to declare its effect. Their views and 
resolutions were still unchanged ; and from the apprehension of 
various dangers to the commonwealth set forth in the sentence, 
the court ordered their banishment on and after the 20th July 
next following ; and Gould, to whose prison life the public 
debate had been only an episode, was released to enable him 
to obey the mandate of the authorities. 

They did not submit to the decision ; and within a fortnight 
after the specified time they were again in prison. On the 
14th of October they addressed a petition" to the government, 
stating their conscientiousness in their peculiar views, but 
asserting their " innocence touching the government, both in 
Civil & Church affairs," and begging to be set at liberty. 

Their petition was also sustained by a paper numerously 
signed by persons in Boston and Charlestown ; but so far from 
aiding in the desired object, the latter paper, although respect- 
ful and proper in tone as well as creditable to the signers, gave 
such offence to the general court that several of its promoters 
were fined, and others severely censured. The petition itself 
had no favorable results. 

Farnum, as we judge from a court order of 7th November, 
1668, submitted to the authorities, and was released. Gould 
and Turner, more resolute, were still undaunted, and remained 
in prison. In March, 1669, it is worthy of notice that they 
were released upon their parole, for three days, to visit their 
families and also " to apply themselves to any that are able and 
orthodox for their further concernment." How they chose to 
interpret this is probably seen in the fact, that on Sunday the 
7th of that month a service was held at Gould's house on 
Noddle's Island, for attending which. Drinker was committed to 



124 HISTORY. [1669, 1679. 

prison, where he lay until the ensuing May. Doubtless Gould 
and Turner were returned to prison. 

But tidings of these matters had reached England and excited 
sympathy. Letters of remonstrance from the Independents 
came to the colonial government, as to their treatment of the 
Baptists. Thirteen ministers in London, among whom were 
Goodwin, Nye, and Owen, wrote to Governor Bellingham, 20th 
March, 1669, with urgent requests that these proceedings might 
cease. Others more privately attempted the same thing, declar- 
ing the peace and mutual affection which existed between such 
classes in England. It is not known what effect that produced, 
though it may be on this account that the imprisoned were set 
at liberty. 

But that the temper of the government was unchanged is 
evident ; for on the 30th of November, Turner was again in 
prison, and warrants were out for Gould, who consulted his 
safety by remaining at Noddle's Island^ whither the constables 
did not go. And in May, 1672, the law of 1644, prescribing 
banishment to such as should openly condemn infant baptism, 
was reenacted. 

On the 7th of December, 1672, Governor Bellingham, always 
hostile and rigorous towards the 
'J^'f' "Sti^-^^^ou^t^ Baptists, died. A large part of the 

people, though disagreeing with their 
peculiar views, had always disapproved of the treatment of the 
government ; and when, in May, 1673, John Leverett succeeded 
to the office of governor, his well-known sentiments in favor of 
milder treatment found no obstacle to their exercise. For six 
years the Baptists had peace. Enjoying their own views, they 
worshipped umolested, and they still continued to meet at 
Gould's house on Noddle's Island, at least so long as he lived. 
It was in the midst of this quiet, in October, 1675, that Gould 
died. After years of ecclesiastical and legal trouble, he had 
the happiness to leave the church which he had founded, at rest. 
So prosperous had they been, that the question of a second 
church was mooted, but for the time deferred. 

On the 16th March, 1679, Governor Leverett died. He was 
succeeded by Bradford. Under his administration the tribu- 
nals again took cognizance of the Baptists. Several persons 



1679.] THE BAPTISTS HAVE REST. 125 

were tried and fined, and others admonished. Still, they pro- 
ceeded to carry out a plan now conceived, that of erecting a 
house of worship in Boston, taking care, however, that nothing 
should be known of its contemplated use until it was finished. 
They met in it for the first time on the 15th of February, 1679. 
In May the leaders were summoned before the courts ; and to 
meet this case, and perhaps others, a new law was passed, 
forbidding the erection or use of any house of worship without 
permission of the authorities; any meeting-house, after three 
meetings, to be forfeited to the county. To save their property, 
they refrained from meeting in it until information of a royal 
edict, granting liberty of conscience to all Protestants, was 
received. They then met in it again, notwithstanding the 
royal order ; the doors were nailed up by the order of the court, 
8th March, 1680, and a notice posted forbidding all meetings 
within it. Its owners then met in the yard in front, but a 
week or two after forced the house open. They entered it, and 
continued there undisturbed until the 11th of June following, 
when they were summoned to answer for violating the statute 
of 15th February, 1679. Squire, Drinker, Russell, and some 
others, appeared. After a hearing, they were released from 
fines, but were still forbidden to meet as a society, or to use for 
public worship the house they had built; to which effect the 
governor admonished them in open court. But this admonition 
was the last exercise of power : with it their trials from church 
and state authorities ended ; and, after twenty years of vexa- 
tious persecution, the Baptists had rest. 

At the very time the Baptists were suffering their persecu- 
tions, Maverick (who had sold his interest in the Island) was 
laboring, as one of the royal commissioners, to secure religious 
freedom to all, under instructions from the crown, in which, 
however well the object of establishing Episcopacy may have 
been disguised, it was well declared to be " very scandalous 
that any man should be debarred y^ exercise of his religion, 
according to y® laws & custome of England by those who by y® 
indulgence granted have liberty left to be of what profess^ in 
religion they please ; in a word, persons of good & honest con- 
versation who have lived long there may enjoy all the privi- 



126 HISTORY. [1679. 

ledges ecclesiasticall & (in the colonies) civill w*''^ are due to 
them, and w'='^ are enjoyed by oth""^ as to choose an be chosen 
into places of government & the lili;e ; and that differences in 
opinion doe not lessen their charity to each other since charity 
is a fundamental in all religion." 



CHAPTER VI. 

SAMUEL MAVERICK, EOYAL COMAnSSIONER. 

It has been seen in Chapter IV., that Maverick's Episcopacy, 
and his efforts to obtain equal civil and religious rights and 
privileges for people of every religious belief, subjected him to 
the constant displeasure of the colonial government, under 
which he suffered persecution and hardship. Under these cir- 
cumstances it is not strange that he should have become disaf- 
fected, and should have harbored considerable ill feeling toward 
the colony. Certainly, the treatment he received was not 
calculated to make him friendly in his feelings towards, or 
intercourse with, his provincial neighbors, or strenuous in his 
exertions to advance those measures of theirs which were so 
contrary to his own ideas of justice. Indeed, his subsequent 
life shows that he persisted in his loyalty to Episcopalianism 
and the Idng, and that he had not so far conquered the author 
of evil but that, contrary to the advice in the old hymn, he 
"let his angry passions rise;" and, upon a change in the home 
government, exerted himself most strenuously to maintain his 
position, and acquire authority and power over those who had 
ill-treated him. This partook more of weak human nature 
than of Christian forbearance ; but Maverick's disposition was 
not such as to induce him to submit to indignity. 

With this end in view, upon the restoration of Charles 11. he 
went to England to complain to the king, and was t^vo or three 
years in soliciting that commissioners might be appointed, who 
should visit New England wuth authority to settle all diffi- 
culties.i jjis efforts were successful ; and on the 23d of April, 

1 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. 250. 



128 HISTORY. [1662. 

1664, Charles 11. appointed four commissioners, of whom Sam- 
uel Maverick was one, to whom extraordinary powers were 
given to reduce " the Dutch at the Manhadoes," to visit the 
New England colonies, and hear and determine all matters of 
complaint, settle conflicting questions which had arisen con- 
cerning the charters, and, indeed, to adjust all difficulties, and 
effect the peace of the country .^ 

The colony of Massachusetts never was in high favor with 
the mother country ; for from the first its leading men, and in 
fact the colonists generally, had shown a distasteful regard 
for their rights, and a calm decision in maintaining them. 
Upon the overthrow of the protectorate of Cromwell, the ene- 
mies of Massachusetts gained ground rapidly in England ; 
the principal men of the colony trembled at the restoration, 
and had continual fears of being deprived of their privileges ; 
and these were not groundless. The ear of the king was soon 
obtained by the Quakers, and perhaps other enemies of New 
England, and he sent a requirement to the colonial government 
to answer the complaints in England. To this end Mr. Brad- 
street and Mr. Norton were sent to represent the colony as 
loyal and obedient! a colony which had justified every circum- 
stance in the course of Cromwell, and publicly praised the piety 
and justice of the court which had brought Charles I. to the 
scaffold.^ On the return of these agents, King Charles sent 
his oft quoted letter of 28th June, 1662.^ In this letter is a 
clause, which shows the position which the government intended 
to assume, and from that time did take, relative to Episcopacy. 
Maverick could already see the dawn of a brighter day for his 



* The subject of the commission is a very broad one, and covers many 
important points, and it would require a volume to set it forth in a proper 
manner. In this narrative thei-e is only room to present the leading facts in 
such a manner as to give a general idea of the subject. Voluminous docu- 
ments are to be found in the Mass. Records, N. Y. Col. Hist., Hutchinson's 
Collections, and Hist, of Mass., etc. The writer has also had the opportunity, 
by the kindness of G. II. Snelling, Esq., of examining the " Danforth Papers ; " 
an old MS. of great value, relating exclusively to the difficulties between the 
colonial authorities and the royal commissioners. 

* Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 359. 

» Mass. Records, Vol. IV. par. 2, pp. 58, 160-162, etc.; Danforth Papers. 



1662.] THE LETTER OF KE^G CHARLES. 129 

religious opinions; and the colonial authorities could easily 
perceive how their harsh treatment of him and others who 
differed from the Puritan mode of worship was soon to bring 
about its own retribution. 

Says Charles in "this letter : " Since the principall end & 
foundation of that charter was & is the freedome & liberty of 
conscience, wee doe hereby charge & require that that freedome 
& liberty be duely admitted & allowed, so that such as desire 
to vse the Booke of Comon Prayer, & performe their devo- 
tions in that manner as is established here, be not debarred 
the exercise thereof, or vndergo any prejudice or disadvantage 
thereby, they vsing their liberty w^'out disturbanc to others, & 
that all persons of good & honest Hues & conuersations be 
admitted to the sacrement of the Lord's supper, according to 
the Booke of Comon Prayer & their children to baptisrae." 
No explanation is necessary to show how this clause would 
controvert the views and actions of the colony, or how impor- 
tant it would have been in its general character if it had been 
carried out. They had retained their charter up to this time, 
although it had been more than once demanded ; but should 
they now be required to deliver it up, they would not be able 
to resist the power which would be brought to bear upo^i them. 
It is doubtless true that the charter did not grant to the colo- 
nists all the privileges which they exercised ; but they had 
enjoyed these so long with the tacit acquiescence of the govern- 
ment, that they considered themselves entitled to their free 
exercise. 

It is not improbable that the unpleasant state of feeling exist- 
ing between the mother country and the Massachusetts colony 
had influence with the crown in listening to the solicitations of 
Maverick. His representations of the state of affairs in Massa- 
chusetts were supported by others who were unfriendly to the 
colony. A letter from Capt. Thomas Breedon to " My Lords 
and Gentlemen" is on record, which gives to the government 
any thing but a favorable account. Says Breedon : " The dis- 
tinction of freemen and non-freemen, members & non-members, 
is as famous as Cavalers & Roundheads was in England;" 
..." they look on themselves as a free state," some " say they 
will dye before they loose their liberties and priviledges ; by 



130 HISTORY, [1664. 

which it may appeare how difficult it is to reconcile monarchy 
and independency ; . . . there should be a speedy course taken 
for setling and establishing this country in due obedience & 
subjection to His Maj^^''" etc. 

In the spring of 1664, intelligence came, to this country that 
several ships were soon to arrive from England, and with them 
persons of distinction. By order of the court the charter was 
put in the charge of four of their number for safe-keeping, and 
a day of fasting and prayer was appointed to be observed 
throughout the jurisdiction.^ 

The ships sailed from Portsmouth, England, having on 
board four hundred and fifty men, and four commissioners of 
oyer and terminer,^ who were appointed to visit the colonies 
and hear and determine all matters of complaint. This com- 
mission consisted of Col. Richard Nichols (the commander 
of the expedition), Sir Robert Carr, George Cartivright, and 
Samuel Maverick,^ any two or three of them constituting a 
quorum, Col. Nichols being always one. The king's com- 
mission, after setting forth the reasons for this appointment, 



" Know yee therefore, that wee reposing special trust and 
confidence in the fidelity, wisdome, and circumspection of our 
trusty and well-beloved Colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert 
Carre, Knt., George Cartwright, Esq., and Samuel Maverick, 
Esq., of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, 
have made, ordained, constituted and appointed, and by these 
presents do make, ordain, constitute and appoint the said 
Colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carre, George Cartwright, 
and Samuel Maverick, our Commissioners, and do hereby give 
and grant unto them, or any three or two of them, or of the 
survivors of them, of whom wee will the said Colonel Richard 
Nichols during his life, shall be alwaies one,* and upon equal 



> Hutcliinson, Vol. I. p. 230. 

^ Washburn (Judicial History, p. 35) thus specifies them. 

^ Goodrich's Hist. United States, p. 50, erroneously calls him Pdchard Mave- 
rick. 

* This provision is thus alluded to in a letter from Cartwright to the secre- 
tary of state. " Since all the plantations both of Dutch and Swedes upon the . 



1664.] THE COMMISSION. 131 

division of opinion to have the casting and decisive voice, in 
our name to visit all and every of the said colonies aforesaid, 
and also full power and authority to hear and receive, and to 
examine and determine, all complaints and appeales in all 
causes and matters, as well military as criminal and civil, and 
to proceed in all things for the providing for and settling the 
peace and security of the said country, according to their good 
and sound discretions, and to such instructions as they or the 
survivors of them shall have, or shall from time (to) time 
receive from us in that behalfe ; and from time to time, as they 
shall find expedient, to certify us or our privy counsel, of their 
actings and proceedings, touching the premises," etc.^ 

This commission bore date of the 25th of April, 1664, the 
sixteenth year of the reign of Charles II., that is, the sixteenth 
year from the execution of his father, Charles I., but only the 
fourth year after the restoration ; the protectorate of Cromwell 
was made of no account in the royal reckoning. It was pre- 
ceded by a letter from Charles II. bearing date 23d of April, 
two days previous to the date of the commission to the governor 
and council of Massachusetts, stating some of the objects of 
the commission, and speaking of the commissioners as " per- 
sons of known affection to our service and of long experience ; " 
of this, the colonists had no doubt I 

In the instructions by which the royal commissioners were 
to be guided, the king commands them to give assurance to 
the governor and council of his tenderness, care, and affection 
for the inhabitants of the colony ; and of his confident expecta- 
tion that by the representations of that nature they should 
make, the evil designs of disaffected ones would be discouraged, 
and the loyalty and affection of his subjects, in turn, would be 
secured. They were then to open the matter of " reducing the 



South River -were reduced under the obedience of his Majestie in October 
last, Mr. Mavericke and my selfe have had nothing to doe but to observe His 
Majesties commands in visiting the English Colonies; but we have not had 
power to doe anything ; for together he and I cannot act without a third man, 
though each of us, single, may act with Colonel Nicolls ; but he is detained at 
New York," etc. 
» Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 535 ; N. Y. Col. Hist. Vol. III. p. 64. 



132 HISTORY. [1664. 

Dutch in or near Long Island, or anywhere within the limits" 
of the king's dominions, to entire obedience to his government. 
The general reasons assigned for this were, that besides afford- 
ing refuge to all sorts of evil-doers, the Dutch made it their 
business to oppress their neighbors, and by unlawful and foul 
means to engross all the trade to themselves. This being done, 
the commissioners were next to desire them, after their own 
custom, constitution, and form, as soon as it could be done, to 
call a general council and assembly, to whom also these matters 
should be opened. They were to inform themselves of the 
state and condition of the neighboring " Kings and Princes or 
the other Natives adjoining," and to inquire what treaties or 
contracts had been made with them ; how they had been 
observed on the part of the king's subjects ; and, for the credit 
of Christianity, to redress any wrongs that might have been 
committed. They were also to ascertain what progress had 
been made in founding any college or schools for the education 
of youth, and the conversion of the infidels ; and what success 
had attended endeavors of that kind. These things being 
accomplished, they were directed to " take a view of our letter 
of the 28th June, 1662, and examine how all those particulars 
therein enjoined by us, and which ought by their charter to be 
observed, have been or are put in practice, as, that persons take 
the oath of allegiance, that all process, and the administration 
of justice, be performed in our name ; that such as desire to use 
the Book of Common Prayer, be permitted so to do without 
incurring any penalty, reproach or disadvantage in his interest, 
it being very scandalous that any man should be debarred the 
exercise of his religion, according to the laws and customs of 
England, by those who by the indulgence granted have liberty 
left to be of what profession in religion they please ; in a word, 
that persons of good and honest conversation, who have lived 
long there, may enjoy all the privileges, ecclesiastical and civil, 
which are due to them, and which are enjoyed by others, as to 
choose and be chosen into places of government and the like ; 
and that differences in opinion do not lessen their charity to 
each other, since charity is a fundamental in all religion." ^ 

1 Colonial nist.N. Y. Vol. IH. p. 54. 



1664.] INSTRUCTIONS. 133 

This would be a great victory for Mr. Maverick to achieve 
over the colonists who had so persecuted him on account of his 
religious opinions, and was well calculated to gratify his ill 
feeling towards the Puritan government of the province. 

The commissioners were to ascertain whether any persons 
standing attainted in parliament of high treason, referring par- 
ticularly to those who sat in judgment on Charles I., were 
entertained and sheltered in the colony ; and, if such should be 
found, to have them apprehended and sent to England ; and 
finally, they were to inform themselves of the whole frame and 
condition of the government, both civil and ecclesiastical, and 
of its administration.^ 

The instructions to them, of the same date, as commissioners 
to Connecticut, embrace, generally, the same matters, with some 
additional ones, that need not be repeated. 

The private instructions to the commissioners, which were 
" to be considered and communicated only betweene them- 
selves," are very significant as showing the designs of the 
home government. These instructions commence as follows: — 

" Though the maine end and drift of yo' employm' is to 
informe yourselves and us of the true and whole state of those 
severall Colonies and by insinuateing by all kind and dextrous 
carriage into the good opinion of ye principall persons there, 
that soe you may (after a full observation of the humour and 
interest both of those in governm* and those of the best quality 
out of governm*, and generally, of the people themselves) lead 
and dispose them to desire to renew their charters and to 
make such alterations as will appeare necessary for their owne 
benefit : — Yet^ you may informe all men that a great end of 
your designe is the possession of Long Island and reduceing 
that people," etc. 

They were " to use great dilligence together in the careful 
and exact perusall of the first and second charter ; " and it was 
"wished that y® severall Governours should hold their places 
three or five yeares, and that before the midle of the last yeare 
three names should be sent over and presented to us, that one 
of them might be chosen by us for the next Governor," etc. 

» Mass. Hist. Coll. 3d Series, 7, p. 127. 

12 



134 HISTORY. [1664. 

They were to be particularly careful not to excite suspicion in 
the minds of the colonists that any change was intended in 
forms of religious worship, and that they might not give " any 
umbrage or jealousy," they were advised to frequent the 
churches and to be present at their devotion, " though wee doe 
suppose and thinke it very fitt that you carry with you some 
learned and discreet Chaplaine, orthodox in his judgement and 
practice, who in your owne familyes will reade the Booke of 
Common Prayer & performe your devotion according to y^ 
forme established in the Church of England, excepting only in 
wearing the surplesse, which haveing never bin seen in those 
countryes, may conveniently be forborne att this tyme," etc. 
They were to " proceed very warily," and not " to appeare 
solicitous to make any change in the matters of Religion." 

They were directed to employ all the art they possessed to 
lead the colonists to desire the renewal and alteration of their 
charters. Two points were named as specially desirable to be 
gained. The first was, the consent of the colonists that the 
governor be nominated or approved by the king. The second, 
that the militia be put under an officer nominated or recom- 
mended by him also. To this was added, " and it may be if 
they consider their charter they will not find that they have, in 
truth, the disposal of their own militia as they imagine." And 
the wish was expressed, that the general assembly might be so 
wrought upon that Colonel Nichols might be chosen by them 
governor, and Colonel Cartwright, another of the commissioners, 
major-general.^ 

The commissioners also were intrusted with a letter from the 
king to the governor and council of Massachusetts.^ 

This recital of the object and duties of this commission has 
been made, because Maverick, whose character, as the first pro- 
prietor of Noddle's Island, it is one object of these pages to 
illustrate, was one of the commissioners, and in some of the 
matters alluded to, he had, years before, taken a deep interest 
and borne an active part. In further illustration of his charac- 
ter and position, extracts will be given from some letters of his 
which are extant. 

1 Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. HI. p. 60, etc. ^ j^id. pp. 51-64. 



1664.] ARRIVAL OF THE COMMISSIONERS. 135 

The ships containing the troops and the commissioners be- 
came separated in a fog when near the end of the voyage, and 
those having on board Colonel Nichols and George Cartwright 
arrived at Boston on the 23d of July (1664), while the vessels 
conveying Sir Robert Carr and Mr. Maverick arrived at 
Piscataqua, now Portsmouth, N. H., on the 20th of the same 
month. 

Maverick's zeal in the objects of his mission did not allow 
him any delay, and he immediately began the exercise of his 
newly obtained authority. On the very day of his arrival he 
writes to Thomas Breedon, at Boston, as follows : — 

"Pascataway, July 20, 1664. 

" Capt. Breedox, 

" It hath pleased God (after a tedious voyage of near ten 
weeks time), that two of our ships arrived here this after noon 
at Pascataway where we hourly expect our other two. The 
Guiney commanded by Capt. Hyde we lost this day se'night, 
and Capt. Hill with the Elyas on Sunday last ; 

" It happened, that as we were ready to come in, there went 
out from hence a Pinck, taken as a prize by a ship of Jamaica, 
but by authority from the Governor of the Massachusetts, the 
prize was as I understood seized upon and those that first took 
her, secured as prisoners by Capt. Oliver, and carried for Bos- 
ton. I shall desire you to repair to the Governor and Council, 
and advise them to take care how they dispose of such things 
as may be out of their bounds, and not fit for them to take 
cognisance of, his Majesty's Commissioners being at length 
come into these parts (of whom you know me to be one). I 
cannot now tell you the time and place, I long to see you at, 
our stay here being only for a little water and our other ships, 
which if they come not in time, we must go to our appointed 
port in Long Island, from whence you shall be sure to hear 
further from Sr. your very loving friend 

" Samuel Mavericke." ^ 

Mr. Maverick sent, at the same time, a letter to Mr. Jordan, 
> Colonial Hist. N. Y. Vol. III. p. 65. 



136 HISTORY. [1664. 

announcing his arrival and his desire to see him the first oppor- 
tunity, and also one to Major-General Denison to the same 
effect. The next day he wrote a letter to the Hon. William 
Coventry, which closes thus : — 

" S"", I have more then hopes, all things in these parts will 
prove very sucessfull for His Majty^ & His Royall Hignesses 
service & interest of which, I have already received great tes- 
tymonyes, for their contirmall prosperity and happiness. My 
prayers and utmost endeavours shall never bee wantinge 

" I shall not presume to give you further trouble at this time 
but to subscribe S"" your most humble servant 

" Samuel Mavericke."i 

In their private instructions the commissioners were allowed 
to go first, either to Long Island, on account of the troops they 
carried, or to New England, at discretion, — and they came to 
Boston. If their authority was above that of the governor and 
council in the matter of the prizes, it must doubtless have been 
derived from the general grant in their commission, which has 
been already given, to visit all the colonies, with " full power 
and authority to hear and receive, and to examine and deter- 
mine all complaints and appeals in all cases and matters as well 
military as criminal and civil, and proceed in all things for the 
providing for and settling the peace and security of the said 
country, according to their good and sound discretion." 

On the 23d of July, Commissioners Carr and Maverick wrote 
from Piscataqua to Mr. John Rickbell, of their intention to 
" suddenly bee in Long Island, and desiring him to make all 
convenient haste to his habitation on the Island, and to 
acquaint those on the way thither who were well affected 
towards the Commission and his Majestys service that they 
had arrived." 

Soon after his arrival, Maverick was found claiming relig- 
ious privileges as aforetime. James and Mary Oliver, in a 
manuscript to which we shall again refer, testify as follows : 
" This we can and do well remember further, Mr. Maverick said 

1 Colonial Hist. N. Y. Vol. HI. p. 66. 



1664.] ADDRESS TO THE KING. 137 

we should begin about 8 o'clock in the morning on the Lord's 
day, and end about 10, and they would come in then and end 
about 12. And we begin at 1 and end at 2 o'clock, and they 
would continue till about 4. I well remember words spoken 
by Mr. Maverick divers times to this purpose." This appears 
to be an arrangement in regard to public worship ; and if Mave- 
rick spoke authoritatively, as the taking of an affidavit would 
seem to indicate, he claimed something more than was his 
right, however discourteous the refusal of a request of that kind 
might be considered. 

Nicolls, Cartwright, and Maverick commissioned Sir Robert 
Carr to reduce the Dutch on Delaware Bay, and commanding 
" all officers at sea and land, and all soldgers " to obey him. 
The state papers show that Carr executed his commission in 
an acceptable manner. 

The colonial government did not wait for the action of the 
commissioners ; on the 19th October, 1664, it sent, through 
John Endicott, governor, a long address to the king, setting 
forth their many troubles and grievances, and requesting that 
the commissioners might be recalled, although, according to 
their own confession, they had " yet had but a litle tast of the 
words or acting of these gentlemen." ^ This address could not 
have been bolder had the colony been an independent state, 
and the general court was given to understand that the request 
was highly offensive to the king. The Honorable Robert 
Boyle, a firm friend of the colony, in a letter to Mr. Endicott, 
frankly discountenanced the address, and particularly the 
request for the recall of the commissioners, and said that the 
principal friends of the colony in England regretted the action 
of the general court.^ The truth was that the colony had 
determined to resist the commission. 

The authority of the commissioners was absolutely denied; 
violent controversies took place between them and the colonial 
government, the result of which was, that the attempt to estab- 
lish their jurisdiction as a court of justice was defeated, and 
they were never recognized as such in Massachusetts, although 

' Mass. Records, Vol. IV. Part 2, pp. 129-133. 

* Danforth Papers; Drake's History of Boston, p. 377. 

12* 



138 HISTORY. [1664. 

they partially succeeded in the exercise of their powers in some 
of the neighboring colonies.^ They met with less opposition in 
the Plymouth and Rhode Island colonies than in Connecticut 
and Massachusetts. Of the latter, the commissioners in their 
report say : " The Colony of y^ Massachusetts was the last and 
hardlyest persvaded to use His Ma*^*=^ name in their forms of 
Justice," and the "refractoriness of this colony" is always 
represented as far greater than of the others. Indeed, in one 
letter to the governor and council of Massachusetts, the com- 
missioners say : " The other Colonies have set you so many good 
examples, even that of Road Hand, one whom you have so 
long despised and disowned, and now lately derided for their 
submission to His Ma*'". The dangerousness of those wayes 
you are in, hath extorted thus much from us at the present for 
caution." ^ Lord Chancellor Clarendon, in a letter to Nicolls, 
says : " I know not what to say to the demeanour of the 
Massachusetts Colony, only that I am very glad that the other 
Colonies behave themselves so dutifully, for which they will 
receive thanks from the King ; and what sense his Ma*''' hath of 
the behaviour of those of Boston you will find by the inclosed 
. . . the original to be sent to those of Boston . . . and if they 
do not give obedience to it, wee shall give them cause to repent 
it. For his Ma*'" will not be sett downe by the affronts which 
he hath received." ^ The colonial authorities were so suspicious 
of the commissioners, that they opposed them at every step. 
Col. Nichols, however, by his discreet conduct, gained the 
esteem of the people, but Carr and Cartwright are represented 
unfit for their duties.* Maverick's presence was very disagree- 
able to the colonists, especially as he was clothed with author- 
ity ; for doubtless they anticipated a retaliation of their visita- 
tions upon him ; and in the letter to the king of the 19th Oct., 
1664, they speak of him in particular as being an enemy to 
them ; and manifest a fear that the commission will be char- 
acterized by acts of private revenge. 

^ Washburn's Judicial Hist. p. 36 ; Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. pp. 229- 
255. 
2 Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. HI. p. 100. 
» Ibid. 116. 
* Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 250. 



1664-5.] CORRESPONDENCE. 139 

It was suspected that the commissioners intended to put the 
country to great expense, and abridge their greatest privileges, 
liberty of conscience, etq^; and such being the state of feeling, 
officers possessed of the most honest intentions relative to the 
colonies would meet with great difficulties, and their mission 
prove a failure. Cartwright, in a letter to Nicolls, dated 25th 
of Jan., 1664-5, alludes to this state of public feeling. "... the 
country is made to believe that we have put them to .£300 
charge already, and that we intend to exact 12d. for every acre 
of land, and £3,000 a year besides, and to abridge them of their 
greatest priviledges, liberty of their consciences, and many 
such ; wch Mr. Maverick heard of amongst his friends, in every 
place where he hath been in this jurisdiction." In this letter he 
urges Nicolls to go w4th them to Rhode Island, and after they 
had determined the questions there, they would go to the 
" Eastern parts to determine the limits of those patents." ^ Mr. 
Maverick refers to the public sentiment in a letter written from 
Boston to Col. Nichols, in the February following his arrival. 
In this letter he says : " I perceive you have heard some false 
reports. Col. Cartwright hath written at large to you, in which 
we all concur. He hath been too retired ; I hope I have not 
been over sociable. I spent three weeks in several of the chief- 
est towns of the government, and I am deceived if in that 
journey I did not undeceive both magistrates, ministers, and 
other considerable persons." ^ In this letter he coincides with 
the wish of Cartwright that Nicolls would go to Rhode Island ; 
indeed, Cartwright said, " 3fr. Maverick and myself e are both of 
the opinion that this will be the best way for the doing of that 
well ^g g^j-g entrusted with," etc. Says Maverick in this letter, 
" We intend, God willinge, to be at Road Island about the first 
of March, & shall much desire yo'^ psence," etc. " Be pleased 
to refer to the Coil's letters." 

A subsequent letter from Maverick to Nicolls (dated 5th 
March, '64-5) speaks of arriving at Rhode Island and commenc- 
ing business, and repeats what he had said in his previous note 
to the same individual. " I have used my utmost endeavour in 



Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. III. p. 84. * Ibid. p. 88. 



140 HISTORY. [1664-5. 

the Massachusetts govern*^ to undeceive y® deceived and to 
p^'pare them for y^ election," etc. His efforts to undeceive the 
people did not succeed to any great, extent, however, for the 
Massachusetts colony, in their long and plain address to the 
king, prayed him to " put a stop to these proceedings," and in 
speaking of the commissioners, represented one of them (Mr. 
Maverick) " as our knowne and professed enemy." The gen- 
eral court was not backward in its expression of dislike to him. 
In one place ^ the record speaks of " some words & carraiges, 
that were distastefull to the people, fell from some of them, & 
in particular from Mr. Samuell Mauericke on his first arrival! 
in Piscataque Riuer, menacing the constable of Portsmouth 
while he was in the execution of his office." The colonists 
thought they observed in him a great animosity, which, they 
supposed, arose from his deep rooted prejudice against the 
church discipline; and that this prejudice called forth the 
moroseness of his natural temper, which manifested itself in 
harsh expressions, and occasioned some to look upon him as a 
professed enemy. " For they observed he was never willing to 
accept of any common courtesy from any of the inhabitants, as 
if he had had some special antipathy against them all in gen- 
eral ; but the contrary is known by some that had occasion of 
more free converse with him, to whom he always discovered 
much civility in his behavior. But w^hen he had received any 
disgust from any ruder sort of the people, as he occasionally 
passed up and down the country, it is not unlikely that he 
might highly resent the same, and could not refrain from an 
open discovery thereof upon other occasions ; which certainly, 
without prejudice be it spoken, did his majesty no little dis- 
service as to the matters then before them." ^ 

"When the conduct of the commissioners and the state of 
feeling among the people became known to the home govern- 
ment. Clarendon, then the Lord Chancellor, in March, sent over 
an answer to the address of the colony, in which he gave the 
petitioners plainly to understand that their address would not 
meet with the royal favor ; and at the same time sent a letter 



> Massachusetts Records, Vol. IV. Part 2, p. 168. 
2 Hist. N. E. p. 579. 



1664.] CLARENDON'S LETTER. 141 

to Maverick. In this letter, after expressing his disappoint- 
ment at the conduct of Sir Robert Carr, and his great confi- 
dence in Colonel Nichols, he continues : — 

" Worcester House, 5 March, 1664. 

" I find by an address we have lately received from Boston, 
that the Governor and Council there are not at all pleased with 
your Commission, and that they will needs believe all their 
privileges are to be destroyed ; but I suppose they are better 
informed since, and that the answer they have received from 
the King to their address, will dispose them to a better temper, 
and that the discretion and wisdom of the Commissioners will 
make them see how much they are mistaken in their apprehen- 
sions. I must tell you they seem most offended and troubled 
that you, whom they look upon as their enemy, should have 
any authority over them ; but I am very confident the knowl- 
edge of their prejudice towards you, will make you much the 
more careful and watchful in your carriage, that they may have 
no just exception against any thing you do, and that they 
plainly discerne that you are quite another man in a public 
trust than what they took you to be as a neighbor, and that 
you have wiped out of your memory all impressions which Ul 
treatment heretofore might have made in you. For if you 
should revenge any old discourtesies, at the King's charge, and 
as his Commissioner should do any thing upon the memory of 
past injuries, the King would take it very ill, and do himself 
justice accordingly. But I am confident I have not been 
so much mistaken in the observation I could make of your 
nature and disposition, that you can be liable to any of these 
reproaches, — however, the advertisement I am sure can do you 
no harm, and proceeds from much kindness. 

" Remember me very kindly to Colonel Cartwright, and T 
am very glad your success hath been so good in the other Prou- 
inces. I hope that of the Massachusetts will not deserve a 
worse report. I wish you all happiness, and am 
« Good Mr. Maverick, 

" Your affectionate serv't, 

" Clarendon." ^ 

» Colonial Hist. N. Y. Vol. HL p. 92. 



142 HISTORY. [1665. 

The supposition of Clarendon, that, through better informa- 
tion, the wisdom and discretion of the commissioners, and the 
answer of the king to the address from Boston, the governor 
and council might have become of a " better temper," did not 
prove correct. Nor were all the commissioners the most dis- 
creet and conciliating. Carr's conduct, as appears from Claren- 
don's letter above, was such as to disappoint and offend the 
government. Cartwright also is represented as totally unfit 
for the business they came upon. Hutchinson says that he and 
Carr, "by their violent proceedings, rendered themselves 
odious ; " and Maverick seems to have been not altogether the 
most peaceably inclined, as appears by his letter from Ports- 
mouth, before his arrival, interfering with the government, 
which he had been instructed to carefully avoid. 

There is a manuscript paper in the Massachusetts archives, 
purporting to be an affidavit of Captain James Oliver and his 
wife, in which they state that Maverick, being at their house 
"some time about January" of that year (1665), and, " speak- 
ing about divers things and persons in the country said, we 
should know that they [the commissioners] were the men we 
were to obey." The captain then told him that he supposed he 
was commanded one thing by the governors, from whom he 
had received his commission, and another by them ; .and asked 
him which he should obey. Maverick replied that he " might 
obey them [the governors] till after election, but no longer." 
He " further said we were both rebels and traitors for minting 
money and printing, which was treason for the country to do." 
In another manuscript, also in the archives, which is the testi- 
mony of three other individuals, Maverick is represented as 
complaining of the claims of the colonists, and saying that they 
included the territory of thirteen patents under their own. 

The general court being at last compelled, by the direct ques- 
tions of the commissioners, to abandon the equivocal position 
they had been holding, and openly announce their intentions, 
on the 24th of March, 1665, "with sound of trumpet in the 
Market Place in Boston below the Court House, and at the 
Dock head, and at the cross-way by Capt. Breedons " published 
a " Declaration," setting forth their views and position relative 
to the commissioners. In this, the court " Declare to all the 



1665.] THE CONTEST. 143 

people of this Colony, that in the observance of our duty to 
God and His Ma"** and the trust committed to us by His Ma"''* 
good subjects in this Colony, wee cannot consent unto or give 
our approbation of the proceedings of the aforesaid Gentlemen 
(referring to the commissioners), neither can it consist with our 
allegiance that we owe to His Ma"^ to countenance any that 
shall in so high a manner go cross unto His Ma"*^* direct charge 
or shall be their abettors or consent thereunto."^ To this paper 
the commissioners made a short and severe reply, informing the 
court that they should " not loose more of their labours upon 
them, but referr it to his Maj*'*"^ wisdom, who is of power 
enough to make himself obedyed in all his dominions." ^ 

The contest between the commissioners and the colonial 
government was warm ; both parties were earnest and persist- 
ent, and many letters passed between them ; and at the same 
time the commissioners kept the lord chancellor fully informed 
of the difficulties under which they labored. The correspond- 
ence shows the determination on either side to maintain their 
respective positions, and it is probable that personal animosity 
added to the difficulties of amicably adjusting the points in 
dispute. The position taken by the governor and council of 
Massachusetts, and as resolutely maintained by them, called 
forth from the officers of the crown strong accusations accom- 
panied with threats, and it is not uncharitable to indulge the 
thought that Maverick felt some pleasure in having the right to 
address his former persecutors, as he deemed them, with author- 
ity and severity. In one letter to the governor and council, the 
following significant language is used, with much more of a 
similar character : " Striveing to grasp too much, may make 
you hold but a little. 'Tis possible that the charter which you 
so much idolize may be forfeited, and it may probably be sup- 
posed that it hath been many ways forfeited ; untill you hav» 
cleared yourselves of those many injustices, oppressions, vio- 
lences, and bloud for which you are complained against, to 
which complaints you have refused to answer ; or untill you 
have His Ma"«^ pardon, which can neither be obteined by nor 
bee effectuall to those who deny the King's supremacy." In 

1 Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. m. p. 95. 2 Ibid. 96. 



144 HISTORY. [1666, 

this letter the governor and council are accused of using bad 
grammar in their last letter; and it was asserted that they had 
" palpably (and we feare wilfully) misconstrued too many of 
His Ma"*'" gracious letters." ^ 

With all his zeal, Maverick was not without discretion. 
Hutchinson relates that in a dispute with one Mason, a con- 
stable, in Boston, in 1666, after another constable had been 
beaten when attempting to arrest him : " Sir Robert Carr said 
it was he that beat him, and that he would do it again. 
Mason replied, that he thought his majesty's commissioners 
would not have beaten his majesty's officers, and that it was 
well for them that he was not the constable that found them 
there, for he would have carried them before authority. Sir 
Robert asked, if he dare meddle with the king's commission- 
ers? Yes, says Mason, and if the king himself had been there, 
I would have carried him away; upon which Maverick cried 
out, treason ! thou shalt be hanged within a twelvemonth. Sir 
Robert Carr spake to Sir Thomas Temple and some others of 
the company, to take notice of what had passed ; and the next 
day Maverick sent a note to Mr. Bellingham, the governor, 
charging Mason with high treason for the words spoken, and 
requiring the governor to secure him. The governor appointed 
a time for Maverick to come to his house and to give bond to 
prosecute the constable himself, at the next court of assistants; 
but Maverick, instead of appearing, thought proper only to 
send another note, promising to appear against the constable 
and charge him home, and therefore required that his person 
should be secured. The governor now thought it advisable to 
cause Mason to recognize, as principal, in five hundred pounds, 
with two sufficient sureties in two hundred and fifty each, for 
his appearance ; but the day before the court, Maverick sent 
another note to the governor, desiring to withdraw his charge, 
being ' satisfied that although the words were rash and incon- 
siderate, yet there was no premeditated design in Mason to 
offer any injury to the king or his government.' The governor 
returned for answer, ' that the affair was of too high a nature 
for him to interpose in. Mason being bound over to answer.' 

' Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. in. p. 99. 



1665.] REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONERS. 145 

Upon his appearance a bill was laid before the grand-jury, 
wherein he was charged with maliciously and treasonably 
uttering the treasonable words mentioned. According to the 
liberty taken by grand juries at that day, they only found ' that 
the words charged were spoken;' and Mason being brought 
upon trial and the words fully proved, the court of assistants 
suspended judgment, and referred the cause to the next general 
court, where it was resolved, that although the words were rash, 
insolent, and highly offensive, yet, as his accusers and witnesses 
all cleared him from any overt act, or evil intended against the 
king, the court did not see cause to adjudge him a capital 
offender, but sentenced him to be admonished in a solemn man- 
ner by the governor." ^ "However trivial this anecdote may 
appear," continues Hutchinson, "yet there are circumstances 
which throw some light upon the character of the commis- 
sioners, as well as that of the governor and the judiciary and 
ministerial powers of the government at that time." 

The commissioners' report concerning Massachusetts gives 
to the government a very severe account of the resistance of 
that colony to the officers of the crown ; mentions in considera- 
ble detail the various causes of dissatisfaction with the condi- 
tion of civil, judicial, and religious affairs in that colony, and 
states, that, with the few who remain loyal subjects of the king, 
it is "as it was with the King's party in Cromwell's time." 
The closing sentence of the report is : " Their way of govern- 
ment is Commonwealth-like ; their way of worship is rude and 
called Congregational ; they are zealous in it, for they persecute 
all other formes." The whole report is too long to be trans- 
ferred to these pages ; the reader who desires to see it in 
full is referred to the Colonial Hist. N. Y. Vol. HI. pp. 110- 
113. 

Of the numerous attempts of the commissioners in issuing 
civil and military orders in other colonies, in some of which 
they succeeded, as in Maine and Rhode Island, we need not 
speak ; our narrative has more particular reference to their 
labors, and the results of their labors, in Massachusetts. 



^ Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. pp. 254, 255. 

13 



146 HISTORY. [1665. 



in almost every measure they attempted. Perhaps they did as 
well as any men would have done under similar circumstan- 
ces ; but the ministry was ignorant of the state of the colo- 
nies, and the commission was undoubtedly a stretch of power, 
infringing in some respects upon the rights granted in the 
charter ; wherefore the colonists considered themselves justified 
in resisting its authority. They had remarkable powers granted 
to them, extending over very many and important points of 
dispute, and they made a great many new ones ; and they 
were determined to exercise all the authority which their com- 
mission and instructions would allow. On the other hand, the 
colonies, especially Massachusetts, supposing the commis- 
sioners were exercising more power than was conferred upon 
them, and with good reason suspicious of the ministry, opposed 
these officers at every step, and, in fact, thwarted all their 
undertakings. The correspondence between the colonial au- 
thorities and the commissioners, and between each of these 
parties and the home government, is voluminous. The Massa- 
chusetts colony presented and urged its own case with signal 
ability and shrewdness, showing itself ostensibly the most loyal 
of provinces, when in fact it was in real rebellion, defeating the 
royal officers in their every effort, and at the same time pretend- 
ing to do this in the name of the king! At this very time they 
addressed the king, assuring him of their loyalty, and making 
him valuable presents to appease his displeasure at their treat- 
ment of his officers ; one present which they sent was a ship 
load of masts, of which the king was in need, and which he 
" most graciously acknowledged." But it was not until after 
the commissioners had found out to their satisfaction that they 
could do nothing that they obtained fi-om the general court a 
statement of its true position. 

As might naturally be supposed, the recall of the commission- 
ers, which was in 1665, was a cause of rejoicing to the colonists, 
and they doubtless took pleasure in supposing, however erro- 
neously, that it was a virtual yielding of the contest. Nichols, 
writing from Fort James, in New York, to Secretary Arlington, 
concerning incursions of the French from Canada, says: "I 
have turned one third of the country militia into horse and 



1666.] THE ROYAL APPROVAL. 147 

dragoons ; the like is done in Conecticot Colony, but the gran- 
dees of Boston are too proud to be dealt with, saying that his 
Majesty is well satisfied with their loyalty, and hath recalled 
both his Commission, and disgraced his Commissioners." 
There is no evidence that such was the case, and the statement 
simply shows the state of feeling in the colony. The king 
appears to have been satisfied with the general conduct of the 
commissioners, and particularly with Maverick, whom he re- 
tained in service and to whom he made a valuable present, and 
recalled them only when it was evident that nothing more could 
then be accomplished. Touching this point Maverick remarks, 
in a letter to Arlington, " In the afore mentioned signification 
(of August ()th, 1066), his Ma"'' declared that he was well 
pleased with the acting of his Commissioners, and expressly 
commanded that noe alteration should be made in what they 
had done." 

" After all," says a discerning writer, who has lately had this 
subject under consideration, " it is difficult to see how any com- 
missioners, upon such an errand, could have given satisfaction. 
For a moment's consideration is sufficient to convince any one 
that the difficulty was not so much in the commissioners as in 
the undertaking. The king, of course, knew nothing about 
New England affairs, except from interested parties, and hence, 
when he gave these commissioners authority to come here and 
take the government out of the hands of the people, he acted 
with the same kind of inconsistency which ruined his father. 

The fathers of Boston had cause, not long after, to 

speak of ' a remarkable providence,' by which much expected 
mischief was averted from their heads. The commissioners 
had collected all the unfavorable circumstances they could 
against the country, intending, on their return to England, to 
use their information to the prejudice of New England. All 
the papers collected for this purpose were in the keeping of 
Cartwright, who, on his passage to England, fell into the hands 
of the Dutch, who stripped him of every thing, even the papers 
in question, and he never could recover them." ^ 



Drake's Hist. Bost. pp. 372, 373. 



148 HISTORY. [1666. 

Maverick's duties under the ministry did not wholly cease 
with the recall of the commission ; for the king's confidence in 
him was so great that he was selected from all the other com- 
missioners to continue his labors in the royal service. This cir- 
cumstance suggests the inference that his services had been 
very acceptable to those under whom he acted. The king and 
ministry were highly displeased with the treatment the commis- 
sioners had received, and were not inclined to suffer the indig- 
nity to pass unnoticed. More than all, it seemed necessary to 
take some decided measures to suppress the g-roiving- feeling- of 
independence and of rights of self-government, tvhich were becom- 
ing so very prominent in the Massachusetts colony. Charles II. 
doubtless remembered the " ill concealed joy " of this refractory 
colony at the fate of his father, and felt no small desire to 
assert triumphantly his own authority. This will serve to intro- 
duce the following statement in the record : " It being put to 
the question whither the Council mentioned in the paper given 
into the magis*s by Mr. Samuel Mauerick be meant of this 
Generall Court according to our sence the Court resolved it on 
y^ affirmative."! And again (p. 315): "The Court hauing 
pervsed the paper presented to the magistrates by M"" Samuel 
Mauericke, now in Court, judge that some meete answer be 
given therevnto by this Court, & to that end haue chosen and 
appointed the honored Dept. Gove"*, Capt. Gookin, Maj'^ Gen. 
Leueret, Capt. Waldern, Capt. Johnson, Mr. Humphrey Davie, 
& Mr. Peter Tilton as a committee who are hereby desired to 
drawe vp what they shall judge meete to be donne in the case 
by way of answer thereto, making their returne thereof to this 
Court." 

The " paper " presented by Maverick was " a signification 
from his Majesty requiring the Council of this Colony to send 
five able and meete persons to make answer for refusing the 
jurisdiction of his Commissioners last year, whereof Mr. Rich- 
ard Bellingham and Mr. Hawthorne to be two of them, whom 
he requires on their allegiance to come by the first opportu- 



^ Mass. Records, Vol. IV. Part 2, p. 314. 



1666.] SESSION OF THE GENERAL COURT. 149 

nity." 1 The record appropriately calls this a " weighty matter," 
and it must have been peculiarly disagreeable to the court to 
have had it brought before them by their old acquaintance, 
Maverick, of any thing but " blessed memory." 

A special session of the court was called by the governor on 
the 11th of September, 1666, and the " elders " (ministers) 
were invited to be present, and " affoord their advice." The 
forenoon of the 12th was spent in prayer, and on the 13th 
they proceeded to business. A long debate ensued, in which 
Bellingham, Bradstreet, Dudley, Willoughby (deputy-gover- 
nor), Hawthorne, Stoughton, Winthrop, Sir Thomas Temple, 
and others participated. Some favored the request upon the 
ground that the king, as such, should be obeyed ; that " right 
may not be denied because it may be abused ; " that " the king 
can do no wrong because he acts according to law," etc.; while, 
on the other hand, it was maintained that " we must as well 
consider God's displeasure as the king's ; the interests of our- 
selves and God's things, as his Majesty's prerogative, — for our 
liberties are of concernment, and to be regarded as to their 
preservation, for if the king may send for me now, and another 
to-morrow, we are a miserable people." ^ There had been many 
who from the first had held to the opinion that the commis- 
sioners should be received, and their authority acknowledged 
and submitted to ; and when the " signification " of the king 
was presented to the general court, petitions in favor thereof 
were sent in from numerous towns. These petitioners were 
censured by the court for intermeddling,^ and a different course 
decided upon. 

An answer to the " signification " was returned by the 
colonial government, which shrewdly evaded as much as pos- 
sible the real and well-known intent of the troublesome paper 
presented to them by Maverick, by throwing a doubt over its 
genuineness, thus giving to it a secondary importance, and 
while expressing their loyalty and humility still persisted in their 



^ Danforth Papers, -which contain a full and interesting account of this 
special session of the general court. Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., Vol. I. p. 25S. 

* Danforth Papers. 

* Ibid. ; Mass. Records, Vol. IV., Part 2, p. 317 ; Hutchinson's Hist. Coll. 

13* 



150 HISTORY. [1666. 

independent course, and refused to obey the direction I And in 
the answer, they cannot resist the temptation to cast an impli- 
cation upon their old " enemy," as will be seen in the follow- 
ing extract: — 

" Wee may not omitt to acquaint your honor's that a writing 
was deliuered to the Governor & Majestrates, by Mr. Samuel 
Mauerick, the 6*^ Sept. w*^out direction or scale, which he saith 
is a copie of a signification from his majestic, of his pleasure 
concerning this colony of Massachusets, the certeinty whereof 
seems not to be so ^leare vnto us as former expresses from his 
majesty haue usually been.^ Wee haue in all humillity given 
our reasons why wee could not submitt to the commissioners 
& their mandates the last yeare, w'^'^ wee understand lye before 
his majesty, to the substance whereof wee have not to add, & 
therefore cannot expect that the ablest persons among us could 
be in a capacity to declare our cause more fully," etc. 

Immediately following the passage of this letter in the gen- 
eral court, a vote was passed to make a valuable present of 
masts to the king, and to raise one thousand pounds to defray 
the expenses. Of course, this could be looked upon only in the 
light of a peace-offering. The court well knew that the refusal 
to grant his request would naturally incur his displeasure, and 
it also well knew that kings, like other human beings, were 
susceptible of impression in this disinterested manner, and that 
at this particular time he was really in need of this very kind 
of timber for his royal navy. Maverick alludes to this present 
in a letter given on an advance page. 

In this manner did the colonists maintain their position until 
the long continued and steadily increasing troubles found a full 
development in the overthrow of Andros. The course of 
action pursued by the colonial authorities throughout the con- 
troversy with the commissioners evinces an ability which 
excites our admiration, and the principles there maintained so 
firmly gained strength from year to year, until at last they 
resulted in a separation of the colonies from the mother coun- 
try. 

* There was not much real doubt as to the authenticity of this paper, or of 
its importance, as it was presented on the 6th of Sept., and the court assembled 
on the lllh of the same month to act upon it. 



16G6-9.] MAVERICK TO NICHOLS. 151 

The recall of the commission did not oblige its members to 
return to England, and we find that Maverick remained in the 
country. In a letter to Col. Nicholls, under date of April 13, 
1666, Lord Clarendon writes : " Though his Majesty thinks fit 
to recall his commissioners, who have in truth done all they 
ought to do, at least as much as they are suffered to do, yet it 
is not his purpose to recall any body whose business or inclina- 
tion makes it convenient for them to reside there ; and 1 hear 
Mr. Maverick resolves to stay in those parts." ^ 

Hutchinson says that Maverick " was in the colony (of Mas- 
sachusetts) again in 1667 with a message from Col. Nichols, 
which is the last account given of him."^ But notwithstand- 
ing this remark, there are letters from Maverick, at New York, 
to Col. Nichols, then in England, as late as 1669. In one of 
them he says : — 

" I have lately written to you by way of Boston and Vir- 
ginia, giving you an account briefly how things stand in the 
northern parts, as how those of the Massachusetts have un- 
ranckled all that was done in the Province of Maine ; although 
His Majesty expressly commanded that nothing should be 
altered until his pleasure were further known. They have 
further proceeded in committing Major Phillips and others to 
prison for receiving commissions from the commissioners to be 
Justices of the Peace and Military officers. They have given 
out that if they could take any of those that signed those com- 
missions they would punish them severely ; so that as the case 
stands at present it will not be safe for me to go thither. Not 
long since they sent a party of horse to demand tribute of the 
Naragansett Sachems, but they paid them not, telling them 
that they would pay King Charles and none else. 

" Now give me leave to acquaint you a little how things go 
here at Yorke. Trials have been made several times this spring 
for cod fish, with very good success ; a small ketch sent out by 
the governor hath found several good fishing banks ; amongst 
the rest one not above 2 or 3 leagues from Sandy Hook, on 
which in a few hours 4 men took 11 or 12 hundred of excellent 
good Codd the last time they were out ; and most of the ves- 

> Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. m. p. 116. * Hutchinson's Hist Vol. I. p. 250, 



152 mSTORY. [1669. 

sels that go to and from Virginia take good quantities. That 
vessel is to go from New found Land to get fishermen, lines, 
hooks, and other necessaries for fishing : I doubt not but this 
Coast will afford fish in abundance. 

" On the East end of Long Island there were 12 or 13 whales 
taken before the end of March, and what since we hear not; 
here are daily some seen in the very harbor, sometimes within 
Nutt Island. Out of the Pinnace the other week they struck 
two, but lost both, the iron broke in one, the other broke the 
warp. The Governor hath encouraged some to follow this 
design. Two shallops made for it, but as yet we do not hear 
of any they have gotten. 

" The Governour with some partners is building a ship of 120 
tuns by Thomas Hall's house ; she is wxll onward, and may be 
finished in August; another of 60 or 70 tuns is building at 

Gravesend The Old House is pulling down which 

proves so exceedingly defective above what could be imagined, 
that I think it must down to the bottom, and will prove a 
tedious and chargeable piece of work." ^ 

Again, on the 5th of July, 1669, he writes: — 

" By Letters lately received from Boston I am informed how 
exceedingly they boast of the gracious letters they have received 
from His Majesty and of his kind acceptance of the Masts they 
sent him, as also of the provisions they sent to the Fleet at 
Barbados. I am sure you know that the masts and provision 
were paid for by a rate made and levied on all the inhabitants, 
of which eight parts in ten are His Majesty's loyal subjects, 
and would voluntarily have done twice as much had those 
which were sent for been gone for England. That loyal party, 
which groans under the burthen of the Massachusetts govern- 
ment, now despair of relief, as by frequent letters from all parts 
I am informed. 

" Those in the Province of Mayne since they seized on their 
records and taken them again under their government, are in 
exceeding bondage, and most earnestly desire you to endeavor 
to purchase their freedom. 

" How they have lately acted in the King's Province you 

» Colonial Hist N. Y. Vol. HI. p. 182. 



1C69.] MAVERICK TO NICHOLS. 153 

will see by a letter I lately received from Mr. Gorton which I 
send herein enclosed. 

" It grieves me exceedingly to see His Majesty's loyal sub- 
jects and my ancient friends enslaved, as now they are ; my 
whole aim was (in expending so much time and money) only 
to have procured for them some freedom ; but now they are 
left in a far worse condition than we found them. I doubt not 
but they have by way of Boston, petitioned to His Majesty and 
craved your assistance, and I in their behalf humbly beg it of 
you." 

In the same letter he further writes : " I hope in the midst of 
multiplicity of business you will not forget what I have desired 
you to do for me. I assure you since I came over in this 
employ I never received or got, directly or indirectly to the 
value of sixpence, one horse excepted, which Mr. Winthrop pre- 
sented me with amongst the rest. And what I had by his 
Majesty's order, I have spent as much since I came over, and 
four hundred pounds besides in England in prosecution of this 
design. I leave it to you, not doubting of your care for me. 
If any course be taken for reducement of the Massachusetts, I 
hope you will not leave me out, as one (though unworthy) that 
may be employed in that design." ^ This last clause shows that 
Maverick longed for another opportunity to gratify his feelings 
of revenge by exercising authority over his former oppressors. 

On the loth of October (1GC9) following, he again writes to 
Nichols : " May it please you to take notice that yours of the 
12th July I received, for which I humbly thank you, as also for 
the favor you have been pleased to show me in procuring for 
me from His Royal Highness the gift of the house in the 
Broadway. I beseech you when you see a fit opportunity pre- 
sent my most humble service to His Royal Highness with 
many thanks for that his favor towards me, and I assure you it 
will be a great rejoicing to me if (yet before I die) I may be 
any ways serviceable to His Majesty or His Royal Highness in 
these parts, or anywhere else. 

" You were pleased to inform me that you have made some 
progress tending to the relief of our poor friends in N. England 

N . 

1 Col. Hist N. Y. Vol. m. p. 183. 



154 HISTORY. [1667. 

but cannot yet bring it to issue so much desired by yourself 
and them. In their behalf I humbly beseech you to proceed in 
it, and am very sorry that Col. Cartwrite cannot be with you to 
assist in it. I have sent copies of some part of your letter to 
keep up what may be their drooping spirits for the present, the 
sad complaints which frequently come from them to me I shall 
not trouble you with repeating now. You know well in what 
bondage they live, and it grieves me to the heart to consider 
that they should be now in a far worse condition than we found 
them in." i 

This is the last we hear of Maverick ; and the preceding 
extracts from his letters show pretty clearly what were his 
feelings towards the government of Massachusetts. Morton 
says of him : " About that time [1667] it was thought, by such 
as were judicious, that through the instigation of the said 
Maverick (whose spirit was full of malignity against the coun- 
try), our both civil and religious liberties were much endan- 
gered ; and the rather for that, probably, there would have 
been a concurrence of divers ill-affected in the land, had not 
the Lord prevented." 

Investigation has failed to ascertain when, or at what time, 
Maverick died; but in the absence of any positive information, 
the most natural supposition is, that, after the recall of the com- 
mission, he took up his residence in the city of New York in 
the house presented to him by the Duke of York for his fidelity 
to the king, and there died. This gift of a house, and the fact 
that his numerous letters, from which extracts have been taken, 
are dated in New York, render it altogether probable that he 
made that city his home. The location of the house cannot 
now be ascertained. Maverick, in the letter above quoted, 
speaks of it as situated " in the Broadway ; " a thorough investi- 
gation fails to fix the spot with any greater definiteness. 
Under the early laws of New York, deeds were not recorded in 
the county in which the land lay, and many deeds were left 
with the secretary of state at Albany. A careful examination 
of the existing records in that city has resulted in finding one 



> Col. Hist. N. y. Vol. lU. p. 185. 



1676.] HOUSE IN THE BROADWAY. 155 

deed, which is valuable as proving the assertion, that a house 
was presented to Maverick ; and it also shows that the gift was 
made through the chief executive of the State. 

This deed^ is dated on the 15th May, 1676, and is from John 
Laurence, of the city of New York, merchant, and Matthias 
Nicolls, of the same place, reciting that " Samuel Maverick, one 
of his Majesty's commissioners of New England, by virtue of a 
patent from Colonel Samuel Lovelace, then Governor, stood pos- 
sessed of a certain house and lott of ground on the Broadway 
of this city, which came to their (the grantors) hands by the 
trust reposed in them by the last will of Samuel Maverick, 
deceased, for the use of Mary his daughter, the wife of Francis 
Hook in the colony of the Massachusetts which house and lott 
by her approbation was exposed to public vendue and bought 
by the Deacons of this city, who sold it to William Vander 
Shusen of this city, to whom the trustees (Laurence and 
NichoUs) convey the said lot in the Broadway without any 
other description." 

It seems surprising that writers and editors of our New Eng- 
land history should have fallen into the error of supposing that 
Samuel Maverick the son, who died in 1664, was the royal 
commissioner sent over that same year; and this notwithstand- 
ing Hutchinson had said, " Maverick seems to have been ap- 
pointed only to increase the number and to be subservient to 
the others. He had lived in the colony from its beginning. He 
was always in opposition to the authority. Upon the restora- 
tion, he went home to complain to the king, was two or three 
years in soliciting that commissioners might be appointed ; at 
length, the measures against the Dutch at New York being 
agreed upon, the conduct of that affair, and this extraordinary 
power were committed to the same persons. He was in the 
colony again in 1667, with a message from Colonel Nichols, 
which is the last account given of him." ^ 

Hutchinson certainly has underrated his importance, as the 
whole history of Maverick shows. 



» Book of Deeds (at Albany), Yol. I. p. 133. 
* Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Yol. I. p. 250. 



156 HISTORY. [1667 

With all due deference to that excellent historian, who is 
generally so accurate in his statements and sound in his conclu- 
sions, he appears to have wholly misapprehended Maverick's 
position on this commission, and to have singularly underrated 
his influence and importance. The history of the whole matter 
most conclusively shows, that among the commissioners Mave- 
rick was second to none save Nicolls ; it was by his persever- 
ing efforts that the commission was originally appointed, and 
on the very day he landed he commenced his correspondence, 
and from that time he was foremost in carrying out the plans 
of the government, travelling from place to place, even in ad- 
vance of some of his fellow-officers, writing numerous letters 
to Lord Chancellor Clarendon, Secretary Arlington, and his 
brother commissioners, all of them evincing the influence and 
energy he carried into his office, and, indeed, it is easy to see 
his spirit pervading many a public document and private letter. 
The documentary evidence contained in the State Papers of 
New York (Colonial Hist. Vol. III.), the Massachusetts Records, 
the Danforth Papers, and various histories of that time, from 
which copious extracts have been made, show that Maverick 
had his full share of power, and exercised it ; and he certainly 
occupies much space in the published correspondence, and his 
letters compare well with the other state papers in the same 
volumes. Nicolls himself, although the head of the commission, 
sought the advice of Maverick ; in a letter to Governor Win- 
throp he says : " Y'rs of the sixt of May 1667 in answer to a 
letter from Sir R. Carr, Mr. S. Mavericke and myselfe baring 
date the 20th of 9*'^'^ 1666 hath remained in my hands in hopes 
that I might have heard from Mr. Maverick whose advice I have 
sought in the matter but not yet attained^ ^ The uneasiness of 
the colony in regard to the commission, and the striking cir- 
cumstance, that, in their address to the king, Maverick should be 
singled out from the rest and spoken of as an " enemy," conclu- 
sively show that his position was by no means an unimportant 
one. It is most probable, that the colony had more real cause 
of anxiety from Maverick than from any of the other gentle- 



> Colonial Hist. N. Y. Vol. HI. p. 158. 



1664.] MAVERICK AND THE COMMISSION. 157 

men, and the recollection of the treatment he had received from 
their hands augmented their fears, and doubtless increased his 
animosity. 

The year before his appointment as commissioner, on repre- 
sentations made by one Captain Scott to " His Majesty's 
Council for Foreign Plantations," of the practices of the 
Dutch, it was " ordered, that the said Capt. Scott, and Mr. 
Maverick, and Mr. Baxter do draw up a brief narration of and 
touching these particulars following: (viz) 1st of the title of his 
Majesty to the premises ; 2dly of the Dutch Intrusion ; 3dly of 
their deportment since and management of that possession, and 
of their strength trade and government there, and 4thly and 
lastly, of the means to make them acknowledge and submit to 
his Majesty's government, or by force to compel them thereunto 
or expulse them. And to bring in such their draught on paper 
to this Council, on this day seavenight, that this Council may 
humbly make report to his Majesty touching the whole matter 
as they shall see cause, and in the interim, the members thereof 
to be summoned." ^ This shows what the council for planta- 
tions thought of Maverick's capacity ; and that there is no 
probability of his having been appointed a commissioner the 
following year " only to increase the number and to be subser- 
vient to the others." No ; he could have been no mere make- 
weight in the commission. The " Council for Foreign Planta- 
tions " would not have intrusted so important a matter as this 
concerning the Dutch, with instructions to report within one 
week to incapable persons. We have seen that he was the 
first cause of the commission appointed in 1664, that it was 
appointed in answer to his solicitations ; and, so far from being 
subservient to the others, he was evidently foremost, on his 
arrival, in interfering with the doings of the colonial govern- 
ment. In truth, although nothing in particular is known of him 
before the coming of Winthrop and his company, he must have 
been a man of superior intellect and force, since, despite all 
opposition, he finally rose to so high a place of distinction and 
confidence under the crown. 



Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. III. p. 46 ; Brodhead's History of New York. 

14 



158 HISTORY. [1647. 

By the quotations before made from Hutchinson, it would 
seem to be indicated clearly enough that the elder Maverick 
was meant. But there has been a question as to the identity 
of the commissioner with the elder Samuel Maverick, the 
grantee of Noddle's Island. 

By a note in the second edition of Winthrop's Journal, given 
on page 70, it would appear that the learned editor supposed 
Samuel, the royal commissioner, to be a son of Samuel of 
Noddle's Island. The petition of Mary Hooke, which has 
been given in full on page 107, and which had not been pub- 
lished at the time the note referred to was written, enables us 
to settle the question beyond dispute ; to assert with certainty 
that Samuel Maverick of Noddle^ s Island was the royal commis- 
sioner. The circumstances which called out this petition were 
these. The notorious Edmund Andros (called humane {!) by 
the candid author of the Puritan Commonwealth, p. 357), who 
was appointed governor in 1686, declared that the colonists had 
forfeited their charter, and thus had forfeited their possessions 
under it, and that the landholders were tenants at will. His 
object was to grant new titles, for which he could receive such 
fees as he chose to demand. In sending out his famous writs 
of intrusion to swindle the landholders out of all he could wrest 
from them, he disturbed the owners of Noddle's Island. Upon 
this, Mary, wife of Francis Hooke, Esq., of Kittery, Maine, 
appealed to Governor Andros, stating that her father, Samuel 
Maverick, was owner of Noddle's Island in 1648, and that ivhen 
a commissioner ivith Nichols, Carr, and Cartwright, he was inter- 
rupted with sound of trumpet, etc. It is an old proverb, " It is 
a wise child that knows its own father ; " but Mary Hooke's tes- 
timony that her father, Samuel Maverick, owner of Noddle's 
Island, was also the royal commissioner, will not be ques- 
tioned ; for she asserted what she personally knew, and she 
would have been " strangely confounded " if her statement had 
been doubted. In her petition she says : " That your Peticoners 
said Father the said Samuell Maverick was in the yeare of our 
Lord God in 1648 an inhabitant and Owner of a place called 
Noddles Island in Neio England, noiu in the possession of Corro- 
nell Shrimpton, at which tyme y^ P"^ s'^ father tvith some others 
drew up a Peticon iv"" an intent to P'sent it to the late Mafy King 



1664-5.] MAVERICK THE COMMISSIONER. 159 

Charles the first^^^ etc.; and again, "t/o'' Peticon" Father being- 
one of the Kings Comiss'^ sent iv"" Collon^'- NiccoUs Geri^ Sir 
Robt Carr ^^ Collon/^ Cartivright,''^ etc. This petition shows 
conclusively that the petitioner's father, Samuel Maverick, the 
original grantee of Noddle's Island, was the royal commis- 
sioner. But on this point the evidence is cumulative. The 
extract from the deed from Lawrence and Nicolls, given on 
page 155, also proves that Mary Hooke was the daughter of 
Maverick the commissioner, and that, under her father's will, she 
owned the house presented to him for his faithful services to 
the king. And still further, Samuel Maverick the son, who has 
so often been mistaken for the commissioner, died on the 10th 
March, 1664, and, therefore, during the years when the com- 
missioners were fulfilling their duties, was in no position to 
hold any earthly office, although he was the occupant of an 
earthly position. The date of his death has been mistaken as 
being the time of his father's decease ; and thus, ex necessi- 
tate rei, the son was called the commissioner. That it was the 
son who died in 1664 is evident from various sources. For 
instance, in the Massachusetts Records (Vol. IV. Part 2, p. 
145) is the appointment of " meete persons " to examine con- 
cerning " y® estate of the late Samuel Maverick Junior.^'' This 
is under date of the 3(/ of Mai/, 1665.^ 

^ The error of confounding father and son, of mistaking the death of the 
son for that of the father, and supposing that the commissioner was the son of 
the original gi-antee of Noddle's Island, is repeated in several historical works. 
Among the books which have come under my observation in which these mis- 
takes are made are Eliot's Biographical Dictionary, p. 317, note; Farmer's 
Register of First Settlers in New England, p. 192; Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. 
in a note by the Editor; Williamson's Hist. Maine, Vol. I. p. 491, note; (the 
note referred to says that Maverick the commissioner married the daughter of 
the Rev. John Wheelwright; but as Samuel the son married this lady, the mis- 
take of the historian is evident) ; Savage's Ed. W^inthrop's Journal, Vol. I. p. 32, 
note; Washburn's Judicial Hist. Mass. p. 36 ; Folsom's Hist, of Saco and Bid- 
deford, p. 139; Greenough's Hist. King's Chapel, p. 10; Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. 
IV. 3d Series, p. 194, note; Oliver's Puritan Commonwealth, p. 436; Dear- 
born's Boston Notions, p. 55 ; and, it is probable, in many other works which 
have not come under the writer's notice, and in nearly all of the above 
instances, the date of the death of the sou is given as that of the father. 

But the petition of Mary Hooke, and the death of Samuel Maverick, Jr., .in 
1664, settle the question beyond dispute. 



160 HISTORY. [1665. 

As commissioner, Maverick appears to have been ready and 
in haste to exercise all the extra authority and power over 
the government and colonists of Massachusetts given in the 
instructions. Nor was this altogether unnatural. From the 
settlement of the colony to the time of his return to England, 
he had been often in conflict with its government, in part, at 
least, through persecution and the civil disabilities he was made 
to suffer. Deprived for a time of rights as a citizen, because of 
his religious opinions ; perhaps never enjoying office, though 
evidently capable, on the same account; and smarting under 
the memory of fines and imprisonment when living in the 
colony as a subject, it is not strange that he should have shown 
himself disposed to be somewhat arbitrary and tyrannical, when 
invested with such power, over the same government by which 
he had been so despoiled and oppressed. And yet he was by 
no means, in his nature, a hard and unfeeling man. As we 
have seen, Johnson, while he speaks of him as " an enemy to 
the reformation in hand, being strong for the lordly prelatical 
power," at the same time says, " he was a man of a very loving 
and courteous behavior, very ready to entertain strangers." 
Hubbard gives him credit for " much civility in his behavior " 
towards such as had " free converse with him." And Josselyn 
said, in 1638, that he was " the only hospitable man in all the 
country, giving entertainment to all comers gratis.''^ 

During the early years of his residence in the colony, upon 
Noddle's Island, he was distinguished for his hospitality, public 
spirit, and hearty cooperation in efforts for the welfare of the 
province ; and if, in subsequent years, he manifested feelings 
different from these, they can only be considered as the natural 
result of the harsh treatment he had received. Like all men, 
he had his faults ; but they were so small in comparison with 
his traits of character as a man, citizen, and public officer, that, 
in spite of all opposition, he rose to stations of high impor- 
tance, enjoyed the confidence of his sovereign, and identified 
himself with the efforts to establish religious freedom in the 
colony. 



CHAPTER VII. 



THE MAVERICK FAMILY. 



But little is known of the descendants of the Mavericks. 
With the destruction of the town records at the burning of 
Charlestown on the 17th of June, 1775, were lost the only 
means of making a full genealogical account.^ The most com- 
plete narrative which the writer has been able to make, from 
every accessible source, is as follows : — 

Samuel Maverick had a wdfe named Amias when he made 
a conveyance of " the messuage called AVinesemet," in 1634 ; 
he must have been married several years before, as his son 
Nathaniel, in 1650, joined with him in the sale of Noddle's 
Island, Their children were Nathaniel, Mary, and Samuel. 

Mary, daughter of Samuel Maverick, married John Pals- 
grave, 8th February, 1655 (Gov. John Endicott officiating), and 
afterward, 20th September, 1660, Francis Hooke, a prominent 
citizen of Kittery, Maine. She is the Mary Hooke who pre- 
sented the petition given on page 107. 

Samuel, son of Samuel Maverick, married Rebecca, daughter 
of the Rev. John Wheelwright, in 1660, and died at Boston, on 
the 10th March, 1664. Very many writers have erroneously 
given this date as that of his father's death, and thus were com- 
pelled to call the son the royal commissioner. The children of 



* From Judge N. B. Mountfort, of New York City, the author learns that his 
mother, who was a lineal descendant of the Mavericks, saw the spire of Christ 
Church in Boston lighted up as if on fire, and supposed such to be the case 
until it proved to be the reflection of the fire in Charlestown kindled by the 
British to cover their assault upon the redoubt ; in that fire the records of the 
family were destroyed. 

14* 



162 HISTORY. [1C04-1C81. 

Samuel and Rebecca were Mary, born on the 2d October, 
1661 ; Hannah, born 23d October, 1663. The widow of 
Samuel Maverick, Jr., married William Bradbury, on the 12th 
March, 1671-2. 

It is noticeable that there were three Samuel Mavericks liv- 
ing at the same time ; namely, Samuel, grantee of Noddle's 
Island and commissioner, Samuel his son, and Samuel the son 
of Moses of Marblehead. 

The follow^ing information has been collected relative to 
others of the name : — 

Elias 3Iavcrick, of whom something has already been said, 
was probably a brother of Samuel. He was born in 1604, 
came to this country at an early age, and was one of the jfirst 
members of the church in Charlestow^n, being admitted on the 
9th of February, 1632-3, and made a freeman in 1633. The 
records show that he was an active member, taking a promi- 
nent part in the various church proceedings. The date of his 
immigration is not known, but it is not improbable that he and 
Samuel, Moses and Antipas, came at, or near, the same time. 
Elias was a member of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery 
Company in 1654 ; and the last half of his life, if not the very 
first years of his residence in this country, he lived at Winni- 
simet. 

His will, containing many names and dates, is full of valu- 
able matter to the antiquarian and genealogist, and hence may 
with propriety be given in full. It is as follows : — 

" Elias Maverick senior of Winnasimmett within the Town- 
ship of Boston, aged, do make this my last wnll. I give unto 
my wife Anna all my Estate both in Land houses and mov- 
ables during her life, if she remain a widow, otherwise one 
third during life, p^'vided she freely consent to those terms I 
shall hereafter express. 

" I give to my son Elias 5 acres of Land as an addition to 
the Land & house that I formerly gave him, as also that out- 
house that I built not far to the westward of his house, to him 
his wife and children forever, p^'vided there be at all times ^ an 
acre of land left in common about the spring that is above his 



1681.] ELIAS :MAVErJCK'S WILL. 163 

house w*'^ a convenient high way thereunto for watering of 
cattle. 

"I give to my son Peter £5 starling after my wives decease. 

" I give to my son Paul Mavericke 25 acres of Land next 
unto my son Elias w'^'* I give him in present possesj^ion by deed 
of Gift to him his wife and Children p^'vided that his Father in 
law Liev' John Smith, (whose daughter Jemimah he married) 
will give as a portion to his said son-in-law w*"^ his daughter 
one halfe of that some of money that the s*^ Land shal be prized 
at by indifferent men chosen on either side, w'^'* if he refuses to 
doe, then he shall injoy it after his mothers decease. 

" I give to my grandson Jotham Maverick son of my son 
John 15 acres of Land adjoyning on the west side of my son 
Pauls Land, after his grandmothers decease to him and his 
heires forever, with this p^'viso that he shall have liberty to sell 
or alienate the same if he see good unto any one or more of his 
Uncles before mentioned but to no other man or men. 

" 1 give to my grandson James Mavericke son of my son 
Peter 15 acres of Land next unto my Grand son Jotham, with 
the same p'^viso given to his cousen Jotham. 

" Be it knowne that my intent in the division of the afores^ 
prcels of Land is that each of my sons and grandsons shall 
have such a p''portion of Marish Land as is answerable to their 
quantity of upland that falls to their share — As for my dwel- 
ling house, outhouses. Orchard, Cornefield and so much Land 
adjoyning next the Creeke as will make up 40 acres w''* the 
Orchard & corne field & meadow proportionable, I give to my 
5 daughters, either to be sould or let to each of them an equall 
p'^portion. 

" But if my sons Elias and Paul, whome I make joint 
Exectators of this my will, pay unto each of their sisters viz., 
Abigail Clarke, Sarah Walton, Mary Way, Ruth Smith, & 
Rebecca Thomas £50 apiece takeing in the moveables and a 
quantity of Marish w"^ I have at Hogg Hand of 20 acres of 
Land and upward for to help pay these Legacies, then the said 
houseing and Land shall be theirs to enjoy, and also they shall 
pay unto each of my Grand Children and great grand children 
5s apiece. 

" Whereas I am bound by obligation unto my Father in law 



164 HISTORY. [1681. 

William Stitson to keep him 16 Sheep yearly with their in- 
crease till towards winter & then to be left to the same number 
during his life, that my two sons Elias & Paul my Executors 
shall make good this engagement after their mothers decease & 
not before. 

" As for my servant Jonas Holmes I give the remainder of his 
time unto my dear wife if she live so long or else to my Execu- 
tors. And having forgotten to express Ruth Johnson my grand- 
daughter that now liveth with me, I leave it with her grand- 
mother to do as she pleaseth. My Father in law Deacon 
William Stitson, Aron Way senior & William Ireland senior 
to be overseers. The land was measured to be 120 acres if it 
fall short or exceed my will is that each dividend be p'portion- 
ably abated or enlarged. 

" 13, Oct. 1681. Elias Mayericke. 

" William Ireland sen'" Willia™ Ireland jun^ John Barnard, 
John Sentre W°i Ireland sen^ W" Ireland jun"^ and John Senter 
deposed 6 Nov. 1681. 

" Will exhibited for probate by Elias Maverick and Paul 
Maverick 6 Nov. 1681." i 

Elias Maverick married Anne Harris, whose mother married, 
as a second husband, Deacon William Stitson of Charlestown. 
Her mother, when she married Deacon Stitson, was the widow 
Elizabeth Harris, who, as Mrs. Harris, had children John, 
Thomas, William, Daniel, and Anne. Deacon Stitson, in his 
will (12th A.pril, 1688), mentions Anne Maverick among the 
children of his first wife Mrs. Harris, and as the relict widow of 
Elias Maverick.2 

Elias Maverick died on the 8th of September, 1684, aged 
eighty years, and was buried in the ancient burial-ground at 
Charlestown, where, a few years since, his gravestone and the 
inscription upon it might have been seen. It is to be lamented 
that the stone has been removed. 

The children of Elias Maverick and Anne his wife were, accord- 
ing to the Charlestown church records, John, born 3d of Feb- 



Suffolk Deeds, Vol. VI. p. 479. 
Gen. Reg. Vol. II. pp. 102, 218. 



1635-1G87.] ELIAS MAVERICK'S FAMILY GENEALOGY. 165 

ruary, 1635-6; Abigail (Clarke), bom 10th of August, 1637; 
Elizabeth, born 2nd of June, 1639 ; Sarah (Walton), born 20th 
of February, 1640-1 ; Elias, born 17th of March, 1643 ; Paul, 
born 10th of June, 1657; and, according to his will, Peter, 
Mary (Way), Ruth (Smith), and Rebecca (Thomas), (he 
speaks of "5 daughters in his will") ; also James, who is found 
recorded as a eon of Elias in an inventory of the estate of James 
Maverick, « Proved 31st Oct. 1671, by Elias Mavericke to be a 
true inventory of his late son." ^ This is probably the one who 
was a member of the Ancient and Honerable Artillery Com- 
pany in 1658.2 

Of these children John,^ son of Elias, had a wife Jane , 

and another wife, Katharine Skipper, whom he married 9:2: 
1656. She is mentioned as the widow of John, 27th April, 
1680 (IX. 4.) ; children, John, born 18th April, 1653 ; Dorothy, 
born 23d January, 1654 ; Jotham, who married Mary, widow of 
John Williams.'* 

Abigail, daughter of Elias, married Matthew Clarke 4: 4: 
1655.5 

Elizabeth, daughter of Elias, married John Johnson 15th 
October, 1656 ; had a daughter Ruth. 

Sarah, daughter of Elias, married Walton. 

Elias, son of Elias, married Margaret Sherwood 10th (8th 
mo) 1669 (admitted to the church 8th August, 1675), and prob- 
ably a second wife Sarah.*^ The children of Elias and Mar- 
garet were Elias, born 4th Nov. 1670 ; Margaret and Elizabeth, 
baptized 22 (6) 1675 ; Abigail, baptized 24 (7) 1676 ; Samuel, 
baptized 14 (6) 1687.7 



' Probate Records, VII. p. 158. 

* Hist. An. and Hon. Art. Co. p. 168. 

' Inventoiy of John's estate 27tli April, 1680. 

* Inventory of Jotbam's estate taken in June, 1753. About seventy volumes 
of books are enumerated, thirty bound books in octavo, nine pictures, etc. Bk. 
48, p. 65. 

^ Hist, and Gen. Reg. Vol. L New Series, p. 203. 

' Probate Records, VIIL 127, XIV. 35. 

' John Pratt, innholder, to be guardian unto his brother-in-law Samuel 
Mavericke, son of Elias Mavericke, of Boston, ship-wright, dec'd (beinn- a 
minor about nine years of age), 19th April, 1697, (XI. 275). 



166 IIISTOPtY. [1675-1750. 

In the Genealogical Register, Vol. III. p. 160, it is stated that 
Abigail Maverick of Boston, daughter of a clergyman who left 
England in the time of the persecution, married a William 
Tully, etc. There is probably some mistake in this statement, 
as an examination of the dates will show. Had she been the 
daughter of the Rev. John Maverick, the only clergyman of the 
name in this country of whom we have any account, she must 
have been at least sixty or seventy years old when the first of 
her ten children was born ! for the Rev. John died in 1636, and 
her first child was born in 1702. The Abigail referred to in the 
Register is probably the daughter of Elias above mentioned ; 
she was born in September, 1675, baptized 24 (7) 1676, and 
died on the 9th of December, 1750. 

A daughter of Elias married a John Pratt, an innholder of 
Boston.! 

Paul, son of Elias, married " Jemimah," daughter of Lieut. 
John Smith ; had a son John, baptized 14 (6) 1687, then aged 
one year ; Moses, baptized 11 (7) 1681 ; Jotham, baptized 28 
(8) 1683. 

Peter, son of Elias, married Martha, daughter of Robert 
Bradford ,2 and had children ; a son James. 

In Suffolk Deeds mention is made of Hester, wife of Benja- 
min Whitney. She certifies to the birth of her two children 
by a former husband, James Maverick of Winnisimet ; Martha 
Maverick, born 17th April, 1693 ; James Maverick, born 2nd 

October, 1699. This James Maverick, husband' of Hester 

(who subsequently married Benjamin Whitney, 7th August, 
1705), was undoubtedly the son of Peter, and thus grandson of 
Elias Maverick of Winnisimet. In 1729, Benjamin and Hester 
(Maverick) Whitney convey estate in Boston, formerly of James 
M., to her children James and Martha, wife of Thomas Bellows 
of Southboro.3 

Mary, daughter of Elias, married Way. 

^ Letters of administration granted to John Pratt of Boston, innliokler, on 
the estate of his father-in-law, Ellas Mavericke, Sen'r, late of Boston, ship- 
wright, dec'd, 2d Nov. 1696, (XL 227). 

* IX. 29. For many of these items the writer Is indebted to T. B. Wyman, 
Jr., who has faithfully examined the Charlestown Records. 

^ Gen. Reg. Yol. I. New Series, p. 225. 



1634-1686.] MOSES MAVERICK. 167 

Ruth, daughter of Elias, married Smith. 

Rebecca, daughter of Elias, married Thomas. 

Moses Blaverick lived at Marblehead, with Isaac AUerton, 
whose daughter S,arah he afterward married ; he was engaged 
in the fishing business in 163V ii^ which year he was made a 
freeman (3d September).^ In May of the next year, Mr. AUer- 
ton conveyed to his son-in-law Moses, all his " houses, buildings, 
and stages that hee hath att Marble Head, to enjoy to him & 
his heires for euer." ^ 

He was born about 1610, and became a member of the 
church in Salem on the 12th of June, 1637. During the absence 
of Samuel Maverick to Virginia, Moses paid to the governor 
405. rent for Noddle's Island, 7th June, 1636.^ He may have 
hired the Island during the absence of his (probable) brother, 
or Samuel may have engaged him as a brother or relative to 
hold it during his southern excursion. After this, Moses con- 
tinued to reside at Marblehead, and was licensed to sell wine 
there in 1638, as appears by the Court Records, 6, 7mo. 1638 : 
" Moses Maverick is permitted to sell a tun of wine at Marble 
Head, and not to exceede this yeare." ^ 

His first wife, Sarah Allerton, died before 1656, when he was 
married, 22, Smo. 1656, by John Endicott, governor, to Eunice, 
widow of Thomas Roberts. His name appears as one of the 
petitioners against imposts in 1668.^ 

By his first wife he had children Rebecca, baptized 7th Aug. 

1639, married Hawkcs ; Mary, baptized 14th Feb. 1640-1, 

died 20th Feb. 1655-6; Abigail, baptized 12th Jan. 1644-5; 
Elizabeth, baptized 3d Dec. 1646, who died before Sept. 1649 ; 
Samuel, baptized 19th Dec. 1647; Elizabeth, baptized 30th 
Sept. 1649 ; Remember, baptized 12th Sept. 1652 ; and perhaps 
others. The father, Moses Maverick, died 28th June, 1686, 
aged 76 years. In the settlement of his estate, in November 
of that year, are mentioned, — daughter Mary, wife of Archi- 
bald Ferguson, died in 1698, (probably a daughter by his 

1 Felt's Annals of Salem, Vol. I. p. 206. ^ Gen. Reg. Vol. IH. p. 93. 

' Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 147. * Ibid. Vol. I. p. 1 76, 

6 Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 237. » Gen. Reg. Vol. IX. p. 82. 



168 HISTORY. [1637-1652. 

second wife) ; Sarah, only surviving daughter, and wife of John 
Norman ; Moses Hawks, only son of eldest daughter Rebecca ; 
William Hughes and Thomas Jackson, married to Elizabeth 
and Priscilla Grafton, daughters of daughter Elizabeth Grafton, 
deceased; the children of daughter Abigail Ward, deceased; 
and the children of daughter Remember Woodman, deceased.^ 

Antipas Maverick is recorded as " belonging to y® He of 
Shoals," in October, 1647 ; ^ in 1652 we find him at Kittery, 
Maine, appearing before the commissioners, and submitting to 
the government of Massachusetts.^ This circumstance gives 
plausibility to the conjecture that the different individuals by 
the name of Maverick were of the same family, for we know 
that Mary Hooke, the daughter of Samuel Maverick, lived in 

Kittery. Antipas married , and had a daughter Abigail, 

who was married to Edward Oilman, of Exeter.* 

All the known circumstances connected with the births, lives, 
business relations, and residences of Samuel, Elias, Moses, and 
Antipas, lead to the conclusion that they were brothers. 

An Abigail Maverick was admitted to the church in Charles- 
town, 18th 12mo. 1637-8.5 g[jg j^a.y have been a sister of 
Samuel, Elias, etc. At least, it is evident that she could not 
have been Abigail, daughter of Elias, as the latter was born 
10th Aug. 1637. 

^ Gen. Eeg. Yol. VIII. p. 270. "- Mass. Records, Vol. 11. p. 199. 

2 Gen. Reg. Vol. III. p. 193. 

* Edward Gllman, "who married Abigail Maverick, was called "Edward Gil- 
man, 3d," being the son of Edward, Jr., and the grandson of that Edward who 
came from England to Hingham in 1638, removed to Ipswich at an early date, 
and to Exeter in 1652, where he spent the remainder of his days; the first 
Edward was the progenitor of the eminent family of the name, among whom 
were the late Governor John T. Gilman and Hon. Nicholas Gilman. Edward, 
third, was born about 1648, married 20th Dec. 1674 ; his will was dated 2d 
June, 1690, and proved 12th April, 1692; he owned lands in Kittery; his chil- 
dren were Edward, born 20th Oct. 1675 ; Antipas, born 2d Feb. 1677 ; Mave- 
rick, born nth April, 1681; Abigail, who married Capt. Jonathan Thing; 
Catherine, Avho married Nathaniel Ladd ; and Elizabeth. Descendants still 
remain in New Hampshire. 

^ Budington's History of First Church in Charlestown. 



1733.] JOHN MAVERICK. 169 

The name of Maverick has become extinct in New England, 
although descendants still remain ; in New York, however, 
numerous persons perpetuate it.^ It is highly probable that 
Samuel, the royal commissioner, removed his residence to New 
York after the Duke of York had presented him with a 
house ; ^ and subsequent to the siege of Boston, a branch of the 
Maverick family removed thence to New York. These remov- 
als account for the existence of the name in that city. 

Prior to the revolutionary war, John Maverick, an importer 
of lignum-vita3 and other hard woods, resided in Boston, in 
Middle street (now Hanover), on the original site of the Han- 
cock school-house.^ His shop, called the " Cabinet and Chest 
of Drawers," is mentioned in Middle street in 1733. Here he 
sold also " choice good silver and gold lace, silver buttons, 
thread, and cloths." He was a man of considerable property, 
owned slaves, and kept a carriage ; he died before the war 
commenced, leaving children, — Nancy, Jemima, Sally, Mary, 
Jotham, and Samuel. 

Of these children, Nancy became the wife of Nathaniel Phil- 
lips, who kept an apothecary shop in Orange (now Washing- 
ton) street, at the corner of Bennet street. The children of Dr. 
Phillips were Elizabeth Phillips, who married the late John 
Parker, Esq., and was mother of Peter Parker (who married a 
daughter of Dr. Reed, of Charleston, S. C), of the late John 
Parker, Jr. (who married Annie Sargeant and died childless), 
of Charles Parker (who married Miss Vandenburg, of Troy, 
N. Y.), of the late George Parker, of New York (who married, 
first, Annie Moore, of Charleston, S. C, secondly, Harriet 
Boardman, adopted daughter of William Boardman, of Han- 



' For many of those facts relative to the descendants of the Maverick family 
in New York and Boston, the writer is indebted to Napoleon B. Mountfort, 
Esq. of New York, late judge of the police court in that city. He is a lineal 
descendant of the family. The writer would also acknowledge his indebted- 
ness to Augustus Maverick, of the New York Daily Times, for facts and dates. 

« New York Col. Hist. Vol. III. p. 185. 

* The school is now removed to a better location ; but the old house still 
stands, and is now used for primary schools and a ward room. — Hist. Boston, 
p. 219. 

15 



170 HISTORY. [1773. 

cock street, Boston), and of Eliza Parker (afterwards Mrs. Wil- 
liam Sliimmin) ; James Phillips, who married Annie, daughter 
of the late Richard D. Tucker ; Polly Phillips and Nancy Phil- 
lips, who married respectively the late brothers William and 
Joseph Lovering, of Boston ; Sarah Phillips, who died unmar- 
ried ; Samuel Phillips, a painter, who also kept a paint shop in 
Washington street, above Boylston, and had a son John, who 
was a painter, and a member of the Ancient and Honorable 
Artillery Company ; Nathaniel Phillips and William Phillips, 
merchants in Merchants' Row. 

Jemima, the second daughter of John Maverick, was married 
to a Captain White, a king's officer, a tory during the revolu- 
tionary war ; " but was otherwise," says Judge Mountfort, " a 
highly respectable gentleman!" He had a son, named Ben- 
jamin, who was employed at a large salary in the office of W. 
Winship ; he had also another son and two daughters. Cap- 
tain White, with his family, resided in Essex street, opposite 
the old " Glass House," under the large elm trees, and there 
they died. 

Sally, the third daughter of John Maverick, married Judge 
Stoddard, of Chelmsford. 

Mary, the fourth daughter of John Maverick, married John 
Gyles, importer of fancy goods, who died of camp fever con- 
tracted from the barracks of the British troops, who were at the 
time quartered near his place of residence, shortly prior to Bos- 
ton being declared by General Gage to be in a state of siege. 
By this marriage, Mary had five daughters and two sons, viz. : 

Mary, wife of Howard, dealer in cabinet ware ; Ann, 

wife of Adam Knox, a sea-captain ; Elizabeth, who married 
Levi Lane, a merchant on Long wharf ; Sarah, who married 
Joseph Mountfort, a sea-captain (who was lieutenant in the 
navy under the brave Commodore Manley, and was with him 
in several naval engagements with the British vessels during 
the revolutionary war),^ and Mercy, the youngest daughter, 
who also married a sea-captain named Richard Roberts. 

^ He was one of the party which, disguised as Indians, destroyed the tea in 
Boston harbor, and assisted in the tarring and feathering of Malcolm, who 
informed of the persons engaged in that celebrated feat. Malcolm was tarred 
and feathered, placed astride a rail, and surrounded by a crowd bearing 



1770.] BOSTON MASSACRE. 171 

The sons of John Maverick, Jotham and Samuel, were mer- 
chants in Boston, and highly respected. There may have been 
other sons, whose names have not come down to us. 

The widow of one of these sons of John Maverick was the 
mother of the Samuel Maverick who was shot in State street 
in the Boston massacre, on the 5th of March, 1770.1 Snow, in 
his History of Boston, in giving an account of the massacre, 
says, that among others, Samuel Maverick, whose mother lived 
in Union street, received a mortal w^ound, of which he died the 
next morning; and Loring, in his Hundred Boston Orators, 
says, " Samuel, a son of widow Mary Maverick, a promising 
youth of seventeen years, an apprentice to Mr. Greenwood, a 
joiner, was wounded by a ball that entered his abdomen and 
escaped through his back, and his remains were removed from 
his mother's house on the day of interment." 

The particulars of this massacre, and numerous depositions 
respecting it, are given in the " Short Narrative," etc., just 
referred to ; and as the principal facts are familiar to all readers 
of history, they need not be repeated. The death of young 
Maverick, however, comes within the proper limits of our book. 
At the trial of the soldiers, one of the witnesses testified that 
he saw Maverick about two hours before his death, and asked 
him concerning the affair. Maverick answered that he " went 
up the lane, and as he got to the corner, he heard a gun ; he 
did not retire back but went to the town-house ; as he was going 
along he was shot." In answer to the inquiry where he was when 
wounded, he replied that he was " betwixt Royal Exchange 
lane and the town-house, going up towards the town-house." ^ 

As, in addition to the published authorities above given, the 

torches. As the procession moved on, it stopped at the corner of every street, 
and the poor tale-bearer was made to cry out, " Here comes old Malcolm the 
informer ; " which if he refused to do, his tormentors threatened to apply their 
blazing torches to his combustible exterior, and thus he was quickly compelled 
to announce his own infamous character, habit, and position. Mountfort was in 
the receipt of a pension at the time of his death. 

* Short Narrative of the Horrid Massacre. Boston, 1770. 

* Trial of William Wemms, etc. (soldiers), for the murder of Crispus At- 
tucks, Samuel Gray, Samuel Maverick, etc., page 96. 



172 HISTOKY. [1770. 

writer has it in his power to present from an authentic source 
some particulars of this massacre, so called, which have never 
been printed, he will be allowed to enter more into details re- 
garding this matter. 

Mr. Joseph Mountfort, previously alluded to, was with Mave- 
rick at the time he was shot. He, with Samuel Maverick, 
Peter C. Brooks, Samuel and Thomas Carey, were playing 
marbles in the house of Mr. Carey, at the head of Gardner's 
wharf, near Cross street, at the time the bells rang the alarm, 
and were thereby attracted to State street before the British 
troops fired. Here they observed that a tumult had arisen 
between some men and boys and the soldiers. Angry words 
were being exchanged, and missiles of various kinds were 
thrown. Some one threw pieces of ice, when the soldiers, 
exasperated by the boldness and taunts of their rebel oppo- 
nents, discharged their guns at the crowd. Young Maverick 
cried out to his relative Mountfort, " Joe ! I am shot I " and ran 
down Exchange street, then called Royal Exchange lane, to 
Dock square, where he fell to the ground, and was conveyed to 
his mother's house. He died the next morning. At that time 
the widow Maverick kept a genteel boarding-house in Union 
street, at the corner of Salt lane. 

It is not a little singular, that Mr. Mountfort's name does not 
appear among the witnesses examined at the trial. The printed 
report (of which the writer has a copy, as well as copies of the 
other pamphlets printed at the time) is very full, and the other 
accounts are quite minute ; but the particulars above given are 
not contained in them. Yet, there can be no doubt as to the 
authenticity of Mr. Mountfort's narrative. The writer has it 
from his son. Judge Napoleon B. Mountfort, of New York, who 
is well informed on the subject. 

The funeral of Maverick and the others who were killed upon 
the 5th took place on the following Thursday (the 8th). An 
immense assembly was in attendance, most of the shops were 
closed, and the bells were tolled in the city, in Roxbury, and in 
Charlestown. The four hearses met in King street, upon the 
spot where the tragedy took place ; thence the procession, six 
deep, proceeded through the main street, followed by a long 



1774.] PETER RUSIITON MAVERICK. 173 

train of carriages. The bodies were deposited in one grave " in 
the middle burying-ground." The following patriotic verses 
were circulated on the occasion : — 

" Well fated shades ! let no unmanly tear 
From Pity's eye distain your honored bier ; 
Lost to their view, surviving friends may mourn, 
Yet o'er thy pile shall flames celestial burn ; 
Long as in freedom's cause the wise contend, 
Dear to your country shall your fame extend ; 
Wliile to the world the lettered stone shall tell, 
How Caldwell, AttucLs, Gray, and Maverick fell." 

Joseph Mountfort had five sons and three daughters, namely, 
Napoleon B.^ (from whom the above description of the mas- 
sacre, and many other items, are derived) ; Captain George M., 
who died many years ago ; John, Lieut.- Colonel U. S. Art., 
who was wounded in the battle at Little York, Canada, under 
command of Gen. Zebulon Pike, and distinguished himself at 
the battle of Plattsburg, as well as in several other actions 
during the war of 1812, and who died about two years ago ; 
Charles, who died about two years since ; George, U. S. Con- 
sul at the Island of Candia (at Canea, the town) ; Sarah, Eliza- 
beth, and Rhoda ; these three daughters now reside in Boston. 

There was a Peter Ruslilon Maverick, an Englishman and 
an engraver, who resided in New York City, and owned prop- 
erty (No 85) in Crown (now Liberty) street, about one hun- 
dred feet from Broadway .^ It is stated by descendants that he 
came to this country from England (probably from the county 
of Kent), about the year 1774, when but eight or ten years of 
age. He was originally a silversmith, and is sometimes called 
" Peter Maverick, the first," to distinguish him from his son and 



^ He worked with the volunteers on Dorchester Heights in 1814, under 
George Sullivan, the engineer. The boys marched out from school early in 
the morning, under the command of the eldest boy, to the heights, taking their 
breakfast in tin pails. 

* The deed of this house from John K. Bancker and Margaret, his wife, to 
Peter Rushton Maverick, dated Aug. 18, 1802, is on record in lib. 78 of Con- 
veyances, p. 38. 

15* 



174 HISTORY. [1787. 

grandson, all bearing the name of Peter and all following the 
same profession. Little is known of his character or circum- 
stances. He was a free-thinker and a friend of Thomas Paine. 
His family through several generations displayed an unusual 
talent for engraving, and made it their occupation. For many 
years he etched and engraved, and had pupils, some of whom 
attained eminence. He was the best engraver in New York, 
yet he had no education in the art, and owed all his proficiency 
to his own persevering industry. The best specimens of his 
work are in Brown's Family Bible, published by Hodge, Allen, 
and Campbell in New York, and considered a great work for 
that time. Francis Kearney was his pupil, and Maverick 
demanded and received $250 for his instruction for three years, 
besides the advantages of his ingenuity and labor. In 1787-8 
he taught William Dunlap (author of the History of Arts and 
Design in the United States) the theory and practice of etch- 
ing. He also instructed in the art of engraving, his son Peter, 
who, with his brother Samuel, were afterwards bank-note en- 
gravers of celebrity ; the son, however, far excelled the father 
as an artist. Mr. Anderson,^ the father-in-law of Peter R.'s son 
Andrew, well remembers Peter R. : he walked with " old Peter" 
in the procession of the trades in New York at the time of the 
adoption of the constitution ; Peter represented the engravers, 
being then, in fact, the only one in the city. 

Peter Rushton Maverick died about 1807, and left a will, 
recorded in the surrogate's office.^ By this, he devised his 
property in Liberty street, which appears to have been all he 
owned, to his wife for life, with remainder to his children. The 
widow survived him many years, always occupying the old 
house (85 Liberty street) ; she died 19th October, 1853, in the 
ninety-sixth year of her age ; the property was then sold, and 
the proceeds were divided among the heirs. A lawsuit ensued ; 
since its settlement, a white marble building has been erected 
on the site of the old house.^ 



^ Now living in New York, 279 Broome street. 

* Lib. 50, p. 149. 

* In the New York Records, lib. 147 of Conveyances, p. 69, we find that 
Andrew Maverick, 21st of August, 1820, conveyed to John B. Jansen all his 



1787-1831.] PETER R. MAVERICK'S FAMILY. 175 

The children of Peter Rushton Maverick, so far as can be 
ascertained, were these : Sarah, who married Benjamin Mon- 
tague, both now dead, without issue ; Rebecca and Maria, the 
first and second wives of James Woodhouse (now deceased), 
the first dying without issue, the second leaving children, now 
scattered ; Ann, who married Patrick Munn, both of whom 
died without issue ; Peter, born in New York in 1782 ; Andrew, 
and Samuel. 

Mr. Bryant, Peter R.'s legal adviser, says that all of his sons 
married and left children. 

Peter, son of Peter R., was twice married. How many chil- 
dren he had by his first wife is not known ; one of them, Peter, 
was a dissipated man and went to ruin. His second wife 
was Miss Matilda Brown, whom he married in 1828 ; on his 
decease, June, 1831, in New York, she came into possession of 
his portrait, painted by Jarvis. Peter had a son by this mar- 
riage, namely, Augustus Maverick, born 23d August, 1830, now 
one of the assistant editors of the New York Daily Times. 
As already said, Peter excelled his father in his profession. 
Among his engravings were some for Collins's Quarto Bible. 
He was for a time in most prosperous circumstances, his prop- 
erty principally accruing from his legitimate business. Some 
misfortunes connected with a partnership business reduced his 
means ; and late in life, with a large family to support, he was 
obliged to commence anew. A. B. Durand, a distinguished 
portrait and landscape painter and engraver, was his pupil ; and 
after serving an apprenticeship of five years (from 1812 to 1817), 
he entered into partnership with his teacher. As is often the 
case, the pupil, in course of years, surpassed his master; and the 
preference which Trumbull gave to Durand by employing him 
to the exclusion of Maverick, broke up the business connec- 
tion. 

The tradition that Peter Rushton Maverick came from Eng- 
land would seem to indicate that this family was not connected 
with that to which this history particularly relates. Still, it is 



right, title, and interest in his father's estate ; and on the 23d of February, 
1829 (lib. 254, p. 218), Samuel releases his interest in the estate to his mother 
Rebecca. 



176 HISTORY. [1665. 

by no means improbable that all of the name were of common 
descent. An extract from a letter from Judge Mountfort to 
the writer will corroborate such a supposition. He says : — 

" One Mary Lugg, or Rugg, in England, left a large property 
to the heirs of Peter Maverick in America, more than sixty 
years ago. It was said to have been converted into money and 
deposited in the Bank of England. Samuel Parkman called to 
see my mother about this matter a half century or more ago. 
A Peter Maverick, believed to have been a brother of my great- 
grandfather, John Maverick, went to England a century ago, or 
thereabouts, and subsequently left England to return to Amer- 
ica ; but the vessel in which he took passage was never heard 
from, and is supposed to have foundered. We believe that this 
was the Peter Maverick to whose heirs the said bequest was 
made." 

The descendants of Samuel, son of Peter R. Maverick, were 
notified to meet to adopt means to establish their title to the 
large sum of money left by Peter Maverick, of England. A 
lawyer was employed, but the descent could not be traced, as 
the family records were burned at Charlestown. Mr. Mount- 
fort's mother said that they were descended from this Peter, 
but could give no legal proof. It is easy to see from these 
items, that the family supposed a connection to exist between 
the Mavericks of Boston and those of New York, and that 
there is a possibility, if not a probability, that the Peter whose 
property was left for heirs in America was connected with the 
John who lived in Boston prior to the Revolution. 

It is hoped that the information relative to the Mavericks, 
thus gleaned from every accessible source by a patient investi- 
gation, is not without value. But whatever of interest may 
attach to others of the name, the life and character of Samuel 
Maverick, the first grantee of Noddle's Island, stand out in 
bold relief. Winthrop found him here in 1630 ; but when or 
whence he came will probably forever remain a mystery. 
Opposed in political and religious opinions and belief to the 
colonial authorities, he suffered, in consequence, hardships and 
persecutions; but, rising superior to all attempts to infringe 
upon his rights as a citizen or his faith as a churchman, he 



1665.] SAMUEL MAVERICK'S CHARACTER. I77 

overcame all obstacles ; outlived the calumnies of enemies ; so 
overcame the prejudices of the Puritan rulers as to become 
prominent in public affairs, and to engage in important business 
matters with the governor ; with an enlarged and liberal view 
of public policy and individual rights, he identified himself with 
the efforts to secure equal civil and religious privileges to all ; 
secured in a remarkable degree the confidence of his sovereign, 
and held high and honorable office under him ; and in his 
whole course through life, he showed himself a man of strong 
and generous impulses, of decision and energy, independence 
of mind and purpose, executive ability and perseverance in 
action, — all of which qualities fitted him to fill successfully 
places of responsibility and honor, which he from time to time 
occupied. If he had faults, they were overshadowed by those 
nobler traits of character by which he was so distinguished, and 
which led him on, step by step, over all opposition, to positions 



CHAPTER VIIL 

THE OWNERSHIP TRACED FROM SAMUEL MAVERICK TO 
SAMUEL SHRIMPTON.' 

Having completed the biographical sketch of Samuel Mave- 
rick, the first grantee of Noddle's Island, and given accounts of 
the family, the direct narrative of the Island history is now 
resumed. 

Immediately following the Episcopalian controversy related 
in Chapter IV., Maverick sold Noddle's Island, and took up his 
residence elsewhere. It will be remembered that Mary Hooke, 
the daughter of Samuel Maverick, states in her petition (given 
on page 107), that her father, feeling the fine imposed upon him 
to be unjust, resolved not to pay it ; but fearing that the Island 
would be seized by the government in payment therefor, and 
desiring to secure himself, he made a deed in form of the Island 
to his eldest son, Nathaniel, but not intending to deliver the 
instrument to him. The son, however, more crafty than his 
father, obtained possession of the writings, and thus became 
nominally the owner of the Island. 

The next change of title which took place was in 1650, when 
Maverick and his wife, conjointly with their son Nathaniel, sold 
it to Captain George Briggs, of Barbadoes, as appears by the 
record in the Suffolk Registry of Deeds.^ 

Whether the long series of indignities which Maverick 
received from the colonial government created in him a desire 
to leave his Island home, does not appear ; but certainly 
such an inference could very naturally be drawn from the cir- 
cumstances of the case. He had now (1650) resided upon the 

^ Lib. 1, fol. 122. 



1649-'53.] CHANGES IN OWNERSHIP. 179 

Island about twenty-five years, and without doubt his home 
was surrounded with the conveniences and comforts which so 
long a residence, with even ordinary improvements, would 
secure ; and considering his character, position, and great hos- 
pitahty, it is probable that his home was, for those times, com- 
modious and perhaps elegant. It is therefore probable, that 
only the weariness induced by his long continued difficulties 
with the colonial authorities determined him to remove from its 
jurisdiction. This deed of sale was signed 14th January, 1649, 
and acknowledged 26th July, 1650. 

Upon the 28th of the October following the date of the deed 
above given, Captain Briggs conveyed the Island to Nathaniel 
Maverick and his heirs forever, who upon the same day con- 
veyed it to Colonel John Burch, of Barbadoes, and his heirs for- 
ever. But differences arose, and suits at law were had in sev- 
eral courts, in which it appears that Samuel Maverick claimed 
possession on the ground that the conditions on which the 
Island had been sold to Briggs were broken. 

Colonel Burch, as assignee of Captain Briggs, through his 
attorney, Lieutenant John Sayers, brought an action against 
Samuel Maverick, for Noddle's Island, " at a special court held 
at Boston, 28th December, 1652. The court not receiving the 
verdict of the jury, the case, by course of law, fell to the gen- 
eral court to be determined." 

The issue between Samuel Maverick and Colonel Burch 
coming before the general court, a resolution was introduced, 
giving the possession of the Island to Colonel Burch, on the per- 
formance of certain conditions. 

The record states,^ under date of 18th May, 1653 : — 

" In the case betweene Colonell Birch and Mr. Mauericke, it 
is resolued on, & by this Court declared, that Noddle's Hand, 
& appurtenances, in the same condition as is expressed in the 
deede of sale to Capt. Brigg, doth belong to Colonel John 
Birch, & possession is to be deliuered vnto him, his heires, or 
assignes, vppon the payment or legaU tender of seuen hundred 
pound starlinge at the store howse next the waters side at the 

^ Mass. Records, Vol. HI. p. 309. 



180 HISTORY. [1653. 

bridge in Barbadoes, in good marchantable suger, at prise cur- 
rent, as for bills of exchange payable in London imediatly after 
the expiration of thirty dayes sight of the judgement of this 
Court in this case, & that no charg be allowed to Colonel 
Birch." 

Following this, and of the same date, is " A declaration of 
Colonell Birch, ordred to be recorded : " — * 

" I doe declare and publish to all men whom these may con- 
cerne, that I will justifie, that by the knowne lawes of England, 
I haue a right & tytle to Noddles Hand, in New England, & so 
cleare a right therevnto as any man hath to any thinge he there 
possesseth, the which I shall desire euery man whom it may 
concerne to take speciall notice off, that they be not deceiued 
in purchasing the same, or any part thereof, or paying any rent 
for any they doe hold, or may hereafter hold, from Mr. Mauer- 
icke, his heires, or assignes ; & I shall desire that this declarat 
may be entred in the publicke records of New England, that 
all men may take care they be not deceiued. J. B." 

There is another entry in the next volume of the records, by 
which it appears that the witnesses produced by both parties 
were heard before the general court, and the question decided 
" by resolution of a question," in very nearly the same words as 
just given in the resolution of the 18th of May, and to the 
effect, that, in case the said Birch did pay or legally tender 
^700 sterling at the storehouse next the water-side in Barba- 
does, in Muscovado sugar, at price current as for bills of 
exchange payable in London immediately after the expiration 
of thirty days' sight of the judgment of the court, then the 
possession of the Island should be delivered to Col. Burch.^ 

Judgment was rendered on the 7th of June, 1653. The 
decision by the general court having been final, and Burch 
having fulfilled the conditions, Samuel Maverick and his son 
Nathaniel made a new conveyance of the Island on the 31st of 
July, 1656, which is thus recorded : — 

» Mass. Records, Vol. HI. p. 310. « Ibid. Vol. IV. Part 1, p. 132. 



165G.] THE ISLAND CONVEYED TO BURCH. 181 

"Indenture made the last day (31) of July 1656, betwixt 
Sam^ Mauericke, Gent. & Nath' Mauericke, sonne & heire 
Apparent of s*^ Sam^ Mavericke of the one p* & Col. John 
Burch of the Island of Barbadoes Esq' of the other p*. 

" Witnesseth that s*^ Mauericke & Amias his wife & sd Nath' 
Mauericke did by theire deed bearing date, 14 Jan. 1649, con- 
vey vnto Cap* Geo. Briggs, an Island Called Noddles Island. 
And whereas s* George Briggs did by his deede bearing date 
28 Oct. 1650, Convey s-^ Island vnto Nath^ Mauerick and his 
heires for euer. And whereas s*^ Nath^ Mauericke did the same 
day Convey s*^ Island vnto John Burch &. his heires for euer 
And whereas since that time differences & suites of lawe haue 
binn had in suerall Courts and at last in the Generall Court at 
Boston betweene s^ John Burch and s*^ Sam^ Mauericke for s*^ 
Island wherein it was exhibited that the aboue named George 
Briggs had not perfectly performed the Consideration by him 
undertaken. 

" And whereas in s"^ Court It w^as at Last Ordered the 7th of 
June 1653 in case s*^ Burch did pay or legally tender X700 ster- 
ling at the store howse next the sea side in Barbadoes in mus- 
cavadoes Sugar at price Currant as for bills of exchange that 
then the possession of the s*^ Island to be deliuered to s** Burch. 

" S'^ Samuell hath Received full satisfaction of the s* £700, 
Stirling menconed in the aboue order made at the Generall 
Court aforesayd. 

" S'^ Samuell Mauericke doth convey vnto s*^ Burch s"^ Nodles 
Island &c. Sam*- Mauericke 

" Acknowledged last day (31) of July 1656, before me Thos. 
Gibbes." 

This instrument is witnessed by six persons, and is followed 
by an appointment of an attorney by Mr. Burch, dated at Bar- 
badoes, 5th November, 1656, and w^hich reads thus : — 

"Barbadoes, — I Col. John Burch of the Island abouesajd 

Appointe my well beloued friend Mr. Thomas Bratle of Charles 

Towne merchant, my Attourney to recouer of Mr. Samuell 

Mauericke an Island Comonly Called Nodles Island and like- 

16 



182 HISTORY. [1656-7. 

wise all other rights thereunto belonging, wch doth to me 
Appertayne. 5 Nov. 1656. John Burch. 

" In the presence of John Sayes, John Newmaker. 

" At Request of Mr. Thos. Bratle. Recorded 7 Jan. 1656." i 

Possession of the Island was given by Maverick on the first 
of January, 1656-7, in the following words : — 

"1 Jan. 1656(7). Attest, — Nicholas Shopleigh, Randall 
Niccolls, John JefF'^es, Willjam Rosewell, that wee sawe full and 
peaceable possession given of s"^ Island, houses, &c. by s'^ Maue- 
rick & Amy his wife, to Thomas Bratle of Charles Towne 
Attorney to Col. John Burch of Barbadoes &c. 

"(Before) Jn° Endicott, GovV 

Thus Noddle's Island passed from the possession of the 
Maverick family. 

Colonel Burch did not long hold the ownership of the Island, 
for in the same year (1656-7) in which he came into possession 
of it, Thomas Broughton gave orders to Mr. Richard Leader, 
then at Barbadoes, to purchase it of Colonel Burch, in his 
name and for his own use.^ 

In pursuance of this instruction, Richard Leader purchased 
the Island in his own name and in the name of Richard New- 



» Bk. n. fol. 323, 328. 

* Little is known of Broughton. His name appears several times upon the 
town records, but there is nothing by which to judge of his character or posi- 
tion. He owned land near the town dock in Boston, and about three acres on 
Mill Hill near Charles river, called Center Haven. Among other entries in 
the records are the following: "Nov. 29, 1653. Mr. Thomas Broughton may 
wharf before his ground at the ferry toward Charlestown if he do it within a 
year and a day." And again (March 27, 1654). The grant to Mr. Brough- 
ton to wharf or make a " Carrocadd before his land at Center Haven is con- 
tynued." His name appears in a movement among the merchants of Boston, 
in 1655, to effect a reduction of the duty on malt. One of the petitions pre- 
sented to the general court appears to have been drawn up by him, at least 
, /n it is in his handwriting. 

IT^PM /^'J^ 'i<-pnAtrpT^,^—^'^^^^'^ ^^s*- Boston, 

Cj pp* ^^^' ^^^' ^^^ ' ^^^^" 

bom's Boston Notions. 



1663.] THE ISLAND DELIVERED TO COOKE. 183 

bold, who joined with Leader to secure the payment of £1,378 
sterling, according to the contract with Broughton dated on the 
9th of February, 1656-7. 

Broughton, by bills of exchange, paid according to contract 
one half of the purchase-money, and gave orders for the pay- 
ment of the other half, and was possessed of the Island. But 
owing to embarrassments, on the 19th of April, 1659, he made 
a deed of trust, conveying the Island, being a thousand acres 
of upland and meadow, together with one half of the house 
and lands at Center Haven, in Boston, then in possession of 
Broughton and William Osborne, to Henry Shrimpton and 
Richard Cooke of Boston, and Walter Price of Salem, mer- 
chants, his creditors, to the amount of X4,000 sterling due 
them ; trusting that the trustees, after satisfying themselves for 
the above sum, would pay £4,000 more to Anthony Stoddard, 
John Checkly, and the other creditors of Broughton.^ Henry 
Shrimpton declined this trust (23d June, 1659),2 as Thomas 
Broughton and William Osborne had previously given to 
Walter Price full possession of Center Haven and Noddle's 
Island. On the 28th October, 1662, Richard Cooke and Walter 
Price, as assignees of Broughton, commenced a suit against 
Richard Newbold for withholding about X850 sterling, and 
interest for the same for several years. A verdict was given 
for the plaintiffs for <£ 1,048 12^. 6d. sterling, and costs. The 
suit was commenced on the 13th of September, 1662, and the 
execution, which was issued on the 31st of March, 1663, was 
served and extended on Noddle's Island as the possession of 
Newbold. The property was appraised by Mr. John Wiswall 
and Capt. William Hudson, and the whole Island, according 
to the appraisement under the execution, at .£1,300, was 
delivered to Richard Cooke for the value of £1,057 6s. lOd., 
reserving out of the Island one hundred and seventy acres as 
belonging to Newbold, beginning at the furthest end easterly 
by Hogg island, and taking up the whole marsh there, and 
then so much upland next adjoining from sea to sea, north and 
south, as remained after the court's judgment had been satis- 
fied. 

> Suffolk Deeds, lib. 3, fol. 228. * Lib. 3, fol. 248. 



184 HISTORY. [1664, 1667. 

Richard Cooke, on the 4th of August, 1664, in consideration 
of full payment made and secured, sold to Sir Thomas Temple, 
then a resident of Boston, all his right and claim to the Island, 
by virtue of the court's judgment and execution, the 170 acres 
reserved to Newbold being excepted.^ Immediate possession 
was given to Temple, who, wishing to own the whole Island, 
purchased, on the 5th of October, 1667, of Tobias Payne, of 
Boston, merchant, attorney of Richard Newbold, all of New- 
bold's interest,^ paying therefor X700 sterling, as the witnessed 
receipt showed. The payment was also acknowledged by 
Newbold's letter of procuration, dated at Barbadoes on the 5tb 
of October, 1667, before John Leverett, assistant. Thus the 
whole Island came into the possession of Sir Thomas Temple. 

The various changes in the ownership of the Island, from its 
purchase by Burch to the time of its sale to Temple, have been 
given as fully as the records authorize. The terms of some of 
these transfers would perhaps be better understood if we had 
the original contract for Broughton's purchase, which is referred 
to in the purchase by Leader and Newbold. 

Making it a principle to investigate as far as possible the 
history of all those who have at any time been connected with 
the Island, the writer has found some interesting facts relative 
to the Temple family, different members of which were con- 
nected with Noddle's Island both by ownership and tenancy. 

Sir Thomas Temple, who, we have just seen, bought the 
Island, first came to New England in 1657, having, with others, 
obtained from Oliver Cromwell a grant of lands in Acadie, or 
Nova Scotia, of which he was made governor. He was recom- 
mended by Nathaniel Fiennes, son of Lord Say. Fiennes calls 
him his near kinsman.^ He was a man of position in society, 
and of generous public spirit. In 1672, he gave <£100 towards 
rebuilding Harvard College, which was one eighth of the whole 
sum contributed by the inhabitants of Boston. Dr. Increase 
Mather said of him, he was " as true a gentleman as ever sat 
foot on American soil." An excellent anecdote is told of him, 
which, while it shows his station in society, well illustrates one 

1 Suffolk Deeds, lib. 4, fol. 210. " lb. lib. 5, fol. 389. 

* Hutchinson, Vol. I. p. 20G, note. 



1674.] SIR THOMAS TEMPLE'S FAMILY. 185 

phase in his character. While on a visit to London, he was 
presented to Charles II., and was permitted to kiss his majesty's 
hand. The king discoursed with him on the state of affairs in 
Massachusetts, and, among other things, he said the colonies 
had invaded his right by coining money. Sir Thomas Temple 
replied, that they thought it no crime to make money for their 
own use, and, taking some of our coin from his pocket, pre- 
sented it to the king. This coin had the pine tree on it. Per- 
ceiving the tree on one of the pieces, King Charles inquired 
what kind of a tree it was. "TAe roTjal oak" said Temple, 
"which protected your majesty^ s life."'^ This shrewd answer 
brought the king into good-humor, and induced him to hsten 
favorably to what the governor had to say relative to the colo- 
nies.2 

The family of Sir Thomas Temple derives its surname from 
the manor of Temple, Leicester county, and its descent from 
Leofric, Earl of Chester, who lived in the reign of Edward the 
Confessor. From this Earl of Chester descended Peter Temple, 
Esq., father of Sir John Temple, whose eldest son was Sir 
Thomas Temple, the first baronet, who had a son Sir John, 
who was father to Sir Thomas Temple, knight, governor of 
Nova Scotia, and the owner of Noddle's Island. He died, with- 
out issue, March 27, 1674. His elder brother. Sir Purbeck 
Temple, was the father of Thomas Temple, whose eldest son 
was Robert Temple, owner of Ten Hills, Charlestown, Mass., 
and also a tenant of Noddle's Island. His second son. Sir 
John Temple, was born in 1731, and, on the 20th of January, 
1767, married Elizabeth, daughter of the Hon. James Bowdoin, 
subsequently governor of Massachusetts. They had a daugh- 
ter, Elizabeth Bowdoin Temple, who married, in 1786, Thomas 
Lindall Winthrop, Esq., afterward lieutenant-governor of Mas- 
sachusetts. 



* This ingenious and complimentary reply referred to the well-known inci- 
dent in the life of Charles, when, totally defeated at Worcester by the superior 
valor of Cromwell, he escaped capture by concealing himself in the branches 
of an oak in Boscobel wood. From the tree he saw his enemies in full pursuit 
of him, and, after the danger had passed, he descended and made his escape. 

* Felt's Mass. Currency, p. 38. 

16* 



186 HISTORY. [1670. 

Sir John Temple, according to the tradition of the family, 
was born on Noddle's Island at the time his father was its ten- 
ant.i He was the first consul-general from England to the 
United States after the peace of 1783, — having been appointed 
in the spring of 1785, — and Great Britain, for some years, 
having no minister to this country, he was the medium of com- 
munication from that government to our own. He died in 
New York, and a tablet to his memory, in the chancel of St. 
Paul's church in that city, has the following inscription : — 

" Sacred to the Memory of Sir John Temple, Baronet, Consul- 
General to the United States of America from his Britannic 
Majesty, — the first appointment to this country after its Inde- 
pendence. 

" Died in the city of New York, November 17th, 1798, aged 
67." 

His father, -who was a loyalist, died in England, whither he 
had removed with his family .^ 

The Island did not long remain in Sir Thomas Temple's pos- 
session ; in 1670 it passed into the hands of Col. Samuel 
Shrimpton. On the 30th of November of that year. Col. 
Shrimpton, then of Boston, with whose history and family the 
reader will become familiar, bought of Sir Thomas Temple all 
that " continent of land," as it was called in the deed, named 
Noddle's Island, paying therefor X6,000. From this date the 
title of the Island is traced down through an uninterrupted line 
of family ownership, to its purchase by the East Boston Com- 
pany, more than 160 years after. 

^ " Sir John's birth was within the period of his father's being a tenant of 
Noddle's Island, and it was always a family tradition that he was born there." 
— Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, in a letter to the author. 

' Burke's Peerage, Sabine's Loyalists, Genealogies. 




^,, 'l 







J Ik muc-l J^> 'n 'Mtr\_ 



Trovi an nr'.jrina.j'rjr.'/'r'i 



CHAPTER IX. 

SAMUEL SHRIMPTON; HIS PERSONAL AND POLITICAL HISTORY. 

With the purchase of Noddle's Island by Samuel Shrimpton, 
1670, its interests became linked with those of the Shrimpton 
family ; a family possessed of much more than ordinary vigor 
of mind and character, and comprising in its different connec- 
tions men of enterprise, patriotic feeling, public spirit, and high 
official position. In order to make the account more complete, 
and consequently more satisfactory, we will go back a few 
years, and state some of the antecedents of a name with which 
we shall become familiar. 

Henry Shrimpton, the father of the first owner in fee-simple 
of Noddle's Island, was admitted an inhabitant of Boston in 
1639, and became a member of the first church there, on the 
15th of September of the same year. He received a grant 
of land at Mount Wollaston (Quincy) for three heads, on the 
27th of January, 1640. From this, it is presumed that his 
family then consisted of three persons. 

A few years later, he bought property in Boston, as appears 
from the Book of Possessions in the city clerk's office, p. 118. 

" 28<i. 7"°°. (Sept.) 1646. Anth. Stoddard and Jno. Leverit 
sold H. Shrimpton, brazier, dwell-h. and garden, the Water-st. 
S., the New-st. E., Mr. Jno. Wilson (pastor of the church), W., 
Jno. Parker N., by deed 9^. 5^\ (July) 1646. Ackn. 26'^. 7°'°. 
(Sept.) 1646, bef. Jno. Winthrop, Gov." 

He was a man honorable in his dealings, and every way 
worthy of confidence. This is well illustrated in an instance of 
reliance placed in him by the Narraganset Indians. 

It seems that in June, 1646, the Narragansets owed the 
English, in the Indian currency, thirteen hundred fathoms of 



188 HISTORY. [1646. 

•wampum. Of this debt, which at 5s. 7^d. a fathom amounted 
to £366 35. 4(/., the Indians had paid only fifteen fathoms, 
valued at £4 4^. 6d., and when the time of payment expired, 
they had nothing with which to pay the balance then due 
(£361 18s. 10c?.), except two hundred and eighty-five pounds of 
old brass kettles. They offered this to their creditors, but it 
was indignantly refused, and the Narragansets were sharply 
rebuked for breaking their agreement, both in their payments 
and in other matters. " Whereupon they went to Mr. Henry 
Shrimpton, and sold him their old kettles for what he would 
give ; and, to show the English that their honesty was as real 
as their poverty, left the amount in his hands for them, until 
they were able to bring an additional sum, that might be 
worthy of the notice of their creditors." ^ This incident shows 
the confidence they placed in his integrity, as well as their own 
sense of honorable dealing. Well may we, who pride ourselves 
on our Christian virtues, learn here a wholesome lesson from 
untutored Indians, and give them credit for traits of character 
which are too rare among their " pale-faced " conquerors. 

Little is known of Mr. Shrimpton's early history. A few 
dates and a voluminous will comprise nearly every thing which 
has come down to us. It appears that he was twice married. 
By his first wife, Elinor — 



^ Hazard's Records of the United Colonies ; Drake's Book of the Indians, 
p. 135 ; Drake's Hist, of Boston, p. 299. 

* The following is a list of the children of Henry Shrimpton : — 

1. Elizabeth, baptized Oct. 3d, 1641, about ten days old; died Aug. 12th, 
1659. 

2. Samuel, with whom our history has more particular connection, baptized 
June 25th, 1643, twenty-six days old. 

3. Mary, baptized Aug. 10th, 1645, thirteen days old. 

4. John, baptized May 28th, 1648, six weeks old. 

5. Sarah, born 1649, and married Eliakim Hutchinson. 

6. Henry, born April 26th, 1653, and died young. 

7. Mehitable, died 29th of July, 1657. 

8. Jonathan, born Nov. 18th, 1656, died July 22d, 1657. 

9. Abigail, born Jan. 3d, 1658. 

10. Bethiah, born Jan. 30th, 1659, died July 2d, 1713. 

11. Elizabeth, born April 10th, 16 GO. 



1666.] HENRY SHRBIPTON'S WILL. 189 

second wife was Mary, who had been successively the widow 
of Capt. Thomas Hawkins and Capt. Robert Fenn.^ 

Henry Shrimpton died in July, 1666. By his will, made on 
the 17th of that month and proved on the 11th of the following 
August, it appears that he left living a wife, Mary, and five of 
his children, namely, Samuel, Sarah, Abigail, Bethiah, and 
Elizabeth.2 

The following are extracts from the will of Henry Shrimpton, 
in which, after leaving legacies to the children of his brother 
Edward, he says : — 

" I give to my son, Samuel Shrimpton, ,£500, and my new 
dwelling house, & all the outhouses and woodyards belonging 
thereto, with all my tools for pewter and brass, with my ware- 
house situated in the lane,^ below the house of Capt. James 
Oliver. Also, I give him, my pasture in the North end of the 
town, situated between Goodman Bennett & Goodman Ber- 

^ She married Capt. Robert Fcnn, 27tli February, 1662. 

* It is probable that one of these daughters was the " aged gentlewoman " 
whom the Rev. John Barnard of Marblehead mentions as having met in Eng- 
land in 1709, in a church near Eltham, in Kent, where he was then preach- 
ing.— Mass. Hist. Coll. 3d Series, Vol. V. 

Saj's the reverend gentleman : " When I preached one morning by candle- 
light at Dr. Calamy's, after the service was over, I was conducted into the 
vestry with three or four gentlemen to eat a piece of bread and butter and 
drink a glass of sack. While I was there, came in to us an aged gentlewoman 
(hearing I was of New England) to inquire after her brother, Col. Shrimpton, 
whom I knew well ; and she brought a young lady (properly so called) with 
her, who was very pleasant with me. She asked me if all the people of my 
country were white, as she saw I was ; for being styled in the general West 
Indians, she thought we were all black, as she supposed the Indians to be. 
She asked me how long I had been in the kingdom. When I told her a few 
months, she said she was surprised to think how I could learn their language 
in so little a time. ' Methinks,' said she, ' you speak as plain English as I do.' 
I told her all my country people being English spake the same language I did. 
With many such like questions she diverted me." Col. Shrimpton had been 
dead about twelve years when this inquiry was made, but she had not heard 
of it. 

' Shrimpton 's lane was changed to Royal Exchange lane in 1803, and to 
Exchange street in 1816, which latter name it still retains. This is " the paved 
lane by Mr. Shrimpton's " which was " ordered to be laid open, and no more to 
be shut up," on March 9th, 1657. 



190 HISTORY. [1666. 

nard's, to him & his heirs, forever; but, in case he shall dye 
without heirs, then the said dwelling house, warehouse & pas- 
ture are to be sold & equally divided between my 4 daughters, 
Sarah, Abigail, Bethiah & Elizabeth; also to him, ,£1000, & to 
the 4 daughters, £1000 apiece. I do also give to my dau. 
Sarah, the house, formerly called States-armes, with all the 
outhouses, yards, stables & all the priviledges belonging thereto ; 
to her and her heirs, forever : but if she shall die without heirs, 
then it shall be sold & divided equally between the brother & 
sisters, or their heirs that shall survive. 

" I give to my dau. Abigail my garden and garden house, & 
all the appurtenances belonging thereto, & 300£ to build an 
house, to her and her heirs forever. 

" To dau. Bethiah, X400, to buy her a piece of ground and 
to build her a house. 

" To dau. Elizabeth, £400, for the same purpose." 

Besides other legacies, Mr. Shrimpton gave X50 to the 
church of Boston, of which he was a member ; and the same 
amount to the town of Boston, " provided they will give leave 
that I may be buried in the tombe wherein my former wife, 
Ellenor Shrimpton, was buried ; otherwise I give nothing." 

This request was acceded to, and the money was received by 
the town ; for we find in the Town Records, Vol. II. p. 27, 
under date of Oct. 29, 1666, it was ordered, " that Mr. Henry 
Shrimpton's legacie of fifty pounds is to be layed out in the 
purchase of some land or house as may bring in some Annuall 
Hent. In the mean while, the fifty pound to be lett out to 
some able persone as may allow consideration for it." He also 
gave to his brother and sister Fletcher <£20 apiece ; to Mr. 
John Wilson, pastor, £10; Mr. Powell, ruling elder of the 
church, £10; and various smaller legacies to servants and 
friends. 

Another legacy in Mr. Shrimpton's will furnishes evidence of 
the important fact in the history of Noddle's Island, as has 
been shown in Chapter V., that it was there that the first Bap- 
tist church held their meetings after they had been driven from 
the Puritan church in Charlestown, with which they had been 
associated. 



1666.] THE STATE ARMS. 191 

The legacy is as follows : — 

" To the Society of Christians that doth now Meet at Nod- 
dles Island, of w*=^ is Gold & Osborn & the rest, <£10, as a 
token of my love." 

This creditable act shows that Mr. Shrimpton was liberal and 
catholic in his views, and was independent of the party or 
sectarian spirit so characteristic of those times. 

He appointed his brother, Edward Fletcher, Hezekiah Usher, 
Thomas Lake, and Peter Oliver as overseers of his will.^ 

From the preceding, it is apparent that Mr. Shrimpton was a 
man of very large property for those times. His estate was 
appraised by Anthony Stoddard and others in July, 1666, at 
Xll,979; and the inventory which was presented by his son 
Samuel, Feb. 6, 1666, occupied twelve folio pages on the pro- 
bate records (lib. 5, fol. 15). The dwelling-house, yard, wood- 
house, and outhouses were valued at £500; the warehouse 
at £150; the pasture at the north end of the town at £80; 
and the house called the State Arms, with the outhouses and 
lands, at £400, etc. 

The State Arms, previous to its purchase by Mr. Shrimpton, 
had been a noted tavern, and was situated in King (now State) 
street, at the corner of Shrimpton's lane. It was " the Ordinary, 
where the Magistrates used to diet." The marks of the timbers 
of the old building on the adjoining wall were recently exposed 
to view by the pulling down of the Columbian Bank, which 
stood on the spot. The land covered by this building was lately 
sold to the proprietors of the Merchants Bank for its extension 
to Exchange street, at about eighty dollars per square foot, 
being the highest price which has ever been paid for land 
in the city of Boston. From the fact that Mr. Shrimp- 
ton, in his will, dated in 1666, only thirty-six years after the 
settlement of Boston, speaks of this house as " formerly called 
the States Armes," we infer it was one of the j&rst buildings 
erected in the city. 

Samuel Shrimpton, son of Henry Shrimpton, was born in 

' Jonathan Shrimpton, of Boston, member of the An. & Hon. ArtilJery Co., 
1665, was probably a brother of Henry Shrimpton. — Hist. An. & Hon. Artil- 
lery Co., p. 176. 



192 HISTORY. [1670. 

Boston in 1643,i and was the principal legatee of his father's 
property. A lithographic likeness of him, from an original por- 
trait, faces the opening of this chapter. Following in the beaten 
track of his father, in early life he pursued the occupation of a 
brazier, and in his first conveyance of real estate, in 1667, he is 
so denominated. In after deeds, however, he is styled " a mer- 
chant," having risen, like many other Boston mechanics, by the 
strength of his own mind and character, to be a business man 
of eminence and property, and one of the largest landholders of 
his time. He acted an important part in the political history of 
the times in which he lived, and was one of the few men who, 
although one of the councillors, and having pecuniary induce- 
ments to favor the authorities, from the first dared to resist the 
usurpations of Sir Edmund Andros. 

Entering now with more particularity into the history of the 
title of the Island, we find that on the 30th of November, 1670, 
Sir Thomas Temple, then a resident of Boston, and owner of 
Noddle's Island, for the consideration of ,£6,000, one half of 
which was to be paid in New England money by Samuel 
Shrimpton of Boston, merchant, and the other ,£3,000 secured 
by deed of same date, conveyed to said Samuel Shrimpton and 
his heirs for ever, all the above-mentioned Island, or " continent 
of land," as it was called in the deed, with all rights, members, 
etc., containing, by estimation or common account, one thou- 
sand acres more or less, with all the woods, underwoods, water 
ponds, watercourses, etc., thereto belonging.^ 

It has already been mentioned, that Mr. Shrimpton was a 
large landholder and a man of property ; this is verified by a 
letter to the writer from that excellent authority, N. I. Bowditch, 
in which he says, " I have no doubt that Col. Shrimpton was 
one of the first and wealthiest of our citizens in his day." His 
real estate, besides Noddle's Island, the subject-matter of our 
history, consisted in part of the State Arms in King street; 
the land whereon the State house stands, and the land north of 
it, upon a part of which the water reservoir is built, comprising 

* He was born on the 31st of May, 1643 ; at least, the record states that he 
was baptized on the 25th of June, 1643, when he was twenty-six days old. 
« Suffolk Deeds, lib. 12, fol. 163. 



1685.] COL. SHRIMPTON'S PROPERTY 193 

nearly all Beacon hill, excepting six rods square upon the apex 
of the hill, where the beacon was erected, and the highway- 
leading to it; land bounding on Frog lane and Common street, 
at the South End, so called at that time, upon a part of which 
the Winthrop House is erected ; Newdigate's farm of four hun- 
dred acres, near Chelsea meeting-house ; a strip of land of eight 
acres in Dorchester, since called the Yeamans lot ; several es- 
tates in Boston ; he was a reputed projector and proprietor in 
part of a line of salt wharves extending from Lewis's wharf to 
the South Battery, and under the title to these, T and India 
wharves are held ; he was the reputed owner of Hancock wharf; 
one of the six proprietors of Muddy brook, now Brookline, and 
then called Boston hog pasture. He also stocked Deer island 
as lessee ; and it was in reference to this property that the cele- 
brated controversy between him and Sir Edmund Andros 
arose, in which he successfully resisted, under the old charter, 
the efforts of the crown to obtain absolute possession of that 
island.i 

Mr. Shrimpton sometimes speculated in Indian titles, and 
was proprietor of a twentieth part of a grant from "Wanalanset 
in 1685. This lay upon the Merrimack river, and was sixty 
miles long and twelve miles wide upon each side. A retrospec- 
tive view of the territory covered by this grant would compre- 
hend the flourishing manufacturing towns of Lawrence, Lowell, 
Nashua, Manchester, etc. ; but, like many other Indian grants, 
this never amounted to any thing. Yet he thought so much of 
it, that in his will he made a special devise of it to his wife, for 
the use of his son's wife, whose daughter married John Yea- 
mans, a successor of Samuel Shrimpton in the ownership of 
Noddle's Island. 

The history of the land on Beacon hill is derived from arti- 
cles furnished for the Transcript in 1855 by " Gleaner," N. I. 
Bowditch, Esq., the erudite counsellor, whose name is author- 
ity in all such matters. His account of this land, which will. 

^ His public spirit, and his extended possessions and improvements, remind 
us of the late Amos Cotting, Esq., to whom the city of Boston is so much in- 
debted for numerous works of public benefit and utility. 

17 



194 HISTORY. [1697-8. 

be implicitly relied upon by all who know the accuracy with 
which he prosecutes his researches, is as follows : — 

" We have disposed of 5f acres of Robert Turner's land. 
There remain If acres more — being Beacon hill itself with 
the monument. This lot now measures south, on Mount Ver- 
non street, about 284 feet ; west, by a line 19 feet east of Han- 
cock street, 287 feet ; northerly, in rear, on narrow strips of land 
separating the premises from Derne street, 244 feet; and east, 
on land of J). D. Rogers. 

" John Turner was one of the devisees of his father, Robert, 
and had acquired portions by deeds from the executrix, etc. 
He, in 1673, sells to Samuel Shrimpton (8 f. 329) a small slip 
of land, in breadth, 23 feet front, bounded on the Common, 
south, and in length, 180 feet, bounded on said Samuel, west, 
and on the way leading up from the Training field to Gentry hill, 
on the east side, and running from the east corner in front, on a 
north line, 182 feet. This is a gore of the State House estate, 
bounded east on the highway to the monument, i. e.. Mount 
Vernon street. John Turner died, 1681, and his executors, as 
we have seen, sold two acres east of said Mount Vernon street, 
or the monument highway, to George Monk, in 1681. On the 
same day, they sold to said Shrimpton (12 f. 353) ' all that 
land upon and by the side of Beacon hill, bounded on said 
Shrimpton, and on Elizabeth Cooke, widow, or Humphrey 
Davie and others, on several points and quarters, reserving unto 
the town of Boston their privilege and interest on the top of 
said hill, and passage from the Common thereto.' 

" Col. Samuel Shrimpton thus acquired all Beacon hill and 
a gore of the State House lot, the deed of said gore bounding 
on the residue of said State House lot, and already his. Besides 
these estates and Noddle's Island, he owned the Union Bank 
building,^ and, from that circumstance. Exchange street was, 
for many years, known as Shrimpton's Lane. He was decid- 
edly one of the greatest men of his day. He died, and by will, 
proved February 17, 1697-8, devised to his wife Elizabeth, for 



^ This is a mistake ; he owned on the other side of the lane, the site of the 
Merchants Bank. 



1713-53.] LAND ON BEACON HILL. 195 

life, the residue of his estate, with power to dispose thereof 
among her relations by deed or will. She married Simeon 
Stoddard, and died 1713, devising to her grand-daughter, Eliza- 
beth Shrimpton, various other estates for life, remainder to her 
heirs in tail, etc. Her inventory appraises 'the pasture joining 
to Beacon hill, XloO.' (Decidedly cheap for the State house 
lot and about two acres north of it I) Elizabeth Shrimpton 
married John Yeamans, and died, leaving an only child, Shute 
Shrimpton Yeamans, who, in 1742, becoming of age, barred 
the entail (L. 66, f. 274-272), and vested the fee in his father. 
The deeds, besides mentioning the particular estates, devised in 
tail, included 'a// the lands, etc., in Boston, Rumney marsh, or 
elsewhere, of which Mrs. Yeamans was tenant in tail by force 
of said will.' 

"John Yeamans dying, the estates became again his son's, 
who, in 1752, conveyed to Thomas Hancock (81, f 168) 'a 
piece of land near Beacon hill, containing two acres, late the 
estate of my great-grandfather, Samuel Shrimpton, bounded 
south, on the Common, west, on said Thomas Hancock, in part, 
and in part on Common land ; then turns, and is bounded north, 
on Common land; then west, on Common land; then north, 
on Common land ; then east, on the street or highway leading 
from the Common to Beacon hill.' Now there were about 
75,000 feet of land, or nearly two acres, in the State House lot, 
and the above description evidently proceeds upon the errone- 
qus idea, that the Common lands of the town included nearly 
all Beacon hill. But we have seen the old deed of 1670 to 
John Turner, by which the town right is limited to six rods 
square, and the highway leading to it. And from the select- 
men's minutes of January 17, 1753, we find that on petition of 
Thomas Hancock an investigation was had of the town's rights, 
which were then, also, in like manner, limited to the six rods 
square, and the. thirty feet highway. 

" The result is that Thomas Hancock thus obtained all Bea- 
con hill one hundred years ago, without paying one cent for it, 
and he and those coming after him retained possession by pas- 
turing cows there. These ruminating animals, while quietly 
chewing the cud in that splendid cattle field (where, by the 
way, they must have been the observed of all the observers). 



196 HISTORY. [1713-53. 

also, silently eat out the inheritance of poor Shute Shrimpton 
Yeamans and his heirs. One of these very heirs, an high officer 
of the Commonwealth (Gen. Wm. H. Sumner), as he looked 
at them, year after year, from the State House windows, was 
probably wholly unconscious that they were feeding at his ex- 
pense. The language of the deed of Hancock seeming to 
recognize the ownership of the hill by the town, it became the 
subject of protracted litigation, in which the inhabitants were 
at last defeated; and while the Hancock heirs and the town 
were quarrelling for what belonged to neither of them, the true 
owners were placidly looking on in a blissful state of igno- 
rance." 1 

Not so fast, Mr. Gleaner. Although remarkably accurate in 
the records of estates, their divisions and subdivisions, their 
owners and whole history, and one to whose patient research 
and rare exactness the present and future generations are so 
much indebted, yet, for the sake of giving effect to an amusing 
story, in the words of the poet, your 

^^ times are sadly out of joint." 

General Sumner did not occupy rooms at the State house 
until long after the action between Hancock and the town ; and, 
instead of being idle or ignorant in the matter, he commenced 
an action against Mr. Hancock for this very land. When a 
junior member of Suffolk bar, being in court while the suit be- 
tween Hancock and the town was in process, the family names 
of Shrimpton and Yeamans caught his ear. Finding that the 
title to the land was claimed by length of possession, and hear- 
ing Mr. Howe, the rope-maker, testify, in order to prove the 
length of possession, that Gov. Hancock pastured his horses on 
Beacon hill, the writer examined the records, and ascertained, 
so far as to induce him to investigate the subject, that the prop- 
erty belonged to his own ancestors, who, by the testimony of 
the witnesses of both the litigants in the case in controversy 
who claimed against the rightful owners, had never conveyed it. 
This was a short time after the passage of the statute limiting 
writs of right to forty years, instead of sixty, and which forty 

' Boston Transcript, Sept. 13, 1855. 



1713-53.] THE BEACON HILL PROPERTY. 197 

years of an adverse possession in this case were about expiring. 
The writer immediately went out to Roxbury to see Mr. 
Greenough, who was the largest proprietor of the estate, and 
who was consulted in all dispositions made of it, and told him 
his impressions; that an examination of the records had sat- 
isfied him that the property was theirs under the will of Shute 
Shrimpton Yeamans ; and that the right to claim w^ould soon 
be lost under the new statute. They conferred together at dif- 
ferent times, until the writer saw that if a writ of right was not 
immediately brought, the land would pass. The writ was 
brought, and the writer asked Mr. Greenough, " Do you approve 
of this course ? " He replied, " I do not want to be plagued 
with it." To this it was answered, " It seems to me there is 
little doubt that we can substantiate the claim, and to prevent 
the operation of the statute from coming into effect, I have 
commenced an action." Mr. Greenough declined doing any 
thing in the matter, and advanced many objections. He said 
that the descent all the way down would have to be proved ; 
that Shute Shrimpton Yeamans married Miss Gunthorp in the 
West Indies ; that she was a Swede, and it would be difficult 
to prove his marriage, the number, birth, and death of his sons, 
and it would perhaps be necessary to go to Sweden ; that 
great difficulty had already been experienced in proving that 
part of the estate in the West Indies ; and that the whole matter 
would be attended with so much vexation, he did not wish to 
have any thing to do with it. 

The writer's mother owning but one third of the estate, he 
did not wish to take the responsibility of the suit alone, and 
consequently discontinued the action upon the payment of 
costs. 

Small things are an excellent index to a man's character, and 
often show the general disposition with more truth than matters 
of greater importance. It will be remembered, to the credit of 
Mr. Shrimpton, that, in 1675, he allowed the general court to 
quarter one hundred Indians upon the Island free of charge. 
The same year also five Christian Indian prisoners were 
ordered to be delivered to Mr. Shrimpton, to be employed on 
17* 



198 mSTORY. [1673. 

Noddle's Island ; " he returning them to the order of the coun- 
cil." 

Judge Washburn, in his Judicial History of Massachusetts 
(p. 124), reports Col. Shrimpton and some others as once hav- 
ing what would now be termed a " high time," and that they 
rode into Boston from Roxbury at the unseasonable hour of 
" nine o'clock or past, singing as they came," etc. It is possible 
that such may have been the case, but family papers and kin- 
dred documents in the possession of the writer furnish no evi- 
dence to sustain such a charge against him. On the contrary, 
every thing we know of him in his public or private capacity is 
to his credit, as an honored magistrate, gentleman, and Chris- 
tian. He was a member of the first church in Boston, having 
united with it on the seventh of May, 1673. The Rev. Samuel 
Sewall (of Burlington, Mass.), the present possessor of " Sew- 
all's Diary," in a letter to the writer noticing this entry in the 
" Diary," says : — 

" As Judge Sewall does not here profess to have been an eye- 
witness of the above revelry, but probably had his account of it 
by report from others, and as he nowhere gives the result of the 
judicial inquiry into it before some justice, whom he does not 
name, on the Wednesday morning following, it is very possible 
that upon examination it was proved that Col. Shrimpton was, 
if at all, far less criminally concerned in it than others who were 
with him." 

In the grant of Noddle's Island to Samuel Maverick, there 
were certain conditions to be complied with ; to wit, the pay- 
ing " yearly to the Governor for the time being, either a fat 
wether, a fat hog, or forty shillings in money, and giving a 
right to the inhabitants of Boston and Charlestown to fetch 
wood from the southerly part of the Island as their need 
required." 

These conditions had been in force about fifty years, and Mr. 
Shrimpton had complied with them during the twelve years he 
had now been in possession of the Island. But in 1682, 
in answer to a petition to that effect, he was freed from them 
by the payment of thirty pounds sterling. His petition, and 
the answer of the court, are as follows : — 



1682.] RELEASE OF RENT. 199 

" To the Hono'^i^ Generall Court Assembled in Boston 7^^ 
February A" 1682. 

" The Petition of Samuel Shrimpton 
" Humbly sheweth 

" That Whereas vpon the grant of Noddles Island in the 
yeare 1633 vnto Mr. Samuel Mauericke to enjoy to him & his 
heires for euer (which said Island is now by purchase become 
the propriety of your Petitioner) he and they being to yeild and 
pay yearely at the Generall Court to the Governo'^ for the time 
being either a fat weather a fatt hogg or forty shillings money, 
which hath hitherto been Complied with : But forasmuch as 
there may very great damage & Inconuenience happen to you"; 
Petitioner and his heires by hauing the said Island lye vnder 
the obligation of a yearely acknowledgment, and will be of no 
benefit or advantage to the publique which doth not exceed ten 
shillings at most Anncd if your Petitioner please it being in his 
choice to pay either the fat weather Fat hogg or forty shillings. 
" Wherefore he humbly prayeth 

" That you would please to take of and release the said 
yearely payment and to accept a smale sume of money in leiu 
thereof, as may be Judged Answerable to such an acknowledg- 
ment, which youy Petitioner will readily pay to such use as this 
Honnoured shall please to direct. 

" And as in duty bound he shall humbly pray," etc. 

" In answer to the petition of Mr. Samuel Shrimpton for the 
release of the quitt-rent &. incumbrance upon Nodles Island, in 
the payment of forty shillings or otherwise annually, as in the 
sajd petition is expressed, this Court hath consented, & doe 
hereby for euer release & set fTree the sajd island from the sajd 
duty & payment, or what euer other incumbrance the sajd 
island and lands thereof is by the sajd grant chardged with ; 
and that the same be holden by the sajd Samuel Shrimpton, 
his heirs and assigns, for euer in ffee, w^'out any incumbrance 
whatsoeuer, vpon no other condition but the payment of thirty 
pounds money sterling of England to Joseph Dudley & John 
Richards, Esqrs., our agents in England, or either of them ; and 
their receipt, w**^ coppy of this grant, to be his discharge accord- 
ingly." 1 

» Archives, lib, 45, fol. 186 ; Mass. Records, Vol. V. p. 413. 



200 HISTORY. [1687. 

Mr. Shrimpton complied with these terms, and, by the pay- 
ment of the <£30 required, became the first person ivho oivned 
Noddle's Island free from all the incumbrances of the original 
grants and thus held it an indefeasible estate in fee-simple. 
In 1685-6, there were matters of difference between Mr. 

Shrimpton and Mr. Peter 
yyy t^iA- Sarseant ; ^ the causes and 




particulars of which are 
not manifest from the 
records. These were times of great political excitement in the 
colony, caused by the repeated changes in the ministry, and 
the consequent changes in the colonial laws and officers. Mr. 
Shrimpton was a leading man in the province, and, with his 
love of religious and civil liberty, it was naturally to be ex- 
pected that he would come in collision with the arbitrary 
authorities of his time, and this was the case in more than one 
instance. 

In 1686, among the last causes which came before the court 
of assistants, in an indictment brought against Mr. Shrimpton, 
it was alleged, " that he, at the county court sitting in Boston 
on the 22d of March last, in a tumultuous, violent, and seditious 
manner, and with a loud voice, and in open court, did say that 
he was brought there by Mr. Sargent's order, and not by the 
court, and that he denied any such thing in being as governor 
and company of this colony, and that he stood there to testify 
it, and denied their power, and that they might send him to 
prison if they pleased ; which words in the same manner he re- 
peated, and sundry other seditious words and expressions, as by 
the evidence will and may appear, thereby defaming the gen- 
eral court and the county court, and caused such a turmoil in 
the court as evidently tended to the high breach of his Majesty's 
government," etc. 

He was arrested upon this indictment ; but, from the changes 
which soon took place in the government, no trial was ever had 
of the case. 

He was afterward, in 1687, one of the judges of the superior 



^ Mr. Sargeant was afterward one of the judges of tlie special court of Oyer 
and Terminer, for the trial of witches, ia 1692. 



1687.] COL. SIIRIMPTON A JUDGE. OQl 

court. The bench was filled by Joseph Dudley, chief justice, 
William Stoughton, Simon Lynde, Samuel Shrimpton, Charles 
Lidget, associates. The relative rank which was held by these 
distinguished persons may be ascertained from the manner in 
which they were seated on the bench, and which is thus stated 
in Sewall's Diary : " 1687, April, Tuesday 26, Court sits. Presi- 
dent (Dudley, Chief Justice) in y^ Governor's Seat; Mr. Stough- 
ton at his right hand, Col. Shrimpton next him ; Mr. Lynde at 
his left hand. Major Lidget next him." In the same year, by 
the same reliable authority, we find him officiating as judge at 
the court of quarter-sessions. Says the Diary : " 1687, June 8. 
This day the Quarter Sessions is held at Boston, Col. Shrimp- 
ton, Judge Judge Shrimpton sat in the Governor's 

seat." 

Thus it appears that the son of a mechanic, and himself also 
one of the number, by his own exertions and by the exercise of 
those qualities implanted in him by nature, rose to be a man of 
distinction, and to occupy the governor's seat in his official ca- 
pacity as judge. 

Upon the accession of James TI. to the throne, in 1685, proc- 
lamations were issued to be published in New England, and 
letters from those high in authority were sent to gentlemen of 
distinction in the colony, ordering them to " proclaim y'^ King."i 
It is supposed that " this was done lest y« Government should 
have neglected to doe it." Mr. Blaithwait wrote to the gov- 
ernor, recommending the proclaiming of King James, and " ad- 
vising that it would be best early to doe it," but insultingly told 
him, he did not write as to a governments the charter beings va- 
cated. This same question respecting the charter was, a few 
years later, one of the principal causes of the overthrow of 
Governor Andros, and in which Col. Shrimpton was a promi- 
nent actor. 

Among the men to whom letters were written to " proclaim 
y*^ King," was " Saml Shrimpton, Esqr.,''^ an incidental fact show- 
ing his public character and position. 

The vessel bringing these " orders to the several colonies " 

* Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Bay ; Sewall's Diary ; Drake's Hist. Boston, etc. 



202 HISTORY. [1685. 

arrived at Boston, April 16, 1685, and the proclamation was 
made, with great ceremony, on the 20tl) of the same month. 

Owners of land in Boston and vicinity had much to appre- 
hend, as the charter was declared to be "vacated," and they had 
serious forebodings as to the character of the government which 
was to be put upon them. 

It is not necessary, nor would it be advisable, to enter upon 
the questions concerning the charters, as it would only be enter- 
ing upon a long course of litigation, which is scarcely ended at 
the present time. The original grantors of land in the " New 
World " appear to have had no idea of the position or extent 
of the various tracts which they granted to companies and indi- 
viduals ; and north, east, south, and west were most strangely 
confounded, and the royal charters give us amusing instances of 
the then ideas in respect to North American geography. The 
charter given to one company would thus overlap the one given 
to some other company or individual, and conflicting claims to 
the same land would arise, both parties contending that their 
respective charters secured to them the contested land, and in 
this opinion both parties were not unfrequently right. 

" Indeed," says Dr. Baird, " considering the descriptions con- 
tained in their charters, it is marvellous that the colonies should 
ever have ascertained their boundaries. Looking at the charter 
of Massachusetts, for example, and comparing it with that State 
as laid down on our maps, we are amazed to think by what 
possible ingenuity it should have obtained its existing bounda- 
ries, especially that on the north-east. Still more confounding 
does it seem, that Massachusetts should have successfully 
claimed the territory of Maine, and yet have had to relinquish 
that of New Hampshire." ^ 

The difficulties arising from the incorrect laying down of 
boundaries were many and great, and have even extended to 
our own time, being a prolific source of lawsuits and conten- 
tions. 

It was also as difficult to ascertain what powers and civil and 



^ Religion in America, by Robert Baird, p. 58. The ninth chapter of this 
able "work has much interesting matter pertaining to the early charters. 



1683.] ADVERSE CLABIS. 203 

religious liberties were granted under the charters, as it was to 
determine the just limits of their land jurisdiction. 

The many adverse claims to land, each claim apparently 
well supported by charter and special grant, gave rise to many 
and grievous disputes, and great care and prudence was neces- 
sary in adjusting these troubles. The royal commissioners of 
whom Maverick was one, were appointed to hear and deter- 
mine all matters of complaint between the colonies, as has 
already been shown in the appropriate place (Chap. VI.). Their 
duties included the settlement of all disputes relative to titles 
of land, but their actions were so interpreted and impeded by 
the colonial government, that little was accomplished, and im- 
portant points were left unsettled. For instance, Rhode Island 
and Connecticut both laid claim to the " Narraganset country ; " 
Carr, Cartwright, and Maverick had been on the ground, and 
passed orders (without Nichols, \vho was always to constitute 
one of the quorum), and had taken the disputed territory from 
both colonies until the king's pleasure should be known. When 
this came to the knowledge of Nichols, he reversed the orders, 
and declared them null and void. Time passed on, and the 
question was undecided. The king was addressed by the inter- 
ested parties, agents were sent across the water, and the dis- 
pute became complex, the papers voluminous, and the whole 
subject unpleasant, and one that was gradually assuming a real 
importance to the welfare of the colonies. 

In order to settle this controversy, Charles II., on the 17th of 
April, 1683, the thirty-fifth year of his reign, appointed a board 
of commissioners, consisting of Edward Cranfield, Esq., lieu- 
tenant-governor and commander-in-chief of New Hampshire, 
William Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, Edward Randolph, Samuel 
Shrimpton, John Fitz Winthrop, Edward Palmer, John Pynchon, 
and Nathaniel Saltonstall, Esquires. Any three of these, Cran- 
field or Randolph being of the number, should constitute a 
quorum ; and their duties were to inquire into the claims and 
titles of his majesty, or any persons or corporations, to the juris- 
diction or propriety of soil to the king's province or Narragansett 
country. The commissioners convened on the 22d of August 
at the house of Richard Smith (in Rochester, Narragansett 
country), and again at Boston on the 3d of September. 



204 HISTORY. [1685. 

A long and minute report was made, which, after a critical 
exposition of the whole subject, declared that the province 
belonged to Connecticut; and that the propriety of soil, as 
derived from Winthrop and Major Atherton, was vested in the 
heirs and assigns of Winthrop, etc. This report was made on 
the 20th of October, 1683, and signed by Edward Cranfield, 
William Stoughton, Samuel Shrimpton, John Pynchon, Jr., and 
Nathaniel Saltonstall.i 

The appointment of Shrimpton on this important commis- 
sion is good evidence of the trust and confidence reposed in 
him as a public man, and officer of the king. He appears often 
in responsible stations, and in positions where eminent abilities 
are required to insure success. 

In the Massachusetts Records, we find the general court 
recognizing his public services on a particular occasion in a very 
complimentary manner. The record reads as follows : — 

" 1685, July 8. — The Court, being sencible of y^ good service 
donne for the country by Joseph Dudley, Esq. and Mr. Samuel 
Shrimpton, in their late journey to New York, doe order that 
their expenses and disbursements in sd journey be by the coun- 
try Treasurer dischardged, & that the thankes of this Court be 
returned to the sajd gen*° for their great pajnes & good service; 
and as a further testimony of our respect & acceptance of the 
services of the sajd gen*"^, doe order the Treasurer to pay unto 
Mr. Dudley twenty pounds in money, & to Mr. Samuel Shrimp- 
ton, tenn pounds in money, out of the first country money in 
his hands." 2 

The particular business upon which Mr. Dudley and Mr. 
Shrimpton were engaged does not fully appear ; but that it 
was a matter of importance is evident from the character of the 
men engaged in it, and the mention made of it by the legisla- 
ture. As this was at a time when the question of surrendering 
the charter was being agitated, and the titles to lands were 
imperilled, it is more than probable that the mission upon which 
they were sent was upon this subject; this seems the more 
likely, as Mr. Dudley had just returned from his agency in Eng- 
land ; and both he and Colonel Shrimpton had experience in 

> Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. V. p. 232, etc. » Vol. V. p. 490. 



1686.] SIR EDMUND ANDROS. 205 

land questions. Mr. Dudley is the same who was appointed to 
the government of New England in April, 1685. At the time 
of this appointment, Randolph warmly espoused the interest of 
Dudley, and, in letters to Colonel Shrimpton, expresses the 
highest confidence in his merit, loyalty, and ability. Dudley, 
however, soon grew cool towards Randolph, who, in turn, was 
as active in vilifying him as he had been before in praising 
him.^ Dudley had been previously associated with Mr. Shrimp- 
ton in the settlement of the difficulties respecting the " Narra- 
ganset country," and this subsequent connection in public 
affairs shows that their services were satisfactory, and that the 
two men must have been upon intimate terms. 

Immediately on the accession of James, a plan had been ar- 
ranged for procuring the surrender of all the patents of the New 
England colonies, and for dividing the whole northern part of 
America into twelve provinces, with a governor-general over 
the whole. This plan had for its object the consolidation of 
power in the person of the king, and was probably devised by 
his ambitious and unprincipled advisers, and was of such a 
nature as to please James, who was a narrow-minded and un- 
just monarch. The plan, however, failed in its full execution, 
but the particulars do not come within the design of our book. 

Sir Edmund Andros was appointed the first governor- 
general, and was a fit tool to 
carry into effect the designs of 
his royal master. He landed 
in Boston on the 19th of De- 
cember, 1686, was escorted 
by " sixty red coats " to Mr. Gibb's house on Fort Hill, and 
immediately assumed the government. 

The better to accomplish his purposes, and to centrahze the 
government as much as possible, Andros called about him men 
of influence in the colony, and those of different political prefer- 
ences. He may have been influenced in this selection by a 
desire first to conciliate the colonists, and in this way take ad- 
vantage of their good-will, and perhaps he thought that the 
men thus chosen to office and taken into his favor, would, for 

^ Hutchinson, Vol, I. pp. 341, 351. 
18 




206 HISTORY. [1687. 

that reason, stand by him under any and all circumstances. 
Samuel Shrimpton was then a prominent person in the colony, 
a man of property, of character and influence ; he had recently 
been before the public as one of the royal commissioners on the 
contested land question, was known to the public as a magis- 
trate having sat upon the bench, and was a man whose good- 
will and services it would be desirable to secure. Early in the 
following year (March, 1687), Andros gave him a commission 
as lieutenant-colonel in the militia. He was also appointed 
one of the governor's council,^ an appointment which shows 
his position in the colony, and the estimation in which he was 
held by the ministry. 

At the commencement of his administration, Andros made 
great professions of regard for the public good ; and, 

" So smooth he daubed his vice with shew of virtue," 

that the colony took great encouragement, and from so favor- 
able a beginning began to hope for a good administration. 
But 

" one may smile, and smile, and be a villain ; " 

and his fair promises were soon broken, and the hopes of the 
people were destroyed ; for in a short time he assumed great 
dignity and authority, and commenced a series of measures of 
a most tyrannical character. As an instance of this, he went, 
in October of this year (1687), to Hartford with a company of 
soldiers, when the assembly was in session, and demanded the 
surrender of their charter. Here he was received with great 
respect, and the subject was discussed until evening. The char- 
ter was then brought forward and placed upon the table around 
which the members were sitting. Andros was about to seize it, 
when the lights were extinguished. At this moment a loud 
huzza was made by the concourse of people outside, and many 
persons rushed in. When the candles were relighted, the char- 
ter was not to be found, and no one could give any account of 

^ See Instructions to Andros in N. Y. Col. Hist. Vol. III. p. 543 ; Sewall's 
Diary ; Hutchinson, Vol. I. p. 354, note. Hutchinson does not appear to 
have examined the commission or instructions to Andros, as his note referred 
to shows. 



1687.] COL. SHRIMPTON A COUNCILLOR. 207 

it. Capt. Wadsworth, of Hartford, had seized and concealed 
it in the hollow trunk of an oak tree, which, from that circum- 
stance, took the name of the " Charter Oak." This tree, the 
protector of the liberties of the colony, lived to a green old age, 
notwithstanding storm and time, until, having seen the colony 
whose charter it so safely guarded grown into a powerful re- 
public and a component part of a mighty nation, it bowed its 
head to the blast, on the 21st of August, 1856. Thus Andros 
failed in the object of his visit, and the colony retained their 
charter, which remained in full force after the overthrow of the 
unpopular and unjust governor. 

Col. Shrimpton, in his official capacity of councillor, soon 
made manifest his opposition to the tyrannical acts commenced 
by Andros ; and in this opposition he was supported by other 
members of the council. Most of them preferred the old form 
of govern ment.i An extract from a letter from Edward Ran- 
dolph (a prominent member of the council, and supporter of 
Andros, who had made himself very obnoxious to the people) 
to William Blaithwait, May 21, 1687, illustrates this. 

"His Excellency has to do with a perverse people. Here 
is none of the council at hand, except Mr. Mason and myself, 
Mr. Brockholt, and Mr. Usher, who appear lively for his Majes- 
ty's interest." ^ Had " His Excellency " shown even-handed 




^. ^.0^^- ^^ 



r 

justice to these " perverse people," the destruction that awaited 
him in his political career might have been averted. 

Randolph was not inappropriately called the " evil genius " 
of New England, and was one of the most inveterate and 
untiring of those intriguing men who found access to the ear 
of Charles H. with their complaints against the colonies. In 
nine years he made no less than eight voyages across the 
Atlantic on this business. He was zealous to promote Episco- 
pacy and to destroy the New England churches, and was the 

1 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I p. 353. ^ Ibid, p. 354, note. 



208 HISTORY. [1687. 

chief instrument in depriving the people of Massachusetts of 
their charter privileges. He was conspicuous in the short 
administration of Andros, and was involved in his fate. On 
a return to Boston from New Hampshire, he says : " I arh 
received at Boston more like a spy than one of his majesty's 
servants. . . . They have prepared a welcome for me, by a paper 
of scandalous verses," etc. These " vscandalous verses," which 
well illustrate that point of character, wit, which. Chancellor 
Kent once remarked to the writer, was the prominent feature 
of the Yankees, commenced thus : — 

" "Welcome, Sr. welcome from ye easterne shore, 
With a commission stronger than before 
To play the horse-leach ; rob us of our ffleeces, 
To rend our land and teare it all to pieces : 
Welcome now back againe ; as is the whip, 
To a ffoole's back ; as water in a ship. 
Boston make roome ; Randolph 's returned, that hector, 
Confirmed at home to be y^ sharp Collector. 



Alas, we would haue Caesar haue his due, 
But not by such a wicked hand as you. 

We doe presume Secundus Carrolus Rex 
Sent you not here a countrye's heart to vex. 
Hee gives an Inch of power ; you take an ell. 
Should it be knowne, he would not like it well," etc.^ 

It can be easily imagined, that such a welcome as this would 
not be well pleasing to the haughty officer of royalty, and 
would not tend to soften his bitterness towards the colonists. 

Andros had not been in power long before his government 
became grievous, as he began and followed up a series of 
oppressions having for their principal object his own aggran- 
dizement. Among other abuses, he declared the landholders to 
be tenants at will, and that, as the people had forfeited their 
charter, as a consequence they had forfeited their possessions 
under it ; and it was announced, that all who would admit the 
insufficiency of their titles under the former government by 



1 Farmer's Historical Collections, Vol. IH. p. 30. 



1687.] TYRANNY OF ANDROS. 209 

petitioning for new patents, should be secured in their posses- 
sions upon reasonable terms. Many were induced to apply for 
patents for lands they had occupied under the charter for many 
years, and for these new patents most exorbitant prices were 
demanded, the fees sometimes amounting to fifty pounds. 

On this same point Dummer says : ^ " Their title to their 
land was absolutely denied by the governor and his creatures 
on two pretences ; one, that their conveyances were not accord- 
ing to the law of England ; the other, that if they might be 
thought to have had something like a title formerly, yet it 
now ceased by the revocation of their charters. So that they 
who had fairly purchased their lands and held them in quiet 
possession for above fifty years, were now obliged to accept 
new deeds from the governor and pay for them a third part 
of their value, in order to ascertain their titles, or otherwise 
they would be seized by the crown." 

Says Pitkin r^ " The people were obliged to take new patents 
for their land and houses, and to pay enormous patent fees, or 
suffer them to be granted to others, and they themselves ejected 
from their hard earned possessions. In addition to this, taxes 
were imposed at the will of the governor-general and a few of 
his council ; nor had the poor New Englanders the privilege of 
complaining, and claiming the rights of Englishmen, without 
being liable to fine and imprisonment." 

In the book entitled " Revolution in New England Justified," 
etc., printed at Boston in 1691, and reprinted in 1773, among 
other causes which led to the overthrow of Andros, the whole 
subject of land-titles is fully treated. Here it is stated that 
Andros and his associates in power did not hesitate to declare 
to the people, " that noiv their charter was g-one, all their lands 
tvere the king'''s, that themselves did represent the king; and that 
therefore men that would have any legal title to their lands must 
take patents of them, on such terms as they should see meet to 
impose.^'' ^ And again, those that refused to take confirmation of 



* Defence of New England Charters, by Jeremiah Dunimer (reprinted at 
Boston in 1721), pp. 24, 25. 

* Pitkin's Pohtical and Civil History of the United States, Vol. I. p. 118. 
' N. E. Rev. Justified, p. 1 7. 

18* 



210 HISTORY. [1684. 

their lands " were declared intruders upon his majesty, and put 
in fear of having their lands granted unto strangers ;"i and one 
of the specified matters of complaint against the new governor 
was, that he ^^ denied that they had any property in their lands 
without patent from him,^' etc.^ 

In the years 1684 and 1685, there were negotiations between 
the town authorities of Boston and the Massachusetts Indians 
relative to " Deare Island, the Necke of Bostone, or any pte 
thereof," and in consideration of a " valuable sum of money," 
paid by Samuel Shrimpton and some others, the Indians gave a 
deed to " warrant, confirm, and defend the above said lands to 
them and their heirs forever." It has been supposed by some 
that this bargain was made, and this new deed obtained, in 
order to give the purchasers a better title to their estates, and in 
anticipation of the approaching difficulties with the government 
relative to lands. 

Writs of intrusion were brought against some of the leading 
men of the colony, who had refused to apply for new patents ; 
and, among many others, the right of Col. Shrimpton to Deer 
island was called in question, and although he was one of the 
governor's council, a writ of intrusion was brought against him 
in the name of the king.^ At this time, a John Pittome was 
the resident tenant of Col. Shrimpton at Deer island. He and 
his family were turned " afloat on the water when it was a 
stormy day," by Sir Edmund's sheriff, who "put two men 
whom he brought with him into possession of the said Island, 
as he said, on behalf of king James the second." ^ Doubtless 
this act of oppression had its influence upon the subsequent 
conduct of Col. Shrimpton, and made him the more determined 
in his resistance to the despotic governor. The government 
undoubtedly supposed, that, by instituting a suit against him, 
being a prominent man and one of the council, that in case 
he yielded, others would submit without contesting the matter. 
But here the governor and his supporters made a great mis- 



^ N. Eng. Rev. Justified, in " Narrative," etc., appended to the pamphlet, p. 56. 

» Ibid. p. 9. 

' N. E. Revolution Justified, pp. 22, 26. 

* Ibid. pp. 22-23. 



1685.] COL. SHRIMPTON'S TATRIOTISM. 211 

take. They found the Colonel had too much patriotism and love 
of right to be thus treated, and he resisted the unjust demand. 
The governor evidently was very desirous that Col. Shrimpton 
should take out a new patent for his lands, so much so, that, 
when it was ascertained that he would take no measures him- 
self toward such an end, he w^as offered a new patent gratis, 
if he would accept it from Andros.^ 

Dummer, in the book already quoted, speaks in the following 
complimentary terms of Col. Shrimpton's conduct, and it is the 
more noteworthy, as the old author selects the Colonel from all 
the other noble men who resisted the tyrannical Andros as 
especially deserving of praise, and thus in the most conclusive 
manner shows that we do not overestimate his importance in 
the stirring events of the Revolution. Says the author referred 
to: — 

" It w^ould be an injury to virtue, if I did not in this place 
pay distinguished honor to the memory of an honest and 
worthy patriot, Col. Shrimpton, long since deceased, who being 
rich in lands, was courted to receive new patents gratis, that 
others might be drawn in by the authority of his example ; but 
when he was apprised of their design, he chose rather to have 
his lands seized (and they were seized) than by such a base 
compliance betray his countrymen into the snares prepared for 
them." 2 

This extract, besides being a valuable tribute to the character 
and patriotism of Col. Shrimpton, shows how anxious the gov- 
ernment was to secure his influence and countenance for its 
illegal actions. With the same spirit which prompted the 
patriot James Otis to resist the anti-revolutionary writs of 
assistance. Col. Shrimpton, a century before, resisted the arbi- 
trary writs of intrusion, which were founded upon the same 
unjust principles ; and with the same noble spirit which induced 
Otis to renounce all offices under government rather than yield 
his principles, Shrimpton, a century earlier, refused to accept 
valuable favors from the government, and, at great self-sacrifice, 
took a firm stand on the side of justice. 

' Washburn's Judicial History, p. 123. 
* Defence of New Eng. Charters, p. 25. 



212 HISTORY. [1688. 

When this writ of intrusion was served upon Deer island, 
the selectmen of Boston told Mr. Graham, Andros's attorney- 
general, that if Col. Shrimpton declined to personate the case of 
the island, they would stand the suit themselves. Said Gra- 
ham, in reply, " Are you the men that will stand suit against 
the king ? " ^ The result showed that Col. Shrimpton did not 
fear even to " stand suit against the king," and maintain the 
cause of truth and justice. There is something worthy of 
admiration presented to us, when we see a man thus boldly 
and with a self-sacrificing spirit, resist oppression, and, although 
in authority and with strong inducements to favor the govern- 
ment, upholding the popular side of the controversy. 

He was now at issue with the governor and his party ; but 
here he did not falter. He had taken a position, and he 
intended to maintain it at all hazards ; he considered that he 
had a right to the land in question, and was fully determined 
to maintain that right. 

In his defence he urged that the king had already divested 
himself by charter and declaration of any right to the island, 
and had made this clear in seizing the Massachusetts govern- 
ment, and not the lands. He also presented a copy of a grant 
from the general court, under the late Massachusetts govern- 
ment, conveyed down to Thomas Temple, under whom the 
defendant claimed the land ; and, having legally possessed it for 
twenty-six years, he thought he had sufficiently proved that he 
had been guilty of no intrusion. The duplicate of the charter 
was ready to be delivered, and was shown to the court, but 
it was refused, as Col. Shrimpton's right had not been invali- 
dated. 

These writs of intrusion were the cause of great anxiety in 
the minds of all landholders ; and it appears that it was on this 
account that Mrs. Mary Hooke,^ wife of Francis Hooke, Esq. 
of Kittery, Maine, fearing that Noddle's Island would be 
wrested from Col. Shrimpton, petitioned Andros, as already re- 
lated in Chapter VI. p. 107, for "consideration and relief;" she 
being daughter of Samuel Maverick, former owner of the 

' N. E. Revolution Justified, p. 26. 
» Drake's Hist. Bost. p. 479. 



1689.] REVOLUTION. 213 

Island. She urged that « her father, in 1648, was fined £250 
for attempting to petition the king, and that, when a commis- 
sioner with Nichols, Carr, and Cartwright, he was interrupted 
by sound of trumpet." 

Of course, these prosecutions ceased upon the change in ad- 
ministration which soon followed. 

It may be well to finish the account of Col. Shrimpton's con- 
nection with the overthrow of Andros, before we introduce 
other incidents which, in point of time, would have prece- 
dence. 

The abuses of Sir Edmund Andros at last became unendur- 
able, and when the news arrived of the landing of the Prince 
of Orange in England, the long restrained fire of righteous 
indignation burst forth ; and on the 18th of April (1689), the 
governor, such members of the council as were particularly 
obnoxious, and some other persons who had supported his ad- 
ministration, in all about fifty persons, were seized and confined, 
and the old magistrates were reinstated in office. This was a 
bold step, and its success, and the lives of the principal movers 
in it, all depended upon the accession of William and Mary to 
the throne of England. The excitement of the populace after 
the arrest was even greater than it had been before, and all the 
military companies collected at the town-house, " where assem- 
bled Capt. Winthrop, Shrimpton, Page, and many other sub- 
stantial men to consult matters, when the old governor (Brad- 
street) came amongst them, at whose appearance there was a 
great shout by the soldiers," who guarded him with great for- 
mality.^ 

Their first public act was to address a message, or remon- 
strance, to Sir Edmund Andros. This paper was as fol- 
lows : — 

" At the town-house in Boston, April 18, 1689. 

" Sir, — Ourselves and many others, the inhabitants of this 
town and places adjacent, being surprised with the people's 
sudden taking arms, in the first motion whereof we were wholly 



Hutchinson's Hist. Vol. I. p. 375, etc. 



214 HISTORY. [1689. 

ignorant, being driven to it by the present accident, are neces- 
sitated to acquaint your excellency, that, for the quieting and 
securing the people inhabiting this country from the imminent 
danger they many ways lie open and exposed to, and tendering 
your own safety, we judge it necessary that you forthwith de- 
liver up the government and fortifications, to be preserved and 
disposed according to order and direction of the crown of Eng- 
land, which suddenly is expected may arrive, promising all 
security from violence to yourself, or any of your gentlemen or 
soldiers, in person or estate ; otherwise, we are assured, they 
will endeavor the taking of the fortifications by storm, if any 
opposition be made. 

" To Sir Edmund Andros, Knight. 
" William Stoughton, S. Bradstreet, Wait Winthrop, 

Thomas Danforth, John Richards, Sam. Shrimpton, 

Elisha Cooke, Wm. Browne, 

Is. Addington, Barth. Gedney, 

John Foster, 

Peter Sergeant, 

David Waterhouse, 

Adam Winthrop, 

J. Nelson." 

Among the venerable men whose names are attached to this 
petition we find that of Simon Bradstreet, the former governor, 




^A%M&^i^^^^^ 



7>^rv-<Hv^ 



upon whose head was the weight of eighty-seven years, and 
who had been a magistrate for sixty years. Some of the 
signers were of the magistrates chosen in 1686, and others 
were included among the principal merchants and most influen- 
tial inhabitants of the town. 

At this time (April, 1689), there were three companies of 
militia in Boston, which assembled at this revolutionary move- 
ment. Adam Winthrop, merchant, of Boston, commanded 



1689.] KEYOLUTION. 215 

one, Col. Shrirapton one, and Nicholas Paige the third.i It 
will be remembered that Shrimpton had been appointed, by 
Andros, lieutenant-colonel in the militia, as early as March, 
1687. 

This 18th of April was an eventful day. In the early morn- 
ing, rumors were spread that the town was rising, and that An- 
dros intended to fire it at one end, and Captain George at the 
other, and "then go away in the smoke for France." The 
streets were filled with the excited populace; the sheriff, en- 
deavoring to quiet the multitude, was immediately arrested ; 
companies were hastily formed ; men favoring the government 
were arrested, and many were hurried off to jail. The whole 
town was in arms, and a declaration, read from the balcony of 
the court-house, defended the insurrection as a duty to God and 
the country. The declaration closed with this paragraph : 
" "We commit our enterprise unto the blessing of Him who 
hears the cry of the oppressed, and advise all our neighbors, for 
whom we have thus ventured ourselves, to join with us in 
prayers and all just actions for the defence of the land."^ 
People from the country flocked into the country; on the 
Charlestown side over a thousand soldiers were ready to 
cross ; and twenty military companies were marshalled in 
Boston streets. As the day passed on the excitement in- 
creased, and the determined spirit of the people was more and 
more manifest. 

We have not space to detail the proceedings of the day, 
neither would it be appropriate to the object of this book. 
This bold revolution has been described many times ; and we 
are only concerned with it as far as Colonel Shrimpton is con- 
nected with its history as one of the leaders in it, the com- 
mander of the military, and, from his position in the govern- 
ment as councillor and his standing in the community, possess- 
ing great influence with the people. Andros was convinced 
that it would be useless to withstand the popular feeling, and de- 



' Force's Tracts, Vol. IV. No. 10. 

* Hist. An. and Hon. Artillery Co. p. 226. 



216 HISTORY. [1689. 

ciding that prudence, in this instance, was the better part of valor, 
on the next day, the 19th, he yielded to the demands of the 
people, and the command of the castle was delivered to Capt. 
Fairvveather. 

Col. Shrimpton was leader of the troops in this sudden revo- 
lution, a position for which he was well adapted by his military 
talents. After the excitement had subsided, the Colonel was 
selected to draw up a report of the proceedings of Andros 
while governor of the province, which report was published, in 
1691, in the ^'■New England Revolution Justified^'' a valuable 
pamphlet, which contains a detailed account of the administra- 
tion and overthrow of Andros. The persons appointed for this 
duty by the committee of safety were William Stoughton, 
Bartholemew Gedney, and William Brown, and such other 
members of the late council of Andros as they should advise 
with.^ From the selection of Colonel Shrimpton as one of the 
committee on this important report, "it is to be inferred," says 
Judge Washburn, " he was regarded as somewhat of a literary 
man, although I do not find that he was graduated at any col- 
lege." 2 It would puzzle the judge to find the brazier, of whom 
this remark is made, " graduated at any college ; " for, however 
successful he may have been in his trade or in the various pub- 
lic offices, civil, judicial, and military, to which he was elevated, 
he had not brass enough left to present himself for college 
honors. 

While it is certain that Col. Shrimpton was one of the com- 
mittee selected to write the " Narrative," etc., it is also probable 
that he was one of the writers of the " Revolution in New Eng- 
land Justified ; " for the preface is signed E. R. and S. S., doubt- 
less referring to Edward Rawson and Samuel Shrimpton, and, 
truly, it would have been difficult to have found men better fit- 
ted for the task. 

The revolution was completely successful. William and 
Mary ascended the throne ; Andros was sent to England, by 
order of the king, to answer to the charges brought against him, 



State Records. "^ Judicial History, p. 123. 



1689.] COL. SHRIMPTON IN MILITARY AFFAIRS. 217 

and the colony was authorized to take charge of its own 
affairs until another government should be established. In- 
crease Mather represented the colony before the ministry, and 
his services were of great value in securing favor of the crown. 

Randolph had his full share of the exasperation of the peo- 
ple in the revolution, and while bail was granted to others, it 
was refused to him. The house of representatives, on the 
25th of June, voted, " that Mr. E. Randolph is not bailable, he 
having broken a capital law of the colony in endeavoring and 
accomplishing the subversion of our government, and having 
been an evil counsellor." He died in the West Indies. 

Andros was subsequently governor of Virginia, where, bene- 
fitted by experience, his course was more wise and moderate 
than it had been in Massachusetts. He died in England in 
1714. The little that has come down to us gives an unfavora- 
ble impression of his character ; indeed, it seems to present 
scarcely a redeeming trait. Doubtless he had good qualities, 
but we are in ignorance of them ; and the truth contained in 
Marc Antony's words may be as applicable to him as to Cse- 
sar, — 

" The evil that men do lives after them ; 
The good is oft Interred with their bones." 

Col. Shrimpton bore a conspicuous part in the military affairs 
of the colony. In 1673, he was appointed one of a committee 
to purchase " great guns for the country's vse ; " and, later in 
the same year, the same committee was ordered to make an- 
other purchase.! The gentlemen composing this committee are 
spoken of in the official order as men "who have their corre- 
spondents in Bilboa (a commercial city in the northern part of 
Spain), and the trade there," and these " great guns " were to 
be purchased by their " correspondents " in that city. 

Col. Shrimpton was very active in the revival of the Ancient 
and Honorable Artillery Company, after Andros' usurpation. 
He had been a member since the year 1670, and was chosen 
ensign in 1672, lieutenant in 1673, and captain in 1694, the 
twenty-fourth year of his membership. 



^ Massachusetts Records, Vol. IV. Part 2, pp. 562 and 565. 

19 



218 HISTORY. [1697-8. 

He was made a colonel of the Suffolk regiment on the 20th 
of April, 1689, being the first person in that station on whom 
the command of a regiment devolved after the abolition of the 
office of sergeant-major. 

His services seem to have been called into requisition in every 
variety of circumstance. At the funeral of Governor Leverett, 
March 25th, 1678-9, which was conducted with great pomp 
and ceremony, he was appointed to carry the helmet, and 
" march next before the Herse." ^ 

In Sewall's Diary, under date of 4th December, 1694, is this 
entry : " Lieut. Gov. Usher committed to prison on Col. Shrimp- 
ton's examination." The particulars of this affair are not man- 
ifest. 

Col. Shrimpton died on the 9th of February, 1697-8, of apo- 
plexy, at the age of fifty-five years. An old almanac, in a men- 
tion of his death, calls him " Vir patrice clarus" a compliment 
of which he was every way worthy. His death and funeral 
are thus noticed in Sewall's Diary : " 1697-8, Fourth day, 
Febr. 9. Last night, about nine of y"^ Clock, Col. Shrimpton 

dyes of an Apoplexy He was seen at his door y^ last 

Sixth day." 

" Second-day, Febr. 14, 1697-8, Col. Sam'. Shrimpton was 
buried with Arms. Ten Companies, 8 (Boston Companies) 
Muddy River & Sconce ; ^ No Horse nor Trumpet : but a Horse 
led, Mr. Dyer's ; y*' Col's, would not endure y'^ cloathing; Mourn- 
ing Coach also, and Horses in Mourning ; Scutchin on y"" Sides, 
& Death's heads on y'' foreheads ; Coach stood by y^ way here 
and there, & mov'd solitarily. Bearers, Major Genl. Winthrop, 
Mr. Cook, liieut. Col. (Elisha) Hutchinson, Mr. Addington, 
Capt. Foster, Major Walley, Mr. E-^ (Eliakim) Hutchinson & 
Mr. (Rev. James?) Allen led y® widow. Capt. Clark fired 
twelve great guns at y® Sconce ; began, as marched to y^ New- 
burying place, where y^ Corps was set in to the two wives. 
Very fair and large Paths shovel'd by great pains & cost ; three 



^ For a full account of this remarkable funeral, see N. E. Historical and 
Genealogical Register for 1850, p. 128. 

2 Muddy River was tlie former name of Brookline ; and the " lower," or 
" south battery," at the foot of Fort Hill, was named the " Sconce." 



1697-8.] COL. SHRBIPTON'S FUNERAL. 219 

in y^ Burying-place, one direct to y^ Tomb, the other compass- 
ing by y** Sides, in which y® Souldiers stood drawn up. W™. 
Scovel being well & having on his new Coat, I fitted him with 
my Musket, Rapier, Mourning, Amunition, and he served in 
y® South Company." 



CHAPTER X. 

THE TITLE OF THE ISLAND IN THE SHKIMPTON AND YEA- 
MANS FAMILIES. 

Col. Shrimpton was married in England to Mrs. Elizabeth 
Breeden, a lithographic likeness of whom is upon the opposite 
page. It is possible that Mrs. Breeden was the second, and 
perhaps the third, wife of Col. Shrimpton ; although positive 
evidence of the fact is wanting, there are some circumstances 
which seem to give plausibility to such a supposition. In 
the will of Hezekiah Usher, Sen., dated on the 11th of May, 
1676, is the following item : — 

" I give unto my son-in-law, Samuel Shrimpton, and his 

wife, the sum of fifty 
2 ct/c '^^^jV^Ot*— pounds to buy them 

""^ mourning : " and in 
the will of Hezekiah Usher, Jr., dated the 7th of July, 1687, is 
an item to this effect, namely : — 

" As to my brother and sister Shrimpton, I give to them ten 
pounds apiece in acknowledgment of former kindnesses re- 
ceived." By these two extracts it would seem that a Samuel 
Shrimpton married a daughter of Hezekiah Usher, and the 
dates given correspond with the life of the Colonel. Eiizabeth, 
daughter of Hezekiah and Francis Usher, was born 1 (12) 
1645.1 It is impossible to tell whether the Samuel Shrimpton 
who married Miss Usher is identical with the Col. Shrimpton 
with whom we are particularly interested. While the names 
and dates would imply such an identity, it is very singular that 
this marriage should not be mentioned in the family papers 
in -the writer's possession. Color is given to the supposition 

^ Genl. Reg. 1854, p. 40. 




J.H'BuffDT-d's lilTi^ 



TroTTL an oriqu/al ToTtrait 



1668.] SHRIMPTON AND USHER. 221 

that the Colonel married Miss Usher previous to his connec- 
tion with Mrs. Breeden, from the fact that he and Hezekiah 
Usher at one time transacted business together. They engaged 
to furnish Sir Thomas Temple with supplies for the forts in 
Nova Scotia, Sir Thomas Temple being at that time governor 
of Nova Scotia, and the then owner of Noddle's Island. On 
examining the records, it appears that, — 

" Sir Thomas Temple stands indebted to Hez : Usher & 
Sam^ Shrimpton £2728 45 6d, as balance of Acct^ betweene 
them, 10 Oct. last. 

" Whereas s"! Usher & Shrimpton hath engaged for the next 
spring season to issue forth to s'^ Temple his Order to Capt. 
Thos. Lake, for the supply of him the s*^ Sir Thomas Temple, 
as the occation of his Forts in Nova Scotia shall require, & 
that s"^ Temple shall make full satisfaction to s*^ Usher & 
Shrimpton in this fall & spring season & soe successively 
in beauer moose & other peltry, as at the s"^ Forts shall bee 
obtained consigning the s'^ peltry to Capt. Thos. Lake for their 
vse not only for s** sum of X2728 4^ 6d, now due but all fur- 
ther sums, to the vse & order of s** Temple, s*^ Lake passing the 
same to s<^ Temple's Acct for his Forts. 

" For security. Temple makes over his house & lands in Bos- 
ton, farm house & lease at Deare Island, to s'* Usher & Shrimp- 
ton, with my Ketch Pellican burthen 50 Tuns, with my 400 
Sheepe, & Lambs 6c 60 head of neat Cattle on Noddle's Island, 
viz. 20 Coves, 16 Oxen & Steares & 24 yong Cattle w*"^ all the 

"30 Nov. 1668."' 

Aside from the business connection here shown between 
Usher and Shrimpton, the record is an interesting one in refer- 
ence to the early trade and other points apparent to the reader. 

The history of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Co., p. 
74, in a mention of Hezekiah Usher, who was a freeman in 
1639, and removed to Boston in 1646, says, " Col. Shrimpton, 
Ar. Co. 1670, married one of his daughters " ; but implicit reli- 
ance cannot be placed upon this statement. 

' Bk. V. fol. 508, Suffolk Deeds. There were business transactions of a 
similar nature between Sir Thos. Temple and others in 1665, lib. 4, fol. 308. 

19* 



222 



HISTORY. 



[1647. 



According to the Genealogical R-egister,^ a Samuel Shrimp- 
ton married Abial Brown, in Hingham, Mass., in Aug., 1668 ; 
but of this marriage nothing is known. In none of the family 
papers in the writer's possession, or in the possession of other 
branches of the family, can be found any mention of any mar- 
riage of Col. Shrimpton, save to Mrs. Breeden, the mother of 
Samuel Shrimpton, Jr. Of this marriage there is good evi- 
dence ; but of the others, nothing appears except what is given 
above, save the phrase in the notice of Col. Shrimpton's funeral 
in Sewall's Diary, given on a previous page, — " y^ Corps was 
set in to the two wives." The conclusion naturally drawn from 
this is, that the widow of Col. Shrimpton was his third wife. 

Mrs. Breeden, wife of Col. Shrimpton, was the daughter of 
Mrs. Elizabeth Roberts. Mrs. Roberts had also a son Nich- 
olas, a daughter Mary, who married Sir Robert Breeden (and 
had two sons, John and Samuel), and a daughter Sarah, who 
married John Richardson.^ Col. Shrimpton, when again in 
England, persuaded Elizabeth Richardson, daughter of John 
Richardson, and Sarah his wife, just mentioned, to return with 
him to this country. She did so, and married Samuel Shrimp- 
ton, Jr., son and only child of Col. Shrimpton, on the 7th of 
May, 1696.3 



1 Hist. & Gen. Reg. Vol. II. p. 253. 

2 Died in England before the 28th of Feb., 1 700. 

3 ROBERTS PEDIGREE. 



RoBERTS==Elizabeth. 



Nicholas 



MaijySir Robert Breeden. 

i 



Elizabeth, 
mar. 

1. Breeden (prob. 

2. Col. S. Shrimpton. John. Samiuel 

3. Simeon Stoddard=T= .... 

* David. 



Sarah= John Richardson. 
Will made 
1 Sept. 1692, 
d. bef. 1700. 



Samuel, Jr.=:Elizaheth= 
See Shrimpton. 



--* David Stoddard. 

2d husband. 

m. 23 Dee. 1713. 



John. 



Mary. 



Sarah. 



MehitabIe=pWm. Hyslop. 
See Stoddard 



Sarah 

m. 

John 

Wells 

of 

England. 



It' ' ' 
Mary. 

Stephen. 

Samuel. 

Anna. 



pedigree. 



Six ch., of which Elizabeth ^Increase Sumner, 
I Gov. of Mass. 
Wm. Hyslop. 



1697.] COL. SHRBIPTON'S WILL. 223 

Col. Shrimpton, by indenture bearing date 20th Aug., 1680, 
" for divers good causes and for love and good will towards his 
wife Elizabeth," conveyed " to Sir John Smith, Knight, John 
Child and Edmund White, of London, as Feoffees and Trus- 
tees of his wife Elizabeth Shrimpton " one half of his Island, 
called Noddle's Island, " together with one half of the dwelling- 
houses, warehouses, mills, &c. with one half of all the woods, 
underwoods, trees, &c., water-ponds, water courses, &c. &c. 
To have and to hold as feoffees and trustees for the only use 
& behoof of his wife Elizabeth Shrimpton," etc. 

This conveyance was subject to the following provision : — 

" Provided that if my son, Samuel Shrimpton shall pay or 
cause to be fully paid, a bond, bearing date the 24 Dec'' 1678, 
for £5000 sterling, payable to said Sir James Smith, John 
Child and Edmund White, then my son, Samuel Shrimpton 
shall have and enjoy the above-mentioned half of said Island. 
But if it be not paid, then my wife, Elizabeth, to have and 
enjoy said half of said Island &c. to her & her heirs, forever." 

It does not appear, from the record, that the above <£ 5,000 
was ever paid by Col. Shrimpton's son Samuel. 

The following extracts from the will of Colonel Shrimpton, 
dated on the 5th of June, 1697, bear upon the title of Noddle's 
Island : — 

" Unto my wife, Elizabeth, I give all the rest of my estate, 
(the remaining half of Noddle's Island forming a part of it,) 
during her life, with full liberty, at or before her death, to dis- 
pose of one thousand pounds thereof to whom and in such 
manner as to her shall seem most fit.i 

" As touching the remainder of the Estate, I do authorize an 
impower my Wife to dispose thereof, at, or before, her death, 
to & among such of my natural Relations & Friends as shall 
then be living, in manner &s forme as *all seem most meet, & 
to confirme the same to them, given by her, by Deed or other 
Instruments, in the Law, most requisite thereunto." 

Colonel Shrimpton's widow, on the 31st of May, 1709, mar- 
ried Simeon Stoddard, the son of Anthony Stoddard, who 



* Slie never exercised the power herein given to dispose of the one thou- 
sand pounds. 



224 HISTORY. 

came to Boston in 1639, and died 16th March, 1686-7.1 She 
was his second wife, and died 13th April, 1713. The little that 



^ Anthony Stoddard, the first of the name in this country, was the ancestor 
of one of the most worthy families in Massachusetts, different members of which 
have attained positions of eminence in both civil and ecclesiastical affairs. He 
was thrice married, and had children by each wife. Of one of his sons, Simeon, 
a brief sketch is given above in the text. Another son was Solomon, for a long 
course of years the learned and highly honored pastor of the church at North- 
ampton, Mass. He was the eldest son of Anthony (by his first wife, who was 
a sister of Sir George Downing), and was born in Boston, on the 4th of Octo- 
ber, 1643. He graduated at Harvard University in 1G62, and was afterward 
" one of the Fellows of that House." After a residence of two years at Bar- 
badoes as chaplain to Governor Sorle, he was ordained (Sept. 11th, 1672) as 
successor to Mr. Eleazer Mather, at Northampton, and continued in that place 
until his death, — a period of fifty-six years. He was a learned man, well 
versed in religious controversies, and himself an acute disputant. Says the 
Boston Weekly News Letter (No. 112) in a notice of his death : " His natural 
powers were quick and strong, and by the blessing of God on his hard studies, 
he was furnished with that learning which is requisite to make a divine of the 
first rank. As a pastor, he was diligent, laborious, constant ; wise, faithful, 
compassionate. His sermons were plain and powerful, experimental and spir- 
itual, close and searching, yet rational and argumentative. He was a man 
zealous against sin, a hearty mourner for the iniquities of the times, an earnest 
pleader with God for the land, the nation, and his church in the world." His 
labors as a minister were blessed with great success, and in the sermons 
preached by the Rev. W. Williams on the day of his interment (Feb. 13,1729), 
and by the Rev. Dr. Colman, in Boston, a few days later, are full and just trib- 
utes to his character and success as a man and as a minister. He was very 
industrious in his studies, and published numerous sermons, and left many 
which he had never preached. At one time he engaged in a controversy with 
Increase Mather respecting the Lord's supper. 

Solomon Stoddard married (March 8th, 1670) Mrs. Esther Mather, widow 
of his predecessor in the pulpit at Northampton, and daughter of the Rev. John 
Warham of Windsor, Ct. (It will be recollected, see Chap. II., that this Rev. 
John Warham was the companion of the Rev. John Maverick, and with him 
was first settled at DorchesteiP Mass.) By this marriage he had several chil- 
dren, one of whom, Esther, married the Rev. Timothy Edwards, father of Dr. 
Jonathan Edwards, the distinguished divine and metaphysician ; another was 
the Rev. Anthony Stoddard, pastor of the church at Woodbury, Ct., nearly 
sixty years; and another was the Hon. John Stoddard, a member of his 
majesty's council, for many years chief justice of the court of common pleas 
for the county of Hampshire, judge of probate, and colonel of a regiment. 
Colonel John was a graduate of Harvard University (1701), and was possessed 
of a vigorous mind and great executive ability. He had an accurate acquaint- 




lJl^i£inj[i^ iT® iDSAIE]®, 



SIMEON STODDARD. 225 

is known of Mr. Simeon Stoddard, a lithograph of whom, from 
an original portrait, is on the opposite page, can be stated in 



ance with the concerns of the colonies and of the neighboring tribes of Indians, 
and was a particular friend of Governor Shirley, who relied upon him with 
great confidence in matters pertaining to the welfare of the colony. He died 
at Boston, 19th June, 1748, aged G7, and his funeral sermon was preached by 
Jonathan Edwards. 

One of the descendants of this family (see pedigree) recently died, deeply 
lamented ; David T. Stoddard, missionary among the Nestorians. Born De- 
cember 2, 1818; graduated at Yale, 1838; tutor in Yale and Marshall col- 
leges; of fine abilities, heightened by culture and adorned with scholarly 
accomplishments, he devoted himself to the missionary service. The visit of 
Dr. Perkins and Mar Yohannan to this country awakened in his mind a strong 
interest in the Nestorians, and he accompanied Dr. Perkins in his return to 
Oroomiah. His fine imagination, his facility in acquiring languages, his lovely 
spirit, his freshness, ardor, and enthusiasm, secured for him a wonderful suc- 
cess. " In college he was greatly enamored of the physical sciences, and having 
a genius for mechanics, he constructed with his own hands a large telescope, 
grinding and polishing the speculum and adjusting the tube with the skill of a 
practised workman. For weeks together he gave to this work all his spare 
time, and at length succeeded in producing a really good instrument. With 
much hesitation, he boxed this up and carried it with him to Oroomiah ; and 
there in Persia, where astronomy had its birth, he confounded unbelievers by 
bringing to their view the glory of God in the heavens. A group of influential 
persons once assembled, at his invitation, to view the satellites of Jupiter, or 
the rings of Saturn, — we do not quite recall the incident as we heard it from 
his lips, — and at first refused even to look into the telescope, so confident were 
they that he was trying to deceive with ' lying wonders.' But no sooner did 
they look than they exclaimed, ' You know every thing ! we will believe all 
that you tell us.' That same metallic mirror, over which our brother toiled 
with an enthusiasm that sometimes provoked a smile, reflected to the successors 
of the Chaldeans the glory of the God of Abraham, and pointed them to the 
brightness of that glory in the seed of Abraham." His visit to this country 
six or seven years since is fresh in many memories. He returned to Oroomiah, 
and labored until his death, which took place January 20, 1857. A memoir, 
soon to be published, renders further details unnecessary. 

Solomon and Simeon Stoddard (sons of Anthony the 1st), had a brother 
Anthony, whose granddaughter Martha married a Captain John Stevens; 
they had no children. Mrs. Stevens survived her husband, and was left in 
possession of a large real and personal estate. Her residence was in State 
street, the house occupying the site near the post-office door in the INIerchants' 
Exchange, a spot memorable for its association with the Boston Massacre, 4th 
March, 1770, in which the youthful Maverick was killed, as is fully described 
in Chapter VII. On this street lived numerous members of the family connec- 



226 HISTORY. 

few words. He was born in 1650, and died on the 15th of 
October, 1730. His first wife died on the 13th of August, 



tion, and almost opposite, on the spot now occupied by the Merchants' Bank 
building, at the corner of Exchange street, then called Shrimpton's lane, 
stood the city residence of Col. Shrinipton, whose intimate relations with Nod- 
dle's Island history and the affairs of the colony have been so minutely detailed. 
Mrs. Stevens, reposing peculiar confidence in her relative, the Hon. Increase 
Sumner, appointed him and Edward Payne, Esq., her cousin, her executors. 
She gave a considerable portion of her property, by will, to the children of Mrs. 
Mehetable Ilyslop, a relative whom she had always regarded as a sister, and 
by whom, as well as by all the members of the family, she was held in high 
esteem, and appropriately remembered all her relatives and friends, particu- 
larly those with whom her intercourse had been most intimate and affectionate. 
She gave in legacies to her relatives, the greater part of whom formed the 
different branches of the Stoddard, Greenough, and Hyslop families, and of 
which mention is made in different parts of this volume, 870 acres of land in 
the town of Ashford, Conn. ; namely, to her cousin John Stoddard, land in 
Ashford " that formerly belonged to my Bro. Anthony Stoddard," about nine- 
one acres ; to William Hyslop, Jr., fifty -seven acres ; to William [H.] Sumner, 
son of Increase and Elizabeth, seventy-two acres ; to David Hyslop, two hun- 
dred acres; to David Greenough, 132 acres; she also gave, in legacies, to the 
Eev. WiUiam Greenough, £750; to Increase Sumner, Esq., £300, doubling 
the bequest originally made to him of £150; and also remembered the other 
executor in the same liberal manner. Beside these, there were numerous 
other legacies to Mehetable Stoddard Sumner, to the sisters of Mr. Payne the 
executor, and to other relations and friends. There are two items in this will 
worthy of notice, as they give a beautiful insight to Mrs. Stevens's character, 
and speak volumes in her praise. They are these : " To the Deacons of the 
South Church whereof the Rev. Mr. Eccle is Minister, Thirty pounds, the In- 
terest of which to be annually given to the poor of said Church." — " To the 
Overseers of the Poor in Boston and their successors in said office. Three 
Hundred pounds, the Interest of which to be annually given to the descend- 
ants of such reputable families as may be so reduced by the Providence of God 
as to want some assistance to prevent their becoming a town charge." The 
benevolent consideration for the wants of those respectable families whose 
property had become reduced is a similar characteristic to that ascribed to her 
relative, Simeon Stoddard. Each of them, belonging to the same family con- 
nection, and living in the enjoyment of large property, was liberally mindful 
of the wants of the needy, and most discreet in the directions in which they 
desired their bounties to flow. 

Among the family relics in the writer's possession is a pair of old-fashioned 
high-heeled shoes of rich material, which belonged to Mrs. Stevens. In the 
inside of one of them is the following label : " Made hy WinihP. Gray near the 
cornjield, Boston." (The " corn-field " was a tavern ; says Drake, (Hist. Boston, 



ig of Salem. 

le died 15 April, 1655. 



Anthony = . 
b. 6 June, 1656; 
had ch. Anthony. 



Joseph, 
b. 1 Dec. 1663; 
and others. 



Israel, 
10 Apr. 1684; 
)d a prisoner 
in France. 



I Rebecca, 

INov. 1722, Joseph 
11766. Ch. Joseph, 
I Yale, 1742, m. 
I. childless, 10 Mar. 
isJuly, 1726, Capt. 
. Elizabeth Pome- 
lied at the b.attle of 
September, 1755, 
dless. 



Hannah, 
b. 21 April, 1688; m. Rev. 
Wni. Williams, of Weston; 
d. 29 Dec. 1775. Ch. William, 
H. C. 1729; Elizabeth, m. 
Rev. Joseph Crocker, of Ips- 
wich; Anna,m. Oliver Part- 
ridge, of Hatfield; Nathan- 
iel; Lucy, m. Rev. Joseph 
Buckminster, of Rutland; 
Mary; Esther, mar. Rev 
Thomas Williams, of Deer 
field; Solomon, H. C. 1747 
Hannah, mar. Rev. J. Sec- 
comb, of Harvard. 



= Elizabeth == Sam. Shrimpton, Jr. 

(Richardson), 1st husband; 

d. 25 June, 1757. d. 25 May, 1703. 

Elizabeth = John Yeamans. 

Shute S. = : 



Matilda Gunthorp. 



) daughters 

', infants. 



John 
d. infant. 



Shute 
d. unm. under age. 



rah, 

718; m. Dea. 
inough ; and 
, 1778. Ch. 
nd William. 



Mehetable = William Hyslop, 



b. 5 June, 171 
m.25 Oct. 1750; 
d. 19 Nov. 1792. 



baptized 26 Sept. 

1714; d. 11 Aug. 

1796. 



Elizabeth = Increase Sumner, Mehetable, 



b. 5 Aug. 1757; 
m. 30 Sept. 1779; 
d. 28 Dec. 1810. 

Jane Woodward, 
In; he d. 16 Aug. 



Governor of Mas- 
sachusetts. 



b. 13 Sept. 

1763; d. 
same day. 



Mehetable Stoddard, 



pedi- 
,291. 



Benjamin Welles. 



James W. Gerard. 



STODDARD PEDIGREE 



ANTHONY STODDARD: 

He emigrated from the west of England to Boston, about 1639 ; was 
admitted freeman in 1640; member of the Artillery Company; rep- 
resentative twenty-three years. He was three times man-ied. 



1st, MARY DOWNING. 

She was a daughter of Emanuel Downing of Salem. 
= 2d Barbara, widow of Capt. Joseph Weld; she died 15 April, 1655. 
— 3d, Christiana. ' ' 



b. 4 Oct. 1643, H. C; 1662, 
at Northampton, 11 Sept. 
11 Feb. 1729. 



Solomon = Esther (Warham,) wid- 



ordained 
1672, d. 



owof Rev.Eleazer Math- 
er; m. 8 March, 1670; 
d. 10 Feb. 1736, je. 92. 



Samson = ...,. 
born 3 Dec. 1645; 
had son Samson. 



Simeon 
born 1650 ; d. 
15 Oct. 1730. 



2. Elizabeth, 
widow of Col. 
Sam. Shrimpton. 



Stephen 
and others. 



Anthony = . 
b. 6 June, 1656; 
had ch. Anthony. 



Joseph, 
b. 1 Dec. 1663; 
aud others. 



Mary, 
b. 9 Jan. 1671 ; m. 2 
Oct. 1695, Rev. Ste- 
phen Mix, minister 
at Wethersfield, Ct. 
Ch. Mary, m. Thomas 
Belden;' Sarah, mar. 
Goodridge; Rebecca, 
m. James Mitchell; 
Christian, died unm. ; 
Esther, mar. Bowen; 
Elisha, born 19 Oct. 
1705, Yale, 1724, d. 
unm. 7 June, 1739. 



I I I 
Samuel, 

b. 5 Feb. 1674; 

d. 22 Mar. 1674. 



Esther, 
b. 2 June, 1672 ; m. 
6 Nov. 1694, Rev. 
Timothy Edwards, 
b. 14 Miiy, 1669; 
H. C. 1694; shed. 
19 Jan. 1770; he d. 7 June, 1675 
d. 27 Jan. 1758. 
Ch. ten daughters, 
and Jonathan Ed- 
avIrds, b. 3 Oct. 
1703, minister at 
Northampton, Pres. Princeton Coll 
and the distinguished divine. 



Anthony, 
b. 6 June, 1675; 



Aaron, 

b. 23 Aug. 1676; 

d. same day. 



Christian, 
b. 23 Aug. 1676; 
m. Rev. William 

Williams, who 
was 56 years min- 
ister at Hatfield; 
she d. 23 April, 
1704; he died 1 
Sept. 1741 

D. D., H. C. 1719, of Lebanon, Ct.; 
Israel, H. C. 1727, died 10 Jan. 
1788; Elizabeth, m. Samuel Barn- 
ard, of "^ ' .in; Dorothy, m. Rev. 

Joiiatlian Asliley, of Deerfield. 



Anthony, Sarah, 

b.9Aug.l678; b. 1 April, 1680; m. 
" 19 Mar. 1707, Rev. 

Samuel Whitman, 
of Farmington, Ct. 
Ch. Sarah, m. Rev. 
J.Trumbull; Eliza- 
beth, m. Rev. Thos. 
Strong, of New Marl- 
boro; Elnathan, 
Yale, 1726, d. unm. 
in Hartford, 4 Mar. 
1777; Solomon; 
Samuel. 



H. C. 1697; 

minister at 
Woodbury,Ct. 
60 years ;' d. 6 

Sept. 1760. 



3. 76. Ch. Solomon, 



John, : 
b. 17 Feb. 
1682 ;H.C. 
1701 ;m. 13 
Dec. 1731. 
Lived in 
Northamp- 
ton; Rep., 
Col., Judge 
of Probate, 
C. J. C. C. 
P.; died 
19 June, 
1748. 



Israel, 

1). 10 Apr. 1684; 

died a prisoner 

in France. 



Prudence 

Chester, b. 4 

March, 1699; 

died 11 Sept. 
1780. 

Rebecca, 
b. 1686; m. 16 Nov. 1722, Joseph 
Hawley; d. Jan. 1766. Ch. Joseph, 
b. 8 Oct. 1723, Yale, 1742, m. 
Mercy Lyman, d. childless, 10 Mar. 
1788; Elisha, b. 18 July, 1726. Capt. 
in the Army, m. Elizabeth Pome- 
roy, and was killed at the battle of 
Lake George, 4 September, 1755, 
childless. 



Hannah, 
b. 21 April, 1688; m. Rev. 
Wm. Williams, of Weston; 
d. 29 Dec. 1775. Ch.William, 
H. C. 1729; Elizabeth, m. 
Rev. Josei)h Crocker, of Ips- 
wich; Aiinn,m. Oliver Part- 
ridge, of Hatfield; Natlnvn- 
iel; Lucy, m. Rev. .loseph 
lUickminster, of Ruthind; 
Mary; Esther, mar. Rev. 
Thomas Williams, of Deer- 
field; Solomon, H. C. 1747; 
Hannah, mar. Rev. J. Sec- 
comb, of Harvard. 



Mary, Prudence, Mai-tha = 

b. 27 Nov. 1732; born 28 Mav, 1734; m. 6 Partridge, d. 20 
mar. Col. John Nov. 1760, "Ezekiel Wil- Oct. 1772. 
Worthington, of liams, of Wethersfield, 
Springfield, (sec- Ct., High Sheriff. Ch. Emily, b. 29 Mar. 
ond wife.) Ch. 1761, m. Samuel W. Williams ; John, b. 11 
John, d. in infan- Sept. 1762, Yale, 1781, m. 1st, Sophia 
cy; she died 12 Worthington, 2d, Mrs. Silliman; Harriet, 
July, 1812. b. 26 June, 1764, m. Rev. Dr. Parsons, of 
Amherst; Ezekiel, b. 29 Dec. 1765, Yale, 
1785, m. Abigail Ellsworth; Prudence, b. 2 Oct. 1767, m. 
Rev. Mr. Howard, of Springfield; Mary, b. 14 Aug. 1769, m. 
John Salter; Esther, b. 14 Aug. 1771, d. unm. 24 June, 1820; 
Solomon S., b. 13 Oct. 1773, d. unm. Feb. 1840; Christian, 
b. 22 Sept. 1775; d. unm. 30 Jan. 1803; Thos. S., b. 26 June, 
1777, Yale, 1794, m. 1st, Delia Ellsworth, 2d, Martha M. 
Coit; Samuel P., b. 22 Feb. 1779, Yale, 1796, m. 1st, Mary 
H. Webb, 2d, Sarah Tyler, and d. 23 Dec. 1826. 



John, 
b. 4 June, 1767 ; 
Yale, 1787; m. 
Feb. 1798, Mary 

W. Billings, and John Williams, Clerk, Register of 
had six ciiil- of Conway; Deeds, Repr've., 
two children. Clerk of Courts. 



= Sojomon, ■ 
b. 29 May, 
173^; Yale, 
1756; mar. 
lst,lM. P., 

21 Nov. 
1765; mar. 
2d,, E. P. 
Was High 
Sheriff; d. 
19 Dec. 
11827. 



Anna, Solomon, 

born 24 May, b. 18 Feb. 1771; 

1769; mar. 28 Yale, 1790; m. 28 

April, 1789, Nov. 1799. Town 



dren. 



= Sarah, 
dau. of 
Benja- 
min 
Tappan. 



Eunice 
Parsons, 
d. 22 Jan. 
1797. 



Esther, 

born 23 May, 

1738 ; d. un- 

mar. 27 May, 

1816. 

Israel, 
b. 28 April, 1741, Yale, 
1758; mar. Eunice Wil- 
liams; was High Sheriff 
of Berkshire ; d. 27 June, 
1782. Ch. John, d. unm.; 
Wm. Frederick, d. unm. ; 
Mary, m. Ashbel Strong, 
and d. childless, 1817. 

Hannah, 
b. 13 Oct. 1742; d. 1 Oct. 
1743. 



—William. 

—Mary, b. 16 May, 1676. 
— Anthonv, b. Sept. 1678. 
—Elizabeth, b. 15 Feb. 1680. 
—Simeon, b. 20 Aug. 1681. 
—Mary, b. 19 Sept. 1682. 
—Jonathan, b. 5 Oct. 1687. 
—Martha, b. 14 Dec. 1689. 
—Jonathan, b. 24 May, 1695. 
—John, b. June, 1697. 



David, 
b. 5 Feb. 1685; 
m. 23 Dec. 1713; 
d. 8 Mar. 1723. 



: Elizabeth : 

(Richardson), 
d. 25 June, 1757. 



= Sam. Shrimpton, Jr. 

1st husband; 
d. 25 May, 1703. 



Elizabeth = John Yeamans. 

Shute b. = Matilda Gunthorp. 



Two daughters 
d. infants. 



ohn 



Joli 
d. infant. 



Shute 
d. unm. under age. 



Mary, 

born 11 Nov. 1715; 

mar. Rev. Charles 

Chauncy, D. D.; 

d. without issue. 



Sarah, 
b. 10 Aug. I718;m. Dea. 
Thos. Greenough; and 
died March, 1778. Ch. 
David S., and William. 



Mehetable = William Hyslop, 
b. 5 June, 1719; | baptized 20 Sept. 
m.25 Oct. 1750; 1714; d. 11 Aug. 
d. 19 Nov. 1792. 1796. 



I I 

David, 

li. 4 Jan. 1778; 

d. Apr. 1778. 

David, (2d,) 
ij). 5 Sept. 1780; 
;'d in Boston. 



Israel, 
b. 3 Oct. 1784; 
m. 1 Jan. 1820, 
Charlotte Stone; 
was Surgeon in 
the Arniy; d. 9 
Nov. 1821. 



James, 
b.r2Sept.l751 
d. 9 May, 1752 



b. 5 Aug. 1757; 
m. 30 Sept. 1779; 
d. 28 Dec. 1810. 



William, David, 

b. 6 Nov. 1753 ; b. 28 Dec. 1755 ; 

m. Betsey Wil- mar. 1st, Eliza 

liams, 11 June, Stone, Sept. 

1787; d. without ch. 9 July, 1792. ]l^J^,f,,\^^ .v,,,,,,,,, 

19 Oct. 1809, who d. 13 Oct. 1848, having m. again; he d. 16 Aug. 

' 1812. Ch. David, and others^ 



Elizabeth = Increase Sumner, Mehetable, 



Governor of Mas- b. 13 Sept. 
sachusetts. 1763; d. 

same day. 



Solomon, 
b. 29 Nov. 1800; 
Yale, 1820. Prof, 
at Middlebui-y. 



Charles, 

b. 27 June, 1802; 

a merchant in 

Boston. 



Wm. Henry, 

b. 5 Mar. 

1804. 



Lewis I 

b. 8 Fel 

1807. 



John, 
b. 11 Mar. 



Arthur F. 

b. 30 Nov. 

1810. 



Sarah T. 
born 23 Mar. 
1814;m.Kev. 

A. Smith. 



David T. 

b. 2 Dec. 1818. 

jSee Note on 

p. 225. 



Wm. Hyslop, 
Adj"t-Gcneral,&c. 
See Sumner pedi- 
gree, opp. p. 291. 



Mehetable Stoddard, 

m. 

Benjamin Welles. 



I 

Eliza, 

m. 

James W. Gerard. 



I 



1730.] SBIEON STODDARD. 227 

1708. Mrs. Shrimpton was his second wife, and after her 
death he married Mehetable Sargent, relict of the Hon. Peter 
Sargent, and niece of Governor Stoughton. She survived him. 
The Rev. Dr. Benjamin Colman preached a sermon on the 
Sabbath following the funeral of Mr. Stoddard, and a printed 
copy is among the author's family papers. In the dedication 
of this sermon to Anthony and William Stoddard, sons of 
Simeon, the Rev. Dr. says: — 

" Boston, Nov. 14tli, 1 730. 

" Gentlemen, — After two funeral sermons that went to the 
press at the desire of your honorable Father: the one preached 
upon the death of his brother, your venerable uncle of North- 
ampton ; the other upon the death of his son, your exemplary 
brother ; I will not refuse you the copy you ask of a plain dis- 
course I made upon his own decease. 

" You owe more than this expression of filial respect and 
honor to his memory, whom God made a very good Father to 
you ; and you were secret witnesses of his goodness to others, 
and of his good conversation in Christ. 

" There was one thing singular in the life of your father, and 
very surprising to the town at the time of it: when he broke 
off his worldly business in the most prosperous run of it, in the 
midst of life, declaring that he had enough ; having attained 
that estate, by the blessing of God, which he thought ought to 
satisfy him. 

" About that time being chosen by the town to serve the 
poor, he did it for some years with a great deal of labor and 
pleasure, as I well remember. 

" Since that, and I suppose before, his charities to the poor, 
and donations for pious uses, have been liberal and many ; 
wherein I have been assured by his honored relict that he 
studied secrecy. 

" His annual bounties to the poor, the widows, and the father- 

p. 807), " ' The sign of the Cornfield,' near the Mill bridge, 1733. In Union 
street, 1763.") The memory of Mrs. Stevens is gratefully cherished by all who 
knew her, and this brief notice will give pleasure to those now living who hold 
her in remembrance. 



228 HISTORY. [1713. 

less, at our yearly Thanksgiving, were more open and known ; 
and very great : nor was the Levite then forgotten by him. 

" Indeed, he was a lover of good men, and of God's house 
and worshippers ; but more especially friendly and respectful to 
the ministers of Christ, and never thought them enough honored 
and supported in their work. 

" These things being known to be true, and easy to be proved 
by many living witnesses, I judge they ought to be said, and 
I dare not send the following sermon to the press without insert- 
ing them. 

" Gentlemen, — that you may both live long, if God please, 
and do much more good in your generation, than those that are 
gone before you ; and that your children, and all the posterity 
of the deceased, may be the seed whom the Lord will bless, is 
the sincere desire and prayer of 

" Your affectionate friend and humble servant, 

"Benjamin Colman." 

In the sermon which bears the title of " A Peaceful Death in 
a good Old Age," Mr. Stoddard is spoken of as attaining " a 
great age, which God made healthful and easy, attended with 
plentiful circumstances, his reason and understanding continu- 
ing, his sight only decayed, his mind serene and placid, and his 
children about him, and he honored and happy in them. But 
the crown of all was a pious and useful old age, with a settled 
peace and good hope (through grace) of a better life ; which 
continued with him through the shadow of death, which God 
made easy to him, both as to mind and body." These extracts 
show the character of the man better than a more extended 
notice. 

Previously to Mrs. Shrimpton's marriage to Mr. Stoddard, 
namely, on the 18th of April, 1700, she leased her dwelling- 
houses, three water mills, negroes, etc., at Noddle's Island, to 
Nicholas Roberts^ her brother, and Benjamin Jackson, of Boston, 
merchants, for seven years, at X200 per annum.i By her will, 
dated 11 April, 1713, as " late widow and Executrix of the 
Will of Col. Samuel Shrimpton," she devised " all that Farm 

^ State Archives, Book 40, p. 786. 



1713.] MADAM STODDARD'S ESTATE. 229 

lying at Rumney Marsh, &c,, and Noddles Island (of which we 
have seen she held one half by the deed to trustees from her 
husband, and the right to dispose of the other half to any of 
his relations by his will), with the Mills, &c., to her granddau^li- 
ter Elizabeth Shrimpton during her natural life, and after her 
decease "to the heirs of her body to be lawfully begotten," and 
for want of such issue, " to the right heirs of my said late hus- 
band, the said Samuel Shrimpton, forever." She died two days 
after the date of this will. 

The inventory of the estate of Madam Elizabeth Stoddard, 
which she held under her husband's will, was taken July 15, 
1713, by J. Marion and S. Turrell. It is specified as the estate 
which did belong to her former husband. Col. Samuel Shrimp- 
ton, namely : " The Brick Dwelling House in King Street, 
£2000, — Lead Cistern in the yard £20, — Brick House and 
Land in Shrimpton's Lane £250, — Land at South End of 
Boston,! bought of W'" Gree, £90, — Land bought of William 
Wright, £60, — The Pastures Joyning Beacon Hill (in the 
rear of the State House, and upon which is built the Reservoir, 
a magnificent granite structure, of massive grandeur, and an 
enduring praise to the city), £150, — House and Land at North 
End of Boston, £120, — Warehouse on Major Hayward's 
Wharf, £70, — A Coach House with the Land £300, — A 
Coach, Calash, and Chair, £50,-2016 oz Plate at Ss. £806 Q>s. 
— 24 oz Gold at £6, £144, — A Load Stone and Eagle Stone, 
&c. &:c., — Noddle's Island and Stock, to wit : — House in the 
tenure of Christopher Caprill, £20, — Stock, £239, 6^.-14 
Negroes, old and young, £350, — The Land, Housing, &c. 



^ This strip of land is described in the inventory as situated at the corner of 
Frog lane (now Boylston street) and Coranaon (now Tremont) street, and is sup- 
posed to be a part of the land on which the Winthrop House now stands. Mr. 
Shrimpton bought it of William Wright, of Boston, as appears from the Suffolk 
Deeds, Book 26, p. 149. " William Wright Junr. of Boston, Mariner & Abi- 
gail his wife. — Consideration £38 paid by Samuel Shrimpton of Boston sell 
s<i Shrimpton Land lying at the Southerly End of Boston — bounded N. W. 
upon the Lane leading to the Training Field, 80 foot 8 inches, S. E. upon Land 
of Saml Snow or his Assignees, N. E. upon Land of Saml Fisher, S. by the 
street (Plott recorded lib. 11, p. 82 in Division of Estate of Thos Snow,, 
whose dau. said Abigail was). 13 June 1683. Acknowledged 9th April 1712." 

20 



230 HISTORY. [1720. 

£12000, — A Farm at Rumney Marsh (Chelsea) XIOOO, — 6cc., 
&c. Total Amount, X 18044, lis. 9^/." 

It is presumed that Madam Shrimpton continued to reside 
upon Noddle's Island for some time after the death of her hus- 
band. To corroborate this, is quoted the following from Sewall's 
Diary : " 1705, Aug' 8, I & Mr. Em. (Eliakim) Hutchinson go 
to Noddle's Island ; Visit Madam Shrimpton. Ride in y" Ca- 
lash to Mr. Goodwin's ; return to ]\Iadam Shrimpton's ; Sup ; 
Come home." 

Col. Samuel Shrimpton and Elizabeth (Brecdcn) Shrimpton 
had a son and only child, Samuel, born in Boston 20th of April, 
1673, who married Elizabeth Richardson., as before mentioned. 
She was a niece of Col. Samuel Shrimpton'' s wife, being the 
daughter of her sister, Sarah (Roberts) Richardson. 

Samuel Shrimpton, Jr. and his wife, Elizabeth (Richardson) 
Shrimpton, had only one child, Elizabeth, who was born in Bos- 
ton, August 26, 1702, and was married in Boston, by the Rev. 
Dr. Colraan, to John Ycamans, 6th of May, 1720, and died on 
the 4th December, 1721. John Yeamans was of St. James's 
parish, Westminster, England. 

The following is an abstract of the marriage contract between 
John Yeamans and his wife, Elizabeth Shrimpton made on the 
day of their marriage : — 

" Indenture May 1720. Between John Yeamans of the 
Island of Antigua, now resident in Boston, of the one part, 
Gov' Samuel Shute, Simeon Stoddard Escf. and David Stod- 
dard, merchant, both of Boston of the other part, concerning a 
marriage now in Treaty & shortly by the Grace of God to be 
solemnized between said John Yeamans & Elizabeth Shrimp- 
ton, grand-daughter of Co^ Samuel Shrimpton. 

" Said John Yeamans agrees with said parties, together with 
said Elizabeth, when she shall attain the age of 21 years, for 
the prosecution of a Common Recovery of that Brick Messuage 
and Tenement with Land whereon the same doth stand in Bos- 
ton, and all that Farm lying at Rumney Marsh, all that Island 
called Noddles Island, with the Mills, Houses, &c. enumerated 
in the Will of Elizabeth Stoddard, sometime the wife of said 
Co'. Samuel Shrimpton, deceased, & sole executrix of his Will. 

" Said Yeamans doth agree that he will take an Estate in 



1720.] 



YEAMANS PEDIGREE. 



231 



said Messuage, Farm & Island, enumerated as above to him 
the said John Yeamans & Elizabeth, for their natural lives, &c. 

" Said Yeamans doth agree that said Elizabeth shall have 
power to make and publish her last Will and appoint her exec- 
utors & settle upon such persons as she shall see cause, to the 
value of £5000." 

Thus it is seen that Elizabeth Yeamans, daughter of Sam- 
uel Shrimpton, Jr., and grand-daughter of Colonel Shrimpton, 
became the devisee in tail of the whole of Noddle's Island, 
under her grandmother Stoddard's (formerly Shrimpton) will.^ 

1 YEAMANS PEDIGREE. 



John Yeamaxs= 
Lieut. -Gov. of Antigua. 



Nichols. 



John. 

died in 

his fatlicr's 

lifetime. 



Henry 



Shute. 

See 

Shute 

pedigree. 



I 
William =Maiy. 



John 

d. 

1749. 



Elizabeth Shrimpton. Dau. 
dau. of Samuel d. unm. 
Shrimpton, Jr. 
See Shrimpton. 
b.26Au2;., 1702, 
d. 4 Dec., 1721. 
Shute Shrimpton==Matilda Gunthorp, 
b. 20 Aup;. 1721, 
d^ 10 Se pt. 1769. 1 

■"I 



Elizabeth 
m. 

1 . Smith, of 
St. Tiiomas. 

2. Flocke,,of 
St. Eustatins. 



I I I I I I 
Dau. m. John Sawcutt. 
Dau. m. Jolui Ash. 
llachel d. unmarried. 
Henrietta m. Col. Martin. 
Dau. m. Byam. 
Dau. m. Freeman. 



I I I 

Two daus. 

d. infants. 

John, 

d. infant. 



Shute, 
d. unm. 
under 

aire. 



Dauditer. 



Daughter, 
ni. (prob.) 
John Duvind, 

Daniel Duvind, 

John Duvind, 
b. in St. Thomas, as was his father, 
an alien, incapable of inheriting, 



John==Kerr. 

J '""I 
Two sons, 

d. infantH. 

Elizalicth, 

m. 

1. William 
Archbold, 

2. Sir James 
Laroch, and 

d. 6. p. 



Sarah, 
m. 

1. Wm. Thomas, 

2. Wm. Archbold, 



Wm. Thomas, 

d. unm. 
Eliz. Thomas, 

m. Francis 

Farley, d. s. p. 

Sarah'Archbold, 

m. Ernest Udney. 



Charity, m. Wm. ]\l'Kcnnen, 

IMary, m. Josiah Martin. 

Frances, m. Nicholas Collins. 
(They had a dau. Mary, who m. 
Nicholas Lynch and had a dau. 
Mary, who m. Sam. Athill, who 
bought out the other heirs.) 

Elizabeth, m. Sam. Elliot, and had 
son Samuel. 

Rachel, m. 1. James Emery. 2. 
Wm. Woodly Parsons. 3. Lock- 
hart Russell. 



232 HISTORY. [1721. 

John Yeamans and his wife Elizabeth (Shrimjiton) Yeamans 
had a son, Shutc Shrimpton Yeamans, who was born in Bos- 
ton, August 20, 1721, and who married Matilda Gunthrop in 
Antigua. His mother, Elizabeth (Shrimpton) Yeamans, died 
of smallpox, about three and a half months after his birth, on 
the 4th of December, 1721, at the age of nineteen years. John 
Yeamans the father died at Richmond, Surrey, England, in 
1749 (the day uncertain, but previous to the 4th of October), 
having a plantation in the island of Antigua (which General 
Sumner sold on his visit to that island in 1S18), and other large 
estates in America. Shute Shrimpton Yeamans was so named 
in honor of Samuel Shute, governor of Massachusetts and 
New Hampshire. Henry Yeamans, the father of John, married 
Miss Shute, a sister of the governor, who was unmarried.^ 



^W^^^ 



* Samuel Shute iiiimediatel}- succeeded Joseph Dudley as governor of Massa- 
chusetts and New Hampshire, which at 
that time were under the same jurisdiction. 
Upon the accession of Geo. 1. in 1714, 
Col. Burgess was commissioned as gov- 
ernor of the two provinces, but for the consideration of a thousand pounds 
sterling he resigned, and Col. Samuel Shute was appointed. The origmal 
royal commissions of Governor Shute from George I., who began his reign 
Sept. 17, 1714, one for Massachusetts and the other for New Hampshire, each 
dated the 15th of June, "the second year of our reign" (171G), most elegantly 
and elaborately engraved and written on parchment of mammoth size, arc in 
the writer's possession. They descended from the governor, through different 
members of the family, to his grandfather Hyslop, and from him to the writer. 
Attached to each commission is an impression in wax, six inches in diameter, 
of the great seal of the kingdom, representing Britannia on one side, and on the 
reverse St. George and the dragon, inclosed in a metal case. Gov. Shutc arrived 
in Boston on the 4th of Oct., 171C. His family were generally dissenters; and 
his brother, afterward Lord Barrington, and then a member of parliament, was 
at the head of the dissenting interest. His father was an eminent citizen of 
London, and his mother, a daughter of Mr. Caryl, a dissentingminister of great 
note. He began his education under Rev. Charles Morton, who subsequently 
(about 1G84) came to New England, and was minister at Charlestown. Macau- 
lay compliments Mr. Morton as being " an excellent Oxford scholar, and a man 
of various and large abilities." Previous to his removal to this country, he kept 
the " then famous academy at Newington Green." It was here that Governor 
Shute attended school ; and here, too, the celebrated Defoe, the author of 
Robinson Crusoe, was a pupil. 

After his education was completed, he was sent to Leyden ; subsequently ho 



1702.] SAMUEL SIIRIMPTOX, JR. 233 

Samuel Slirimpton, Jr. was a merchant in Boston, and a 
member of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company in 
1695. About the year 1702 he was in partnership with a 
cousin of his father, Epaphras Shrimpton, who was the son of 
Edward Shrimpton. On the 28th of Dec, 1702, Samuel 



entered the army under Kinj^ William, wlio made Iiim a captain ; he served 
under the veteran Duke of Marlborough, was a lieutenant-colonel, and was 
wounded in one of the principal battles in Flanders. He was a man well 
esteemed at court, a friend to liberty, and of an open, generous, and humane 
disposition. Under ordinary circumstances, he would have been a very accept- 
able governor to the Kew England colonists, but at the time of his appoint- 
ment, party spirit ran very high, and prevailed over all other considerations. 
Devoid of art, and a man of strict integrity, he joined that party which seemed 
to him to be right, and thus made their opponents irreconcilable enemies. It 
was his misfortune to arrive when opposition had been violent, and he imme- 
diately became involved in a controversy with the house of representatives ; 
the council sustained the governor. The troubles at length reaching a 
point where the power vested in the governor was, in many instances, taken 
away, and assumed by the house. Col. Shute, becoming weary of the quarrel, 
made a perilous voyage to England in midwinter (1st January, 1723), and 
laid his difficulties before the government, which, after investigation, sustained 
him In every point. He did not return to the colonies however, the govern- 
ment providing for him In a way much more to his satisfaction, settling upon 
Lim a pension of £400 sterling per annum. William Burnet, son of the cele- 
brated Bishop Burnet, and formerly governor of New York and the Jersies, 
succeeded Shute as governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. The un- 
happy disputes still continued, and extended into the administration of 
Governor Belcher, when the principal cause of dissension was settled by a 
species of compromise, which allowed of a reconciliation without injuring the 
pride of either party. — Hutchinson, Vol. H. p. 378, which volume contains a 
full account of Gov. Shute's administration. 

One circumstance connected with the administration of Governor Shute is 
worthy of notice. It is well known, that a large number of Scotch emigrants 
from the north of Ireland settled the town of Londonderry (N. II.). Prior 
to leaving Ireland, and to prepare the way and secure a reception and place 
of residence on their arrival here, early in 1718 they sent Rev. William Boyd 
with an address to Governor Shute, expressing a strong desire to emigrate to 
New England should he afford them suitable encouragement. The address 
was very concise and appropriate, and had two hundred and seventeen signa- 
tures. The governor gave the desired encouragement, and the emigrants 
arrived in five ships at Boston on the 4th of August, 1718. — History of Lon- 
donderry, p. 35, etc. Did space permit us to give it, the history of this Scotch 
colony would show a band of noble men, whose names, as associated with the 
20* 



234 



HISTORY. 



[1702. 



Shriiiipton, in "his humble complaint and petition" to the 
Hon. Isaac Addington, Esq., and other justices of the peace, 
relates, that he had been engaged in a partnership with the said 
Epaphras ; that consignments had been given them to a con- 
siderable amount from merchants in England, and the accounts 
had been entered in sundry books, which had been at all times 
in the possession of the said Epaphras Shrimpton ; and, that on 
the Saturday })revious, these books were so badly burned " as 
to be of no manner of use " to the petitioner. He proceeds to 
say that he has great reason to suspect these books " were de- 
stroyed with the privity " of his aforenamed partner. The whole 
affair was examined, but we do not learn the result. The 
accused affirmed that he was innocent.^ 

Samuel Shrimpton and some others, urged by the spirit of 
enterprise, turned their attention to making salt, an experiment 
which we, in these better days, would judge to be of doubtful 
expediency ; and it shows that we come honestly by our love 
for undertaking novel things. The attempt had once before 
been made; as early as 1670, we find one Richard Whaton 



fomous siege of Derry, will always be honored. Of one of these families was 
Thomas Bell, subsequently a lessee of Noddle's Island. 

Governor Shutc died in 1742. His will is dated the 27th of June, 1740, 
and was probated the 24th of May, 1742. 

SIIUTE PEDIGREE. 



SnuTE; 



Samuel, 
b. ab. 1654, 
Gov. of Muss. 
1716 to 1723, 
(1. in Enj^land 
iu 1742, a;. 88. 



Joini: 
first Vis- 
count 
BaiTinp;- 
ton, M. 
P. for 
Berwick- 
upon- 
Tweed. 
Samuel, 
Viscount 
Barrington. 



I 
Dautrlitc 



Bentlysh. 



Henry Yeamans 

son of 

Lieut. -Gov. 

John Yeamans 

of Antigua. 

John, 

3. 6 Jlay, 1720, | | | 

Elizahcth (*) Elizabeth, 

Shrimpton. Henry, 

He d. 1749. Mary. 

/See Yeamans 
Pedic/ree. 



Martha, Daughter, 
= m. 1, 
Steph. Otflcy. 
m. 2, 
Gervaso 
Scroop. 
Annie. 



(*) Governor Shutc mentions, in his TTill, " Mrs. Mary Vlack, daushfcr of my late Niece Elizabeth 
A'lack, of the island of St. Thoma.?, now the wife Mr. Johannis Dc Windt of the said Island." 



» Massachusetts Archives, Book 119, pp. 207-210. 



1700.] MANUFACTURE OF SALT. 235 

addressing the general court on the manner of making salt, and 
a committee, appointed to consider the matter, reported that the 
general court, "in granting a charter for empowering a com- 
pany of adventurers thereunto, may doe a publicke service for 
the country." ^ 

We do not ascertain how Richard Whaton succeeded in the 
manufacture of salt ; but still later, we find others entering into 
the business. Samuel Shrimpton, Jr., Simeon Stoddard, Sam- 
uel Sewall, and some others engaged it, and the proprietors of 
the commons on the Neck, in the town of Boston, on the 10th 
of Sept., 1700, leased a portion of the common land to a com- 
pany consisting of Elisha Cooke, John Foster, Elisha Hutchin- 
son, and their associates, for the encouragement of such an 
undertaking, to be held by them so long as they endeavored to 
make salt there.'^ So the record stands ; but who were these 
" Proprietors" is unknown to the writer. The land was in two 
parcels, one on each side of the highway leading to Roxbury. 
In the deed it is stated Shrimpton, Stoddard, and nine others 
mentioned, " had heretofore paid their respective parts of y^ 
charge expended in Encouraging and promoting of a Salt- work, 
and for making and casting up a bank on the several parcels of 
INIarsh ground," etc., and they were then admitted as copartners 
with the said Cooke, Foster, and Hutchinson. 

On the 25th of June, 1716, Elisha Hutchinson, the surviving 
lessee, granted to the executors or assigns of Samuel Shrimp- 
ton (Jr.), deceased, one sixteenth of the two parcels, to Simeon 
Stoddard one sixteenth, etc. To have and to hold, etc. 

How extensively this manufacture was carried on w^e have 
no means of ascertaining. But in the inventory of the estate 
of Col. Shrimpton's widow (who married Simeon Stoddard), 

* ^Massachusetts Records, Vol. IV. Part 2, pp. 467, 505. 

* This grant is altogether distinct from the grant of Neck lauds in 1 708, as 
related in Gleaner's article, in the Boston Transcript, July 25, 1855. The 
grant of 1 708 was of about fifty acres, its north line at the present Castle 
street, and the south line near the old " Fortification Gates," a little short of 
Dover street. This grant is also distinct from the land conveyed to Stephen 
Gove and others, In 1785, ■which was a tract of land and fiats, 1,400 feet from 
north to south, extending two hundred feet west of Washington street, and 
cmbracln::' all east of that street to low-water mark. 



236 HISTORY. [1703. 

taUrn four years after the above grant to the executors of Sam- 
uel Shrimpton (Jr.) was made, namely, in 1720, there is an item 
of " 79 bushels of New England salt, received from Salt-works." 
It was valued at £d 17s. GcL, or 25. 6d. a bushel. This shows 
that the salt-works went into actual operation ; but it is not 
known how long the business was continued. 

The writer recently had in his possession, but has unfortu- 
nately lost, a parchment containing subscriptions for shares to 
aid Joseph Palmer in the manufacture of salt on Boston Neck, 
about the year 1789 ; it was signed by some of the principal 
men of Boston, including Thomas Russell, Jonathan Win- 
ship, Patrick Jeffrey, Joseph Barrell, who took shares therein. 
Whether Palmer was the immediate successor of the company, 
of which the writer's ancestor, Samuel Shrimpton, Jr., was a 
member, is uncertain. As it comes within the personal knowl- 
edge of the writer, it may be interesting to state that he remem- 
bers the buildings on the Neck in which the business was car- 
ried on, and he recollects that once, when a boy, as he was 
going into Boston, he saw a large frame with sails and rigging 
attached, which had been made in the buildings formerly used 
for the salt-works, and which w^ere then used by Mr. Sampson 
in manufacturing soap and candles. Mr. Blanchard, the in- 
ventor, intended this for a car or carriage, to be propelled over 
a common road by wind ; but the resistance to be overcome, 
caused by the roughness of the road on the Neck, was too great 
for the power used, and he could neither "raise the wind," nor 
was the wind able to raise him, and his attempt failed. The 
buildings have long since been demolished ; the salt has lost its 
savor, the soap has been washed away, the candles are extin- 
guished, and we are left in total darkness in this part of our 
history. It is interesting to pick up and save these little items 
in the early history of our city, which the stream of time had 
carried almost beyond our reach, and to give them a " name 
and an abiding place" for the use and instruction of those in- 
terested in such matters. 

Samuel Shrimi)ton, Jr. died on the 25th of May, 1703. His 
widow, on the 23d of December, 1713, married David Stoddard, 
son of Simeon Stoddard, who married the widow of Colonel 
Shrimpton, as before related. 




® ii lu; (jji iMJ /A\ Ljy IS). 



1713.] DAVID STODDARD. 237 

David Stoddard, whose lithographic lilvcness, from an original 
portrait, is on the opposite page, was born on the 5th of Decem- 
ber, 1685, and died on the 8th of March, 1723, in the thirty- 
seventh year of his age. So highly was he esteemed for his 
virtuous and exemplary character, that a sermon was preached, 
on the Sabbath after the funeral, by the Rev. Dr. Benjamin 
Colman, with the title of " A blameless and inoffensive life." 
A printed copy of this discourse is among the writer's family 
papers, and the following extract from it will present Mr. Stod- 
dard's character, as portrayed by that eminent divine: — 

" It is the death of a very amiable and exemplary person 
lately belonging to us, the virtuous and blameless Mr. David 
Stoddard, that has led me into the present meditation. His 
silent and inoffensive (and yet diligent and active) life is a loud 
and earnest sermon upon my text. Who has there been among 
us (in a judgment of charity) more sincere and without offence, 
and that all his days? Who more approving the things that 
excel ? whose love more abounding in knowledge and good 
judgment? (His discretion and his good-nature equally emi- 
nent ! ) Who among us has been more harmless and without 
rebuke; doing all things without murmurings and dispiitings ; 
in the midst of a crooked and perverse nation, among whom he 
shone a light ? 

" We are witnesses how modestly, meekly, justly, and un- 
blamably he behaved himself among us. If he that offendeth 
not in word is a perfect man, indeed, how perfect must the 
deceased appear to us I How lovely and endearing was he in 
his domestic relations ! how just, righteous, and faithful in his 
dealings and in his trusts! how courteous and grateful to his 
friends! ready to oblige, and easily obliged! how pure from 
the world, its passions, frauds, and lusts ! — So he that loveth 
his brother abideth in the light, and there is none occasion of 
stumbling in him. 

" Whom did the deceased ever speak evil of? or when did 
he backbite with his tongue? or do evil against his neighbor, 
or take up a reproach against his neighbor? Or did he not 
walk uprightly, and work righteousness, and speak the truth in 
his heart? 

" And that all this was not from the mere goodness of his 



^138 HISTORY. [1713. 

natural temper, but also from the grace of God adorning, beau- 
tifying, sweetening, and exalting it; as we may all of us (it may 
be) be induced to believe by his most grave and reverend de- 
portment among us in the worship of God, so I am much more 
constrained to think by the manner of his dying. 

"His end was peace. His. hope was humble, even, steady. 
He told me, ' that he was afraid, lest he had too much con- 
fidence of his future well-being.' ' I am afraid (said he) lest I 
should make my blameless, inoffensive life, my righteousness.' 
He knew well and felt his need of a better righteousness than 
that, wherein to aj)pear before God. He told his brother 'that 
he had daily prayed to God for grace that he might do to others 
as he desired they should do for him.' And if he daily asked 
for grace to help him in this comprehensive instance of his 
duty, no doubt but he implored it also that he might be kept 
without blame before God in other instances. 

" Our work is to give God the glory and to seek his grace 
(which is sufficient for others and for us) that we may live 
blameless, and die repenting, and be found in Christ. God 
help us to transcribe in our lives the virtues which we beheld 
in our deceased brother. And the peace of God keep your 
hearts through Jesus Christ." 

To such a tribute to the character of Mr. Stoddard it is need- 
less to add any thing. 

By her marriage to Mr. Stoddard, Elizabeth (Richardson 
Shrimpton) Stoddard had three daughters : Mary, who was the 
third wife of the Rev. Dr. Charles Chauncy, of Boston, and 
died in December, 1783 ; Sarah, who married Deacon Thomas 
Greenough, 24th of May, 1750, and died 2d March, 1778 ; and 
Mehetable, who married William Hyslop, Esq., 25th October, 
1750, and died 19th November, 1792. There were two other 
daughters, who died in infancy in the year of their birth. 
These daughters were therefore half-sisters of Elizabeth 
(Shrimpton) Yeamans (wife of John Yeamans), having the 
same mother, but not the same father. Elizabeth (Richardson 
Shrimpton) Stoddard died on the 25th of June, 1757. 

In order to dock the entail created by the will of Elizabeth 
(Shrimpton) Stoddard (wife of Simeon Stoddard), a common 
recovery was suffered by John Yeamans and Shute Shrimpton 







HBuffora'sLilK. 




1747.] JOHN YEAMANS. 239 

Yeamans his son, for the use of John Yeamans the father, and 
his heirs in fee-simple, in the court of common pleas, January- 
term, 1743-4. 

The will of John Yeamans was dated 23d February, 1747. 
In it he gave all his estate, both real and personal, to his only 
son and heir, Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, in fee, subject to 
various legacies to friends and relatives. 

In case of his son's death before him, he gave all his prop- 
erty to George Thomas, Esq., Samuel Martin, Esq., and Sam- 
uel Martin, Esq. the younger, all of Antigua, in trust for the 
use of his son aforesaid, in fee-tail. The individuals above 
mentioned were appointed executors of the will of said John 
Yeamans, provided his son die before him, otherwise Shute 
Shrimpton Yeamans was to be the executor. He was living at 
the time of his father's decease, and was consequently the exec- 
utor of his father's estate, sole heir, and residuary legatee. 

John Yeamans, whose lithograph from a beautiful miniature 
in the author's possession is upon the opposite page, was a 
grandson of Lieutenant-Governor John Yeamans, of Antigua,^ 
and a nephew of Governor Shute, as before mentioned. He 
was a man of great energy of character, and his mind was of 
the most enlarged and comprehensive stamp. His plan for a 
bridge from Noddle's Island to Chelsea, and his successful ex- 
ertions relative to the intercourse between the northern colonies 
and the English West India sugar colonies, furnish ample evi- 
dence in support of this estimate of his character. 

He made Noddle's Island his home, and took a m-eat interest 



* Mention is made in history of a " Sir John Yeamans of the Northern Col- 
onies," -whose jurisdiction yvas extended over the settlements on the coast of 
South Carolina in 1670, and of -which he -was appointed governor in 1671. 
Whether he -svas identical -with the lieutenant-governor of Antigua, or is of the 
same family, is impossible to determine, and still there is a probability that one 
of these suppositions is correct. He caused a number of slaves to be brought 
from Barbadoes, and in 1672 the slave system -was introduced into South Car- 
olina. This connection -n-ith " the Barbadoes " strengthens the idea that he 
-was of the Antigua fomily. During his administration, he suppressed a seri- 
ous insurrectionary movement in his colony, and drove the Spanish ships of 
-war and land troops, -which had been menacing the English, back to St. Au- 
gustine. He left the colony in 1674, and -was succeeded by Joseph "West. — 
Lossing's Field Book of the Revoiution, Vol. II. p. 537, etc. 



210 HISTORY. [1727. 

in its proppority. A]:)j:)arcntly foreseeing what its future desti- 
nies might be, he petitioned the town of Boston, in 1727, for 
leave to build a bridge from the Island to the main land at 
Chelsea. Mr. Yeamans owned a farm, called Newdigate's 
farm, of five hundred acres, near the meeting-house in North 
Chelsea, and this bridge would facilitate his intercouse between 
these two estates. The petition was granted on certain condi- 
tions, as expressed in a report made on the subject, which reads 
as follows : — 

" May 8, 1727. The Committee, having considered the sub- 
ject-matter of the petition, and the objections of some of the 
inhabitants at Rumney Marsh, apprehend that the erecting a 
good substantial bridge from the main at Winnisimet side to 
Nodle's Island, will not be disadvantageous to the town of 
Boston provided the petitioner, John Yeamans Esqr. be obliged 
at his own cost and charge to make and keep in repair the afore- 
said bridge forever, with convenient high-ways to the same, fit 
for man & horse to pass and repass as well to the bridge on 
"Winiiisimct side where the road may be altered for the accom- 
modating the bridge, and so from thence thro' Nodle's Island 
to the place that may be assigned for transporting passengers 
and goods from the Island to Boston. 

" Provided also the town enjoy the sole privilege of the 
Ferry from Boston to the Island, & that the several persons, 
whose estates or interests on Rumney Marsh may anyways be 
prejudiced by erecting the aforesaid bridge, be made good to 
them in such proportion as a Committee for that purpose by 
the Great & General Court shall adjudge. But we conceive 
the suffering a Ferry from Winnisimet to Nodle's Island till 
such time as the bridge can conveniently be perfected will be 
very inconvenient & of disservice not only to Boston, but to all 
travellers in general. 

« May 4, 1727. 



" The Report was made and voted an 
acceptance. 



Ezekiel Lewis, 
John Colman, 
Elisha Cooke, 
Edward Hutchinson, 
Thomas Cushing." ^ 



^ Town Record?, Vol. II. p. 4Gi 



1727,1796.] PROJECTED BRIDGE AND FERRY. 241 

So far as it appears from the records, he was the sole mover 
in this enterprise, and, having ample means, it cannot be doubt- 
ed that he would have carried the plan into successful execu- 
tion had he remained in the country. But soon after he ob- 
tained this grant, he engaged in an undertaking of a more 
public nature, and the successful issue of which gained him the 
gratitude of the Massachusetts colony. If Mr. Yeamans had re- 
mained here, and joined the Island to the main land in Chelsea 
by a bridge, and established a ferry to Boston, which he had 
obtained leave to do a century before the same thing was done 
by his descendants, no one can tell on which side of the chan- 
nel the most populous part of the city would have been ; and 
East Boston, instead of being called the Island Ward, might 
have been denominated the Island City. Many reasons justify 
such a supposition : the deep water in the channel, sufficiently 
deep to float the largest vessels that traverse the ocean ; the 
southerly aspect, the good fresh water, the clay, the richness of 
its soil, the healthfulness, and beautiful prospect from the hills, 
and, indeed, very many other circumstances, which conduce to 
make the Island a desirable city locality. This is one of those 
frequent instances where accident, rather than design, deter- 
mines the site of town and city. 

Later in the same century, the subject of a bridge from Nod- 
dle's Island to Chelsea, and a ferry from the Island to Boston, 
was again proposed by some far-seeing individual, whose 
name we know not, but who plainly perceived the many ad- 
vantages which the Island possessed for extensive improve- 
ments. 

In the New England Mercury of 1796, a proposition was 
made by a " Bostonian," that a bridge be erected from Chelsea 
to Noddle's Island, and a good ferry opened from the Island 
to Boston. Some parts of that Island, he remarks, are ex- 
tremely well calculated for dry docks, at very little expense, 
where vessels of any tonnage will be free from danger of 
fire or storms ; and if a good set of stores were erected, with 
good cellars, most of the heavy goods, particularly naval 
stores, would soon be deposited for safety there ; and in a 
short time, a very considerable settlement would take place, 
21 



242 HISTORY. [1730. 

which, of course, would extend this town, the Island being a 
part of it.^ 

Could this unknown projector now see the accuracy with 
which his plans have been fulfilled, his astonishment would only 
be equalled by our own, as we look upon the mighty change 
which has passed over the Island, and upon the realization of 
ideas which then seemed so visionary. Perceiving the advan- 
tages which commerce and other industrial interests have re- 
ceived from the Island, and, through these, the benefit which the 
State itself derives, we can say with Shakspeare, 

" Why, here 's a change indeed in the commonwealth ! " 

The enterprise alluded to, which called Mr. Yeamans away 
from the Island before his plan for a bridge could be carried 
into cflfect, was an effort to procure an act of parliament which 
would restore the commercial intercourse between the British 
West Indies and the northern colonies of Great Britain, the 
trade of which had been entirely diverted to Martinico and 
other French islands. This was a matter of national interest ; 
and great praise is due to Mr. Yeamans for his arduous labors 
in the accomplishment of so desirable and important an object. 
From the fact that cargoes could be entered at the French 
sugar colonies free of duties, while the same articles were 
charged with duties at the British sugar colonies, the Ameri- 
cans did the most of their trading at the former, thus very 
much injuring the commerce of the British West Indies, and 
impoverishing the planters. The subject was one of great im- 
portance to the sugar colonies, to the merchants in London, 
whose interests were seriously affected, and to our own coun- 
try. 

The policy pursued by the parent government relative to the 
commerce and manufactures of the colonies was destructive to 
the best interests of the new settlements.^ This system was 
commenced soon after tobacco was first imported into England 

^ See Appendix A. 

» See Pitkin's Civil and Tolitlcal Hist, of U. S., Vol. I. p. 93, etc., on this 
■whole subject. 



1621, 1678.] RESTRICTIONS UPON TRADE. 243 

from Virginia, by subjecting it to heavy duties ; and in conse- 
quence of this, the Virginia Company, in 1621, sent all their 
tobacco to Holland, thus occasioning a diminution of revenue, 
as well as considerable loss of national trade. To prevent this 
in future, an order of the king and council was issued, com- 
manding " that no tobacco, or other productions of the colonies, 
should thenceforth be carried into any foreign ports, until they 
were first landed in England, and the customs paid." This 
was the commencement of a system of commercial monopoly 
to which the colonists were subjected. The celebrated Naviga- 
tion Act of 1651 restricted the trade with the plantations, as 
well as with other parts of the world, to English built ships, 
belonging to English, or English plantation, subjects, with the 
exception of such articles of merchandise as should be imported 
directly from the original place of their growth or manufacture 
in Europe only. Both exports and imports were brought under 
the unjust and impolitic laws of limitation ; and in 1663 it was 
declared, that " no commodity of the growth or manufacture of 
Europe shall be imported into any of the king's plantations, 
which are or shall be in Asia, Africa, or America, but what 
shall have been shipped in England, Wales, or town of Ber- 
wick, and in English built shipping," etc. The trade and inter- 
course between the colonics were still left free until, in 1672, cer- 
tain colonial products transported from one colony to another 
were subjected to duties, such as white and brown sugars, 
tobacco, indigo, and cotton wool. 

These different acts, which have been thus briefly alluded to, 
were considered by the colonists as highly injurious to their best 
interests. Said Sir William Berkley, governor of Virginia, 
" mighty and destructive have been the obstructions to our 
trade and navigation by that severe act of parliament, which 
excludes us from having any commerce with any nation in 
Europe but our own." In Massachusetts, the acts were totally 
disregarded, the general court informing the home government 
(1678), that these acts had never received their assent, and 
therefore were not obligatory ; that they were " an invasion of 
the rights, liberties, and properties of the subjects of his majesty 
in the colony, they not being- represented in parliament^ Thus 



244 HISTORY. [1730. 

early did Massachusetts assert the great principle of representa- 
tion ; and, through her whole subsequent history to the time of 
the Revolution in 1775, did not fail to reiterate and main- 
tain the position, that the colonies should have a voice in the 
making of the laws by which they were to be governed. 

In 1730, and years immediately preceding and succeeding, 
the colonies, and especially those of New England, were en- 
gaged in a profitable trade with the French, Spanish, and 
Dutch West India islands. To these the northern colonies 
transported their fish, lumber, grain, horses, and cattle, and 
received in return the products of those islands. This trade 
was of great advantage to the northern colonies, as it enabled 
them to pay the balance, always against them in their direct 
trade with the parent country. The English sugar planters 
were not unmindful of the injurious effects of the policy of the 
mother country upon their prosperity, perceiving that the trade 
which naturally belonged to them was virtually driven away to 
foreign colonies by the singularly unjust system pursued by the 
government. 

John Yeamans, who owned a sugar plantation in the island 
of Antigua, and had resided both in England and in the 
Massachusetts colony and was intimately acquainted with the 
whole subject, determined to maice an effort to restore the trade 
between the northern colonies and the West India islands to 
its appropriate channels, and probably there was no one better 
qualified for the undertaking. Personally interested in the 
trade, acquainted with the condition and prospects of the 
colonies and the peculiar circumstances attending the subject, 
and belonging to influential circles in London, and possessed of 
a large share of public spirit, and of ample fortune, he was of 
all men best suited to the necessities of the case. 

For the accomplishment of his object, Mr. Yeamans, at his 
own expense, went to the island of Antigua, where he, with 
some other residents of the Northern colonies (among whom 

were Mr. Vassal, and Isaac Royal, father-in-law of Sir 

Wm. Pepperrell), owned estates, and commenced his labors for 
the restoration of the intercourse ; he had the satisfaction of 
seeing his exertions crowned with success, at least to a great 



1731.] PETITION TO THE KING. 245 

extent, and enough to gain him the thanks and good wishes of 
the colonists and the honor of the thanks of both branches of 
the legislature. 

While at Antigua, he obtained the signatures of the govern- 
ment officers, persons of rank, and the principal men, to a peti- 
tion representing some of the points in the decline of trade, and 
setting forth the remedy. He went to England, and presented 
this petition to parliament. The original petition on parchment, 
handsomely written, with 248 autograph signatures, is in the 
possession of the writer ; a copy is inserted in Appendix D. 

There is also among the papers of Mr. Yeamans in the 
writer's possession a manuscript copy of a petition on the same 
subject, which was probably presented about the same time as 
the other one, and apparently from merchants in London. This 
petition, which is considerably shorter than the one previously 
mentioned, is as follows : — 

" To the King's Most Excellent Majesty in CounclU. 

" The humble Petition of severall Merch*^ Planters & others 
interested in & trading to your Majesties sugar Colonies in 
America. 

•' Sheweth, — That y" Governors of the french sugar Colo- 
nies have of late years permitted & encouraged your Majesties 
subjects of Ireland & of y"^ Northern Colonies to import into 
Martinico, & other French settlements provisions Horses & 
Lumbers & divers sorts of goods proper for the support & im- 
provement of their Plantations. In return y" Kingdom of Ire- 
land & y'^ Majesties colonies on the Continent of America are 
suppHed from the French with Sugars, Rum, Molasses & such 
other Commodities as are also produced in & which were al- 
ways purchas'd from y"^ Majesties Sugar Colonies till this per- 
nicious commerce was introduc'd & as your Petitioners have 
good reason to apprehend that this practise if not prevented 
will not only very much impoverish your Majesties Sugar Col- 
onies but will also endanger the Entire loss of them whilst the 
French are thereby greatly enriched & Enabled to undersell 
your Majesties subjects in all foreign Marketts. 

" Therefore your Petitioners most humbly pray your Majesty 
that all y^ Goods of y" Growth product or manufacture of all 
21* 



246 HISTORY. [1733. 

foreign Sugar Plantations in America be prohibited from being 
imported into Ireland or into any of your Majesties Colonies or 
Plantations & that your Petitioners may have such farther & 
other Relief as y® nature of y*' Case requires & as your Majesty 
in your great wisdom shall tiiink fit." 

Mr. Yeamans followed up this business most assiduously, 
and fully showed himself to be a man of eminent abilities and 
executive powers. He was in constant intercourse with the 
ministry and with the opposition. His journal, kept at that 
time, while illustrating his own character, also shows us the 
manner of obtaining the passage of a bill through parliament. 
It also shows conclusively that the practice of "lobbying" is 
not, as is sometimes supposed, confined to republican forms of 
government, but is in full exercise in the model monarchy of 
the world ; and that prime ministers, lords, and men of rank, 
originated that system of outside measures, which we have too 
willingly followed. Human nature is to be reached and dealt 
with in a monarchy as elsewhere ; and men of all ranks are con- 
trolled by the same general laws, and are to be influenced in 
the same general way. In this journal we see that the outside 
meetings were the all-important ones, and that the private inter- 
views with the leading men in power, or of the opposition, are 
the etlectual means of attaining an end. This journal, show- 
ing the perseverance of Mr. Yeamans, and also being a record 
of intercourse with some of the most prominent men in the 
kingdom, among whom is Robert Walpole, prime minister, 
Lord Falmouth, Lord Wilmington, Lord Codrington, and oth- 
ers, must be interesting to the reader, and is inserted in the 
appendix ; also, " Some Thoughts " on the bill for encouraging 
the sugar colonies, which gives some interesting items in refer- 
ence to sugar, etc.^ 

The efforts to obtain an act of parliament assisting the col- 
onies were successful, and a bill passed both houses on the 4th 
of May, 1733. 

These well-directed labors of Mr. Yeamans won for him the 
gratitude of the Massachusetts colony; and the benefits re- 

^ Appendix D. 



1746-7.] THANKS TO I*IR. YEAMANS. 247 

ceived were of such a public nature as to call forth a public 
and official expression of grateful acknowledgments. 

His public spirited exertions are thus noticed in a message 
from his excellency Gov. Shirley to both houses of the Massa- 
chusetts general court, delivered by the secretary on the 14th 
of January, 1746-7 : — 

" Gentlemen of the Council & House of Representatives I 
think it is fit, you should know the Obligation which this and 
his Majesty's other Northern Colonies are under to John Yea- 
mans Esq"" for a late Instance of his Endeavours to promote the 
Service of your & their Interests in common with those of the 
Sugar Colonies, for which purpose I have ordered the Secre- 
tary to read you a Paragraph out of his letter to me upon that 
subject, together with a Paper of Reasons drawn up by Mr 
Bollan on this occasion, & a Paragraph out of one of his Let- 
ters to me : And I would recommend to your Consideration, 
whether it might not be proper for you to pass a Vote of 
Thanks to Mr Yeamans for this Instance of his good Disposi- 
tion for your Service." (Court Records.) 

We have never seen the paragraph from the letter of John 
Yeamans alluded to in the above message, nor that of Mr. Bol- 
lan's ; but a vote of thanks was passed in the house of repre- 
sentatives on Wednesday, 28 Jaimary, 1746-7, which we copy 
from the records of the court : — 

" For as much as it appears to this Court, that John Yea- 
mans Esq^ has in divers Instances manifested his good Affec- 
tion for this Province, in his Endeavours to promote the Interest 
thereof, in Great Britain, Ordered, that the Thanks of this 
Court be given to the said Mr Yeamans for his good Services, 
before mentioned, & that the Secretary be directed to transmit 
to him a Coppy of this Vote. 

" In Council Read and Concur'd. 

" Consented to by the Governour." 

This vote was received by Mr. Yeamans ; and, in reply, the 
following letter was sent by him to the Massachusetts govern- 
ment. It is dated London, July 3d, 1747: — 

" Sir, — A few days past I had the favour of your Letter 



248 HISTORY. [1744. 

dated the 29''* Jany. enclosing a vote of ye General! Court, 
dated the 28'** which does me more honour than 1 can claim by 
my disposition to Serve the Province & People of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay. Tis true, Sir, I admire their Public Spirit, their 
Zeal in Promoting, their Conduct &. Courage in executing the 
most difficult as well as the most beneficial designs. Govern'd 
by such Views & having performed so much, they are entitled 
to the good wishes of every honest Man, the Countenance & 
Support of their Mother Country & the Full Reward of their 
Merit. This is the light in which I see them myself, the Lan- 
guage & Sentiments I hear from others every where uncontra- 
dicted. May the latter produce to the Province Effects answer- 
able to the Justness of its Pretensions. I beg you will assure 
the Generall Court that I am extremely sensible of that Mark 
of their Esteem which You have convey'd to me by their Order, 
& that if I should have it in my power to do the Province any 
real service, it will fall still short of my Inclinations. 
" I am with great Respect 

" S"" your most obedient humble servant 
"John Yeamans." 

It is thought that this account of the connection of our coun- 
try, in its early history, with the sugar colonies, will be new to 
most of its readers, and will add a fresh page to our colonial 
records. It shows the practical workings of that policy which 
Great Britain pursued towards some of her colonies, and the 
perseverance of the. colonists in their endeavors to establish 
commercial intercourse. 

From a record in the Suffolk Deeds, it seems that Mr. Yea- 
mans returned to this country, after the successful termination 
of his efforts ; but it is uncertain how long he remained. The 
record states, that 

"John Yeamans of London, now residing in Boston, New 
England — consideration X35 paid by Edw* Hutchinson, Esq. 
of Boston, sell him A certain piece of outward wharf with the 
Flatts &c at the north end of Boston &c (granted 10 Dec 1696 
to Saml Shrimpton). Given & Ac. 9 NoV^ 1744." i 

» Suffolk Deeds, lib. G9, fol. 87. 




JHJl.iffnra- L.nh 



iTE ©IHll^OliffltF'irOKl TH^M^Kl® 



1768.] SHUTE SHRIMPTON YEAMANS' WILL. 249 

This extract renders it certain that he was in Boston as late 
as 1744 ; but when he returned to England is unknown. He 
was in London in 1747. All that we know of him subse- 
quently to this date is, that he died on his estate at Richmond, 
Surry County, England, previous to the 4th of October, 1749. 

Shute Shrimpton Yeamans (whose lithographic likeness is 
upon the opposite page) and his wife, Matilda Gunthorp, had 
two daughters and a son John, all of whom died young ; also a 
son Shute, who died of consumption on his passage to America, 
9th June, 1774, aged about twenty years. Shute Shrimpton 
Yeamans died in Richmond, England, Sept. 10, 1769, aged 
forty-eight years. The Boston Columbian Centinel, mention- 
ing his death, says : " He was one of the Directors of the South 
Sea Company, and a staunch friend to New England." 

His will was dated at Richmond County, Surrey, England, 
Aug. 4, 1768, and proved before the surrogate of London, Sept. 
30, 1769. A copy was obtained, by Deacon Thomas Greenough, 
from the registry of the prerogative court of Canterbury .^ 

In his will he gave to his sons large quantities of plate and 
jewels, and various legacies to relations ; and to his son Shute 
Yeamans £4,000 sterlings to be paid to him at the age of twenty- 
one years, with liberal legacies to his servants. 

The will then goes on to say : " I give & devise unto my 
said son Shute Yeamans & his Heirs, my Farm, with the 
Appurtenances called or known by the Name of Chelsea Farm, 
situate near Boston, in New England, in North America, & 
now let to Robert Temple Esq"", at the Yearly Rent of <£40, 
sterling. Provided always that if my s*^ son Shute Yeamans, 
shall happen to dye before he shall attain the age of 21 yeares, 
then (subject and charged as aforesaid) I give & devise my 
said Farm, with the appurtenances, unto my sd son John Yea- 
mans, & his Heirs. And subject and charged as aforesaid I 
Give & Devise all other my Lands, Hereditaments <fc Real 
Estate whatsoever, in the Island of Antigua in the West Indies, 
in the Provinces of New England & New Hampshire ^ in North 



» It is in Suffolk Probate Records, of 1773, Vol. 73, fol. 350. 

* In a letter from Robert Temple to Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, dated Bos- 



2o0 HISTORY. [1768. 

America, or else where unto William Berners Esq^ of Wolver- 
ston Park, in Suffolk, William Gunthorp, of Antigua, afore- 
said, Esq"". Samuel Mercer, of the City of London Esq'", &■ Mr. 
Thomas Greenough of Boston in New England, aforesaid, their 
Heirs &: assigns for ever. Upon the Trusts & to & for the Uses, 
Intents 6c Purposes hereinafter mentioned (that is to say) In 
Trust to receive the Rents, Issues & Profits thereof until one of 
my said sons, or their Issue shall attain the Age of 21 Years, or 
until both of them shall depart this Life without Issue, and to 
pay, apply & dispose of such Rents, Issues & Profits according 
to the Directions of this my Will & Subject thereto. To the 
Use of my .son John Yeamans & the Heirs of his Body law- 
fully Issuing; and for Default of such Issue, to the Use of my 
son, Shute Yeamans & the Heirs of his Body lawfully Issuing; 
& for Default of such Issue, then To the Use and Behoof of 
my Aunts Mary Chauncy, Sa/ah Greenough & Mehetable 
Hyslop of Boston in New England aforesaid : & the Heirs of 
their respective Bodies lawfully begotten, or to be begotten, as 
Tenants in Common, & not as Joint Tenants. And for Default of 
such Issue, To the Use & Behoof of my own right Heirs forever." 
Among other provisions is the following : "And all the rest 
and residue of my personal estate I give to my son, John Yea- 
mans, to be delivered to him at his age of 21 years; and if my 
said son, John Yeamans, shall happen to depart this life before 
the age of 21 years & without issue, then I give and bequeath 
the same unto my said son Shute Yeamans, to be paid, trans- 
ferred & delivered to him at his age of 21 years. And if both 
my said sons shall dye without Issue, before the age of 21 years, 
then I Give all the Rest & Residue of my Personal Estate unto 
my before Named Aunts, Mary Chauncy, Sarah Greenough, & 
Mehetable Hyslop, or such of them as shall be living at my 
decease, equally to be divided among them, if more than one 
be then living, Share and Share alike." He also appointed his 
trustees, before named, executors and guardians of the persons 
and estates of his sons. 

ton, Dec. 5, 1749, is this clause: "Your presence is likewise much Wanted 
concerning some Letts of land you have in y" Province of New Hampshire, 
•jy-ch were formerly granted to Govr Shute, and are, now, I presume, y prop- 
erty." This was probably the Indian grant before mentioned. 



1768.] SHUTE YEAMANS. 251 

The facts in regard to his two sons are these : John, the eldest, 
died in testator's lifetime ; and Shute, the younger son, died 
before reaching the age of twenty-one years, and without issue ; 
so that his three aunts in America became entitled to the resid- 
uary of the real estate of John Yeamans, but held in trust for 
them by the trustees named in the will. The interest of Shute's 
fortune, which by the will was <£4,000 at four per cent., was 
X160 per annum; but the executors suffered him to spend up- 
wards of X 1,200 during the first seventeen months after his 
father's death, and, finding there was no bounds to his expenses, 
they stopped their hands till a proper allowance for his mainte- 
nance should be settled by the court. Shute filed a bill against 
the three executors and trustees living in England. His bro- 
ther being dead, he had hoped the executors would have made 
a yearly allowance for his maintenance and education far ex- 
ceeding the interest of said £4,000, and would have purchased 
him a commission in the army out of the saving and income 
of the estate, etc., which he prayed them to do. 

The executors answer, that the clear income of testator's real 
and personal estate is XI, 500 per annum; that they have paid 
the plaintiff a greater allowance than the interest of the said 
X4,000, and have been applied to to purchase him a commission 
in the army, and are ready to do as the court directs. On the 
18th June, 1771, the chancellor, on reading the will, decreed 
that it should be referred to Mr. Graves to consider what was 
proper to be allowed for the maintenance and education of the 
plaintiff for the time past from the death of his father, and for 
the time to come ; and to inquire whether it was proper and for 
the benefit of the plaintiff to advance any and what sum of 
money for procuring him a commission in the army. This 
was never done, nor was any commission ever purchased. 

The master, by his report, was of opinion, that X 1,284 195. 
4c?. (having been really expended with the approbation of the 
executors) was proper to be allowed for plaintiff's maintenance 
from his father's death till the 1st of February last, and X600 
per annum for the time to come, which report was confirmed. 

The increased allowance paid by the executors for the main- 
tenance and education of Shute Yeamans, under this order 



252 HISTORY. [1774. 

(beyond Ihe interest of the legacy of .£4,000 per annum), comes 
to upwards of X 1,900. 

On the 28th of April, 1774, the said Shute Yeamans, then 
residing in South Audley street, Grosvenor square, in the county 
of Middlesex, England, by his will, after providing for the pay- 
ment of debts and a liberal legacy to his servant, gave the resi- 
due of all his estate and effects to Henry Perkins Weston, Esq. 
and William Davis, surgeon, for their own use forever, and ap- 
pointed them executors. On the 9th of June, 1774, the said 
Shute Yeamans died, being on board a packet-ship bound to 
New York. The will took effect, and his plate and the ^4,000 
left him by his father passed out of the family into the hands 
of strangers. 

In relation to the will of his father, Shute Shrimpton Yea- 
mans, there were two questions that arose under it. One was, 
whether the devise of .£4,000 to his son Shute, to be paid at 
the age of twenty-one, vested in him, he having died before 
reaching his majority. Mr. John Adams, who had recently dis- 
tinguished himself as the defender of Capt. Preston at the Bos- 
ton massacre, and who was subsequently the second president 
of the United States, who was consulted on this subject, gave 
his opinion (on the 14th of January, 1775), that, if Mr. Shute 
Yeamans was more than fourteen years of age when he made 
his will, he had a right to will away the £4,000 sterling, not- 
withstanding the limitation in his father's will. Because, at that 
age, by the better opinions, an infant may make a will of per- 
sonal estate ; and this legacy is given to him absolutely in his 
father's will, though it was not to be paid to him until he be- 
came of age. 

JNIr. Robert Bicknell (an English barrister, it is presumed) 
was also consulted on the matter, and his opinion coincided 
with that given by Mr. Adams. 

The other question was, whether, upon the death of both the 
sons without issue, the aunts could obtain the immediate pos- 
session of this real estate ; or, in other words, whether this use 
is executed in the aunts by the statute of 27 Henry VHI. chap. 
10, or whether the estate should still be held in trust for them. 
To which Mr. Adams replied : " My opinion u])on the whole is, 



1774.] SHUTE SIIRIMPTON YEAMANS' DEVISE. 253 

that this use is not executed by the statute, but that the land 
must remain in the trustees, to enable them to ))erform the trust, 
i. e. to receive the rents, issues, and profits, and pay, apply, and 
dispose of them according to the will." ^ 

Shute Shrimpton Yeamans' devise in favor of his three aunts, 
Mary Chauncy, Sarah Greenough, and Mehetable Hyslop, the 
daughters of Mr. David Stoddard, having thus taken effect by 
reason of the death of his sons without issue, they suffered a 
common recovery of the Noddle's Island and other estates in 
United States of America, and thereby became tenants in com- 
mon in fee-simple. Each of the " three aunts •' thus had one 
third, or, for greater convenience in subsequent calculations, 
two sixths, of that estate. Mrs. Greenough's two sixths de- 
scended to her two children, David S. and William, one sixth 
to each, in fee. Mrs. Hyslop's two sixths to her two children, 
David and Elizabeth, one sixth to each, in fee. Mrs. Chauncy's 
two sixths were divided between the Rev. William Greenough 
and Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner, the wife of Governor Sumner, 
one sixth to each, in fee. As it was thought at this time that 
David Hyslop would never marry, on account of his infirmities, 
Mrs. Chauncy did not give the fee of any part of her two sixths 
to him, as otherwise probably would have been done, but divi- 
ded the fee of the whole of her share between William Green- 
ough and Elizabeth Sumner, who were children of her two 
sisters, they paying in equal portions to David Hyslop, during 
his life, one third of the income of her share.^ David S. Green- 
ough bought the two sixths which his brother William thus ac- 
quired (one sixth from his mother, and one sixth from INIrs. 
Chauncy), and consequently assumed his brother's life obliga- 
tion to David Hyslop. 

Thus David S. Greenough became possessed of the fee of 



' The original document of Jolin Adams, drawn up at full length by his own 
hand, and signed by him, is in the writer's possession, and, besides being valua- 
ble as an autograph, is inserted in Appendix E. as an opinion of so distinguished 
a man upon a question of law. 

* A bond to this effect from William Greenough, Increase Sumner, and 
Elizabeth Sumner, his wife, to David Ilyslop, dated on the 27th of February, 
1782, is on record in the Suffolk Ivegistry, lib. 134, fol. 4. 
22 



254 



HISTORY, 



three sixths, Elizabeth (Ilyslop) Sumner of two sixths, and 

David Hyslop of one sixth, of the whole Island (in the right of 

his mother). Or, 

David S. Grcenough, three sixths, 
Elizabeth (H.) Sumner, two sixths, 
David Hyslop, one sixth. 
From the heirs of these three proprietors, the East Boston 

Company derived their whole title, as will be fully set forth as 

we advance in the history.^ 

1 SHRBIPTON PEDIGREE. 



Henry Shrimpton= 
I 



Col. Samuel Shrimpton= 
He d. 9 Jfeb. 1697-8. 



:Elizabeth Breedcn=Siineon Stoddard^Mary Downing. 
Shed. 13 Apr. 1713. 3d husband. 1st wife. 

See Rol)€i-ts 



Pedigree. 
Samuel, Jr.^Elizabeth Riphardson=David Stoddard 



1st husband, 
m. 7 Ma y, 1G96. 



See Robais 
Pedigree. 



2d husband, 
m. 23 Dec. 1713. 



Elizabcth=John Yeamans, 



Mary, 

m. 6 May, son of Henry. b. 11 Nov. 1715. 
See Yeamans m. Rev. Charles 

Pedigree. Chauncv.D.D., 

d. 1*783. 
s. p. 

Shute Shrimpton Yeamans=Matilda Gunthoi-p, 
b. 20 Aug. 1721, I in Antigua. 
d. 10 Sept. 1769. | 

I 



Sarah, 

b. 10 Aug. 1718 

m. Dea. Thos. 

Greenough, 

d. Mar. 1778. 



Mehetablc, 

b.5 Jidy, 1719. 

m. William — 

Hvslop, 

d. 19 Nov. 1792. 



Two daus. 
d. in infancy. 



John, 
d. young. 



Slnitc, 
d. aged 
ab. 20. 



David S., 

b. 31 July, 1752, 

left children. 



William, 

b. 29 June, 1756, 

minister at 

Newton. 

left children. 



James, 
b. 17 Sept. 
1751, d. 9 
May, 1752. 



William, 
b. 6 Nov. 
1753, m. 
Betsey 
Williams, 
d. 9 July, 
1792,8. p. 



David, 

b. 28 Dec. 
1755, m. 1, 
Eliza Stone, 
who d. s. p. 
m. 2, Jane 
Woodward. 

He d. 16 
Aug. 1822. 
Ch., David, 
and others, 

all dying 
under age ; 

Jane m. 
again. 



Elizabeth: 
b. 5 Aug. 

1757, d. 

28 Dec. 
1810. 



increase Sumner, 

Gov. etc., m. 30 

Sept. 1779, d. 

7 June, 1799. 



Mehetable, 

b. andd. 

15 Sept. 

1763. 



Wm. Hyslop, 

Adj. -Gen. etc. 

*S'ee Sumner 

Pedigree. 



Mehetablc S., 

m. 
Bcnj. Welles. 



Eliza, 
m. James 
W. Gerald. 



1818.] SALE OF THE ESTATE IN ANTIGUA. 255 

No common recovery having been suffered in Antigua by- 
Mrs. Chauncy, her third part of the Yeamans estate in that 
Island descended, at her death, to the heirs-at-law of Shute 
Shrimpton Yeamans. The other sisters, Sarah and Mehetable, 
having each suffered a common recovery in that island, their 
two thirds of the estate descended to their heirs in fee, and 
were sold for their benefit, in 1818, by General Sumner (who 
went to Antigua for that purpose) at the rate of £16,000 ster- 
ling for the whole, payable by bills on London, which were five 
per cent, above the par value of gold and silver. Mr. Robert- 
son, who was the purchaser of the estate, then offered to ex- 
change the bills on London at that advance for Spanish milled 
dollars at par, if General Sumner would receive them at his 
residence in the neighboring island of Montserrat. This pro- 
posal was accepted under the advice of Mr. Perit, of the house 
of Goodhue & Perit (who was his intelligent travelling com- 
panion on the homeward passage), who anticipated a high pre- 
mium in New York for the Spanish milled dollars for the India 
market. A contract was made with the captain of the brig 
Edward By am, in which the writer had taken passage, to stop 
at Montserrat on his way to New York and take the specie on 
board. The boxes of coin, having the seal of the Bank of Eng- 
land upon them, were not all opened, the labor of counting 
being too great. In eleven days from the time the dollars 
were loaded, they were landed in New York, and, being in 
great demand for exportation, were immediately sold to Pick- 
man and Lander, India merchants, at four and a half per cent, 
advance. Thus the whole expenses of the voyage and of the 
sale of the estate were more than covered by the premiums on 
the exchange of the bills in London for specie in Antigua and 
the sale of the specie in New York, and the account was so 
settled with D. S. Greenough, Esq. for the proprietors. 

The custom of the island, in regard to conveyances, differed 
from that prevalent in this country. There the purchaser is at 
the expense of the conveyances, and the grantor signs the deed 
made out by the purchaser's attorney, which is a matter of 
some importance, as the expenses in this instance of drawing 
the deeds (which was done by Mr. Musgrave, the solicitor- 



256 HISTORY. [1633-70. 

general, who was employed by the purchaser) amounted to 
over £100. 

In the previous pages the descent of the right and possession 
of the Island from 1633 to the formation of the East Boston 
Company has been detailed; but, in order to present the succes- 
sive ownership in a clear light, unincumbered by other subjects, 
the title may be concisely stated as follows : — 

In 1633, the general court granted the Island to Samuel 
Maverick " to enjoy to him and his heirs forever," under certain 
conditions. 

In 1650, Samuel Maverick and his wife, conjointly with their 
son Nathaniel, sold it to Capt. George Briggs of Barbadoes, 
who, the same year, conveyed it to the above-mentioned Na- 
thaniel, by whom it was, on the same day (28th Oct. 1650), 
conveyed to Col. John Burch of Barbadoes and his heirs for- 
ever. 

In 1656-7, Thomas Broughton purchased the Island, through 
Richard Leader, his attorney, who took the deed in his own 
name and in the name of Richard Newbold. On account of 
embarrassments, Broughton conveyed it, with other property 
(19th April, 1659), to Henry Shrimpton and Richard Cooke of 
Boston, and Walter Price of Salem, in trust for his creditors. 
Shrimpton declined this trust, as full possession of Noddle's 
Islajid had previously been given to Walter Price. 

In 1662, Richard Cooke and Walter Price, as assignees of 
Broughton, commenced a suit against Richard Newbold (before 
mentioned) for withholding about .£850 (part of the purchase- 
money) and interest for several years, and a verdict was given 
for the plaintiffs. The execution issued on the 31st of March, 
1663, was extended upon the whole of Noddle's Island as the 
possession of Newbold, excepting one hundred and seventy 
acres, which the execution did not cover. The Island was then 
delivered to Richard Cooke, excepting the one hundred and 
seventy acres which remained to Newbold. 

In 1664, Sir Thomas Temple bought all Richard Cooke's 
right and title in the Island ; and, 

In 1667, bought all of Newbold's remaining right and title, 
and thus became possessed of the whole Island. 



1670-1768.] GENERAL DESCENT OF TITLE. 257 

111 1670, Samuel Shrimpton purchased it of Sir Thomas 
Temple ; and, 

In 1682, by the payment of thirty pounds to the State, ck^ared 
it of the conditions in the grant to Maverick, and thus became 
the first person who held it in his own right in fee-simple. 

By the provisions of an indenture dated 20th August, 1680, 
and by Samuel Shrimpton's will, dated 5th June, 1697, Mrs. 
EUzabeth Shrimpton, his widow, became possessed of the 
whole Island. She married, for a second husband, Simeon 
Stoddard. In her will (11th April, 1713) she devised the 
Island to her granddaughter Elizabeth Shrimpton, the daughter 
of Samuel Shrimpton, Jr., who became subsequently the wife 
of John Yeamans, to hold " during her natural life, and after 
her decease to the heirs of her body to be lawfully begotten," 
and for want of such issue, " to the right heirs of my said late 
husband, the said Shrimpton forever." The widow of Samuel 
Shrimpton, Jr. (whose maiden name was Elizabeth Richardson) 
married David Stoddard, and by this marriage she had three 
daughters, Mary (third wife of Dr. Charles Chauncy, of Boston), 
Sarah (wife of Deacon Thomas Greenough), and Mehetable 
(wife of William Hyslop). In order to dock the entail created 
by the will of Mrs. Simeon Stoddard (former wife of Samuel 
Shrimpton), a common recovery was suffered by John Yea- 
mans and his son Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, for the use of the 
father (John Yeamans) and his heirs in fee-simple. (C. C. P. 
January Term, 1743-4.) 

John Yeamans, in his will (23d Feb., 1747), gave all his 
estate, real and personal (a part of which came to him by 
inheritance from his own ancestors), to his only son and heir, 
Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, subject to various legacies to 
friends and relations ; and upon the death of his father, Shute 
Shrimpton Yeamans, became sole heir and residuary lega- 
tee. S. S. Yeamans, in his will (Aug. 4, 1768), gave Noddle's 
Island in trust for his two sons, John and Shute, " until one 
of my said sons, or their issue, shall attain the age of twenty- 
one years, or until both of them shall depart this life without 
issue," to wit, " to the use of my son John Yeamans, and the 
heirs of his body lawfully issuing; and for default of such 
issue, to the use of my son Shute Yeamans, and the heirs of 
22* 



253 HISTORY. [1768-1833. 

his body lawfully issuing ; and for default of such issue, then 
to the use and behoof of my aunts, Mary Chauncy, Sarah 
Greenough, and JNIehetable Hysloj), of Boston," "and the heirs 
of their respective bodies lawfully begotten or to be begotten, 
as tenants in common, and not as joint-tenants ; and for default 
of such issue, to the use and behoof of my own right heirs for- 
ever." 

Both of these sons, John and Shute, died before the age of 
21 years, and without issue ; consequently S. S. Yeamans' 
devise took effect in favor of his three aunts, children of David 
Stoddard, Mary Chauncy, Sarah Greenough, and Mehetablc 
Hyslop. They suffered a common recovery of the Noddle's 
Island estate, and became tenants in common in fee-simple. 
Each of the " three aunts " thus had the fee of one third of the 
Island. Mrs. Greenough's one third descended to her two chil- 
dren, David S. and William, one sixth to each, in fee. The 
fee of Mrs. Chauncy's one third came by the deed to lead the 
uses of the common recovery to William Greenough and 
Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner, one sixth to each, they paying in 
equal portions to David Hyslop, during his life, one third of the 
income arising therefrom. David L, Greenough bought out his 
brother William, and thus assumed his brother's obligation to 
David Hyslop. 
By all this — 

David S. Greenough owned in fee three sixths of the whole Island. 
David Ilyslop " " one sixth " *' " 

Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner " two sixths " " " 

David S. Greenough's son David was the inheritor of all his 
father's portion, and died intestate, leaving it to his widow and 
children. Their estate was sold by the order of court confirmed 
by the legislature to WiUiam H. Sumner, who sold it to the 
East Boston Company. David Ilyslop's one sixth was sold by 
his widow, then the wife of John Hayden, to the East Boston 
Company. Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner's one third was set off 
in the division of her estate to her daughter, Eliza Gerard, by 
whom it was conveyed to the East Boston Company. 

Such, in few words, is the title of the Island property from 
Samuel INIaverick, the first grantee, to its purchase by the East 
Boston Company. The minute details of the different trans- 
fers have been set forth in the preceding chapters. 




I 







;uine of a Jiis 



CHAPTER XI. 

BIOGRAPHICAL SIvETCIIES. 

To give completeness to the record of those who, at different 
times, were interested in the island, it is necessary to speak 
more particularly of the husbands of the " three aunts " to 
whom Shute Shrimpton Yeamans devised his property, as has 
been minutely set forth in the previous chapter, and also to 
notice some of the children of these devisees. Consequently, the 
biographies of Dr. Chauncy, Thomas Greenough, and William 
Hyslop, with brief notices of their respective families and direct 
descendants, will now be given, so far as is considered neces- 
sary, and as fully as a limited space will allow. 

Rev. Charles Ciiauncy, D. D., was a direct descendant of 
Charles Chauncy, who w^as elected, in 1654, the second presi- 
dent of Harvard University. The family, in all its branches, 
was eminent for high religious character, literary attainments, 
and official position. President Chauncy was a man of distin- 
guished ability and of excellent scholarship ; and such was the 
extent of his literary acquisitions, that Mather styled him the 
" Cadmus " who brought letters to this country. He w'as a 
prominent man in his profession in England, and his free ex- 
pression of opinion brought him under the displeasure of the 
notorious Archbishop Laud, and his troubles were neither few 
nor small. On account of his attainments in oriental literature, 
he was appointed professor of Hebrew in Trinity College, Cam- 
bridge, England, but declined the office, and was then appointed 
professor of Greek in the same institution. He emigrated to 
this country in the latter part of the year 1637, and, after preach- 
ing a few years in Scituate, was, in 1654, elected president of 
Harvard University, which office he held until the commence- 



260 PIISTORY. 

ment of 1771, immediately previous to his death, which oc- 
curred on the 19th of February of the same year. 

Dr. Charles Chauncy, the subject of this notice, was born 
on the 1st of January, 1705, and was a great-grandson of the 
president, being the son of Charles Chauncy, merchant in Bos- 
ton, who was the son of Isaac Chauncy, the eldest son of the 
president. He inherited the superior abilities of his distin- 
guished ancestor, and some of his peculiarities, at least his love 
for religious controversy. He was not alone in this mode of 
warfare, for all the divines of that day were ardent in their 
prejudices for or against any doctrine, and zealous in public 
discussion. He entered Harvard University at the early age of 
twelve years, and received his first degree in 1721. President 
Wadsworth, one of the pastors of the first church in Boston, 
having removed to Cambridge, a fast was immediately kept by 
the congregation, and measures were taken to obtain another 
pastor, as an associate with the Rev. Thomas Foxcroft. Mr. 
Chauncy was chosen on the 12th of June, 1727, and ordained 
on the 25th of October following. Mr. Chauncy preached the 
sermon from Matthew, 28th chapter, 20th verse, and Cotton 
Mather gave the fellowship of the churches. Emerson, who 
was a subsequent pastor of this church, in his history of the 
first church in Boston, says : " During forty -two years the pas- 
tors, Foxcroft and Chauncy, lived together in the greatest har- 
mony with each other and their flock. The affairs of the church 
were in a flourishing condition. She saw her elder pastor un- 
rivalled in popularity as a preacher, and already marked in his 
young colleague the dawn of those brilliant powers which were 
destined to enlighten and improve the age." The house of 
worship of the first church in Boston was erected upon the 
site where Brazer's building now stands, and was subsequently 
removed to Washington street, upon the ground now covered 
by Joy's building. In this church Dr. Chauncy preached, and 
some time after his death, and during the ministrations of his 
successor. Dr. Clark, Mr. Joy proposed to the society then owning 
the church to convey it to him, and he would build them one 
on their land in Summer street ; his proposal was agreed to and 
carried into effect. In the new house built by Mr. Joy upon 
the society's land in Summer street, the Thursday morning lee- 



CHARLES CHAUNCY, D. D. 261 

ture, at 11 o'clock, of the First Association of Congregational 
Ministers, has been held weekly from that time to the present, 
as it ever had been in the old church on Washington street. 
The land on Summer street, on which the church was built, 
was the parsonage occupied by Dr. Chauncy, his two story 
wooden dwelling-house occupying the ground nearly opposite 
the Mercantile Library building. 

As a literary man Dr. Chauncy was very industrious, and 
published a great many sermons and lectures, as well as a num- 
ber of larger works, which excited much attention. " As a stu- 
dent, his conceptions were quick; as a theologian, he was learned 
and liberal ; as a writer, plain, argumentative, and vigorous ; 
as a preacher, sincere, unaffected, and at times deeply impres- 
sive ; as a politician, open, inflexible, and patriotic ; as a man, 
sudden and vehement in his temper, eminently upright, with a 
seriousness suited to his profession, and an earnestness appro- 
priate to a period when the most essential rights of freemen 
were brought into jeopardy, and were to be secured for his 
country at last only by the hazardous claim and triumphant 
assumption of national independence. In politics he was an 
honest patriot, and as such, never wavered in asserting Amer- 
ican rights." 

On all occasions and under all circumstances, he ever ap- 
peared on the side of liberty and justice. An instance of this 
occurred at the first barbecue in Boston of which there is any 
account, which took place on election day in 1770. The general 
court was ordered to meet at the College buildings in Cam- 
bridge the last Wednesday of May, 1770. This was just after 
the Boston massacre, on the 5th of March, and the governor 
could not be persuaded to have the legislature meet in Boston. 
A number of the patriots in that town, or, as they were termed 
in the language of the time, " friends to the rights of North 
America," anticipating the state of things between the legis- 
lature and the royal officers, made preparations for a public 
popular festival in Boston on election day. An ox was roasted 
on the Common, the animal having been carried through the 
town the day before, dressed with garlands and ribbons. Relig- 
ious services were held at noon. Rev. Samuel Mather, " a 
worthy descendant of those Christian patriots, Increase and 



262 HISTORY. 

Cotton," made the prayer, and the Rev. Dr. Chauncy, " that 
inflexible assertor of our civil and religious rights," preached 
the sermon. A dinner at Faneuil Hall, and the distribution of 
the ox among the poor, concluded the day. Thus the people of 
Boston celebrated " election," without any great and general 
court, governor, or military display. They had a barbecue on 
the Common, and a sermon from the beloved Dr. Chauncy, 
and punch, according to the custom of those days, in Faneuil 
Hall, and could well afford to dispense with the usual routine 
of the May election of those times.^ 



* Boston Transcript, Aug. 21, 1856. The Williams Journal of Daily Occur- 
rences on Noddle's Island mentions another barbecue, which took place in 
1793, and, in referring to it, speaks of the "great preparations for the civic 
feast," and of " the ox to be roasted for the poor of the town, and a number of 
public dinners." A fuller description of this is given in the paper we have 
cited, and will doubtless interest the reader. We quote nearl)^ verbatim : — 

" An ox was roasted in Boston at a great public festival in 1793, under cir- 
cumstances of a novel and unique character. In 1792, the citizens of the 
United States took deep interest in the early movements of the French Revo- 
lution, and it was thought proper that a great civic feast should be given in 
this city in honor of the patriots of France. Accordingly, after due preparation, 
a public festival was arranged, and Thursday, Jan. 24th, 1793, was assigned as 
the day for the celebration. 

" So general were the rejoicings at the victories of the friends of ' Liberty and 
Equality ' in France, who followed the example of the American revolution- 
ists, that several celebrations took jilace in Boston. There was a dinner at 
Faneuil Hall, at which ' Citizen ' Samuel Adams presided, a collation near the 
stump of the ' Liberty Tree,' at the South end, a great public feast in State 
street, and numerous military and civic dinners in other parts of the town. 
The main interest of the celebration, however, was centred in the barbecue in 
State street. An ox was purchased by subscription and roasted whole, leaving 
the head and horns entire. The cooking operation was performed near Copp's 
Hill, the night previous to the festival. A procession formed in Ferrj' street, 
at the North end, afterwards Lynn street, now part of Commercial street, on 
the morning of the 24th, and marched through Middle (Hanover), and Union 
streets, up Cornhill (now Washington street), on to the Liberty Stump, thence 
to the right on Common street to the dwelling of ' Citizen ' John Hancock, on 
Beacon street; thence to the house of 'Citizen' Samuel Adams, in Winter 
street ; thence through Summer to Federal street, and through Kilby to State 
street. In passing the meeting-house in Federal street the procession halted, 
and the chairman of the proprietors of the church gave a congratulatory 
address in behalf of the society, in whose jilace of worship the Constitution of 



CHARLES CHAUNCY, D. D. 263 

Many incidents occur to the writer's mind illustrative of Dr. 
Chauncy's character. The following is one which shows the 



the United States was ratified by the delegates of IMassachusetts, and in com- 
memoration of which event the street received its name of 'Federal.' When 
the procession reached ' Oliver's Dock,' a salute of fifteen guns was fired, and 
the space christened ' Liberty Square,' which it retains to this day. 

" The roasted ox, weighing 1,000 lbs., was in this procession, elevated twenty 
feet upon a great wooden spit. It was drawn by fifteen horses, and was gaily 
dressed with ribbons ; the horns were gilded, and ornamented with the tiags of 
the United States and France. At the end of the spit was the motto, ' Peace- 
ofiering to Liberty and Equality.' The ox was followed by a large cart con- 
taining eight hundred loaves of bread, drawn by six horses ; next came a 
hogshead of punch, drawn by six horses ; then followed a second load of eight 
hundred loaves of bread and a second hogshead of punch. Tables were 
laid in State street, the whole length east of the old State house. There was 
some difficulty in the equal distribution of the roast beef, and it has always 
been said that the punch was mighty strong ; but all accounts say that the 
highest degree of cheerfulness and good-will prevailed. 

" All the youths of the town were paraded in State street, in ranks, between 
which a cart was driven, from Avhence each one was presented with a civic 
cake impressed with the words ' Liberty and Equality.' A liberty pole was 
erected in Liberty square in the evening, and the horns of the roasted ox were 
placed on the top, where they remained several years. Two balloons, orna- 
mented with mottos, were sent up during the afternoon, under the direction of 
some French visitors. The remnants of the bread were sent to the jail and 
almshouse, but the punch was all consumed by the patriotic assembly. 

" A purse was raised to pay the debts and fines of such persons as were con- 
fined in jail, and they were released ' to breathe the air of Liberty.' It was 
arranged that the people of Chai-lestown and Boston should drink to the health 
of each other at 4 o'clock in the aftei-noon, and the measure was carried into 
effect with ' all the honors.' We have before us the diary of the pastor of one 
of the Boston churches at this time, and we find a memorandum therein ac- 
knowledging the reception of nine dollars from the civic feast, and a list of 
nine persons to whom it was distributed. There were celebrations on the 
same day in Charlestown, Roxbury, Medford, and Watertown. In lloxbury a 
purse was raised to furnish a free festival for the poor, that all classes might 
celebrate the day devoted to ' Liberty and Equality.' 

" A writer, in narrating the joyous events of this barbecue, wishes for the 
* pen of a Burke to describe the scene which State street exhibited on this 
occasion.' He says : ' While the streets, houses, yea, even the chimney-tops, 
were covered with male spectators, the balconies and middle stories of the 
houses exhibited bevies of our amiable and beautiful women, who, by their 
smiles and approbation, cast a pleasing lustre over the festive scenes.' The 
Columbian Centincl closes its account of the festival with these words : ' It 



264 HISTORY. 

generous and benevolent feelings which characterized him in 
his intercourse with other people. 

Observing the promising talents of Samuel Sewall, who, on 
account of family misfortunes, was in needy circumstances, he 
started a subscription paper to raise money to carry him 
through college, and, heading it with his own name, put it in 
circulation. By the assistance of money raised in this way, 
Mr. Sewall was enabled to obtain a liberal education, and in 
after-life showed that the sagacity, confidence, and generosity 
of Dr. Chauncy were not misplaced, and out of gratitude to his 
benefactor he named a son Charles Chauncy Sewall, afterward 
a clergyman in Medfield, Mass. Another trait in his character 
was industry; and he never lost a moment in imparting instruc- 
tion, but took every occasion to convey some useful lesson to 
those about him, and especially to children. The writer well 
remembers once visiting at the house of his uncle Chauncy 
when a child, and, with others of his own age, was in the doc- 
tor's study. The doctor took some raisins in his hand, and 
showing them to the children, said, " Now, children, I am going 
to teach you a lesson of self-denial ; I will throw these raisins 
upon the floor, and you must not touch them until I give you 



must be added, to the credit of the citizens of this metropolis, that, though the 
utmost hilarity and frolic were exhibited, not one accident happened or an 
event intervened that could give pain to the heart of sensibility.' 

" This celebration, like most others, had its ' shady side.' It -was held the 
same week on which Louis the Sixteenth ascended the scaffold in Paris. A 
vessel from France soon brought news that the king had fallen a victim to the 
popular feeling. Such a use of the guillotine shocked the pubHc mind, and 
the horns of the ox on the liberty pole in Boston were dressed in mourning." 

The writer witnessed the enthusiastic celebration, and well remembers, that, 
although all political parties united in it, yet upon hearing of the execution 
of the king upon the scaffold, there was much regret that such a cele- 
bration had t<iken place. All the leading federalists had joined in the fes- 
tival, in the belief that the despotic king, in granting the people a parliament, 
had established principles of liberty which would be lasting. But wlicn it was 
found that the revolutionists went to those extremes which led to the death of 
the same monarch who had conceded to the people those principles of liberty 
to which their desires were limited, the public sentiment was nearly as unani- 
mous in lamenting the celebration, as it had been, a short time previous, in 
extolling it. 



CHAELES CHAUNCY, D. D. 265 

leave." He then scattered them upon the floor, and we all 
stood around looking wistfully at the forbidden fruit and sorely- 
tempted to taste, until the doctor, having made us wait suffi- 
ciently long to test the truth of his lesson, told us to '■'■scrabble 
for them^'' which we did with earnestness. 

After the death of Dr. Mayhew, Dr. Chauncy followed him 
in opposing Episcopacy, and entered the lists against Dr. 
Chandler of New Jersey, and, in 1771, published his historical 
views on that subject, a work of learning and ability. In 1784, 
his book entitled the " Mystery hid for Ages, or the Salvation 
of all Men," was published. This called forth, in reply, the 
distinguished theologian and controversialist, Dr. Jonathan Ed- 
wards. 

Dr. Chauncy was also greatly opposed to itinerant preaching, 
which, in his estimation, threatened as much danger to the 
Congregational worship established in New England, as the 
introduction of bishops from the mother country. He classed 
the celebrated Whitefield among the itinerant ranters, and ren- 
dered himself very conspicuous in his opposition to him, and 
to the extraordinary religious excitement which prevailed 
throughout New England in 1743. His antipathy to Whitefield 
was very strong; and in public and private, and in letters to 
Whitefield himself, he showed his hostile feelings. In a letter 
to Rev. Nathaniel Chauncy, a kinsman, dated March 16th, 
1742-3, he says : — 

" Mr. Whitefield is strongly expected over this spring by his 
friends. I 'm satisfied his vanity was never so well pleased as 
with the hosannas of ministers and parishioners in these parts 
of the earth ; and it would not be strange to me, if he should 
be inclined to have his vanity gratified again in the same way : 
Though if he comes with any such expectation, I hope he will 
meet with disappointment. I trust there are some who will 
think it proper, if he should again appear among us, to magnify 
themselves and their office. I hope the ministers in the coun- 
try (I can't be bound for the ministers in Boston, all of them) 
will let him know they look upon him but as a man, and a 
man of smaller talents than many among themselves ; and will 
properly testify against his itinerating practice, which, in my 
23 



266 HISTORY. 

opinion, is the source of all our disorder; nor will they be satis- 
fied till this way of conduct has an end put to it." 

In another letter, after mentioning a report that Mr. White- 
field was soon to make another visit to this country, he says : — 

" The news came so direct that T fear we shall again be 
thrown into disorder by the grand promoter of all the confusion 
that has been in the land." 

Dr. Chauncy and Dr. Edwards, " the two great men among 
the clergy in New England at that time," diHered in their esti- 
mate of the qualities of the revival in which Whitefield and 
Davenport were engaged, and in respect to the measures which 
they employed ; and each had his adherents. Their course of 
life and all their associations had been entirely different, and 
they looked at the subject from different points of view. 

An anecdote is recalled of Dr. Chauncy and Whitefield, which 
well illustrates their intercourse and laconic replies. 

Soon after W^hitefield landed in Boston, on his second visit to 
this country, he and Dr. Chauncy met in the street, and, touch- 
ing their hats with courteous dignity, bowed each to the other. 
" So you have returned. Dr. Whitefield, have you 1 " He replied, 
" Yes, Reverend Sir, in the service of the Lord." " I am sorry 
to hear it," said Chauncy. " So is the Devil ! " was the answer 
given, as the two divines, stepping aside at a distance from each 
other, touched their hats and passed on.^ 

In 1747, Dr. Chauncy preached the annual "election sermon" 
before the governor and legislature ; and in it he reproved very 
pointedly many of his hearers for legislating in such a manner 
as to injure the morals of the province. Some of the members 
were so piqued at the sermon, — as were those of the city gov- 
ernment in relation to the Rev. Mr. Alger's recent discourse, — 

' In an old newspaper, under the date of the 8th of October, 1770, is a just 
tribute to the memory of Whitefield ; and an incident is related, which shows 
the estimation in which he was held by the people of Boston. 

" Early on ]\Ionday Morning last a Number of Gentlemen set out from hence 
for Newbury Port, in order to convey the Corps of the Reverend Mr. White- 
field, to this Town, to be interred : But the people of Newbury Port would not 
allow it to be brought away they having prepared a Brick Tomb, under the 
Presbyterian Meeting House." 



CHARLES CIIAUNCY, D.D. 267 

that they hesitated, and debated in court whether they should, 
according to the ordinary custom, print it. Dr. Chauncy was 
informed of this fact. He sharply replied, " It shall be printed, 
whether the general court print it or not. And do you, sir," 
addressing his informant, " say from me, that if I wanted to 
initiate and instruct a person in all kinds of iniquity and double- 
dealing, I would send him to our general court!" 

In this connection the writer can mention a traditionary 
anecdote of the husband of the first of the three aiints to whom 
Noddle's Island was devised, which, even if it has before been 
printed, will bear repetition. Dr. Cooper, pastor of Brattle 
Street church, was an ardent politician. He took a prominent 
part in the Revolutionary movements, and was so engaged in 
them that he found no time to write his weekly sermons. Con- 
sequently, he was in the habit of exchanging pulpits with any 
and every one he could secure, until he became quite notorious 
for this practice. He and Dr. Chauncy were associates, and 
were frequently at each other's houses, and thus became well 
known to the other inmates. Dr. Chauncy had a negro servant, 
a bright, active fellow, who one day came to him and said, in 
the genuine negro naivete^ showing his old coat with its rents 
and defacements, " Massa, I must have a new coat." " Why 
so ? " said the doctor. The negro, holding up his coat as be- 
fore, said, " Dis is too bad, massa ; I 'm quite ashamed on 't." 
" Well," said Dr. Chauncy, " if you are ashamed of it, go into 
my study, take one of my old coats, and put it on and wear it." 
" Dares n't do it, massa." " But why not ? give some reason 
why you will not do as I tell you ? " " If you must know the 
reason, massa, I'll tell you. 'Tis because, if Dr. Cooper sees 
me, I'm afraid he will ask me to change." It will not be out 
of place to say, that Dr. Cooper had such a remarkably pleasing 
manner of address that he was called " the silver tongued 
Cooper," and was honored with the classic compliment, under 
his printed portrait, " Cujus etiam a lingua melle dulcior flue- 
bat oratio." 

Another anecdote has been told the writer, by a descendant 
of one of the parties, which still further illustrates the positive- 
ness of the character of Dr. Chauncy, if not of both the contro- 



268 HISTORY. 

versialists. The doctor's wife had a nephew, who was pastor 
of an Orthodox church in Newton, and as he was riding into 
town one day to call upon his aunt, he met his uncle Chauncy, 
who accosted him with, " What is the news in the country ? " 
Mr. Greenough answered, " I know of nothing, only it is very 
dry." " You lie I Billy. It is not dry in the country." " I lie, 
sir I I know it to be true; I have just come from home, and 
know what I say." " I do n't care what you say ; I was in my 
garden this morning, and it never looked better." " But, not- 
withstanding what you say about your garden in town, it is 
dry in the country, and what I know of my own knowledge I 
will assert, let who will contradict me." " Yes ; and if it be so, 
it only proves that you are a wicked people, and are under 
God's wrath and curse, and hence you suffer." 

Dr. Chauncy continued his labors as pastor of the First 
church in Boston, until his death, on the 10th of February, 
1787, leaving to his survivors the recollections of a man emi- 
nent for his talents, learning, and love of civil and religious 
liberty. 

His mother was Sarah, daughter of Judge Walley of the 
supreme court, and sister of the wife of Dr. Joseph Sewall, of 
Boston. His first wife was Elizabeth Hirst, daughter of Grove 
Hirst, Esq., of Boston, and Elizabeth his wife, who was the 
eldest sister of Dr. Sewall ; and sister of Mary Hirst, wife of 
Sir William Pepperell. His second wife was the daughter of 

Phillips. Ilis third wife was Mary, eldest daughter of 

David Stoddard and Elizabetii (Richardson Shrimpton) Stod- 
dard (widow of Samuel Shrimpton, Jr.), and who became one 
of three joint owners of Noddle's Island). By his first wife he 
had three children, Charles, Elizabeth, and Sarah. Elizabeth 
married the Hon. Benjamin Greenleaf of Newbury, judge of 
probate for Essex county. By this marriage she had two 
sons and four daughters, the oldest of which, Elizabeth, born 
in 1761, and named for her mother, married Theophilus Par- 
sons, subsequently chief justice of Massachusetts. 

It was in this way that Mrs. Chauncy's share of the Yea- 
mans family plate, being personal property, descended to the 
iieirs of her husband and was distributed among them ; and in 



THOMAS GREENOUGH. 269 

this manner it is supposed a part of it came into the possession 
of Chief Justice Parsons, he having married the daughter of 
Judge Greenleaf, whose wife was Dr. Chauncy's daughter. 

There is no particular account of the first and second wives 
of Dr. Chauncy ; but there is abundant evidence that Mrs. Mary 
Chauncy was a woman of exalted character, and was endeared 
by her good qualities to all who enjoyed the pleasure of her 
acquaintance. Dr. Clarke, in the funeral discourse, which he 
preached on the 21st of Dec, 1783, speaks of her in the highest 
terms as a woman and a Christian. Among many other 
remarks of a similar nature, he says : " I can bear witness to the 
most exalted purity and devotion, the most extensive benevo- 
lence, unaffected humility, forbearance, and condescension. In 
her I always discovered that meek and quiet spirit which is of 
such value in the sight of God. The dictates of the gospel 
were wrought into the frame of her soul, and she acquired such 
habits of gentleness, courtesy, and forbearance, as secured her 
the best treatment from all with whom she was connected." 
It is inferred that the sermon was never printed, for a manu- 
script copy of it, under black margin and cover, was given to 
her sister, Mrs. Hyslop ; this is now in the possession of the 
writer. 

Deacon Thomas Greenough, whose second wife was Sarah, 
daughter of David Stoddard, was born in Boston on the 6th of 
May, 1710. He was the son of John and Elizabeth (Gross), 
and the grandson of Captain William Greenough, who, about 
the year 1650, emigrated to this country from the west of Eng- 
land, and died 6th August, 1693. His father and grandfather 
were ship-builders, having their ship-yard at the North End, in 
the vicinity of the present Winnisimet ferry. From this early 
connection and familiarity with matters pertaining to naviga- 
tion, the grandson was easily and naturally led to embrace the 
occupation of a mathematical instrument maker. This busi- 
ness he pursued with skill and success through his life. 

Although of an active temperament and of a firm and de- 
cided character, the recorded events of his life are neither nu- 
merous or prominent. He managed his own property and the 
estates of others confided to his care with prudence and good 
23* 



270 HISTORY. 

judgment. A good citizen and a devoted Christian, he gave 
his ready advice and hearty energies to the furtherance of the 
busy movements of his native city, both religious and political. 

Related by birth, as well as connected by his two marriages, 
with many of the leading North End families, his associations, 
no less than his inclinations, led him to embrace the side of the 
people in the great struggle for liberty which began in Massa- 
chusetts. He was a member of various town committees 
raised before and during the occupation of Boston by British 
troops, and throughout the whole contest, of which he lived to 
witness the triumphant close, he adhered unflinchingly to the 
cause of his country. 

His parents were members of the Second church, but he was 
one of the proprietors of the New Brick church, and one of its 
deacons from 1755 until its union with the Old North, or Sec- 
ond, church, in 1779. After the union, he continued to hold 
the same office tiU his death, 1st of May, 1785. There is evi- 
dence that he was one of the most useful and respected mem- 
bers of the church and society. During the years of his strength, 
says one competent to speak on this point, he served the church 
with great assiduity and constancy. His name occurs as fre- 
quently as any other in connection with all important measures. 
He was chosen on nearly all committees, and acted as treasurer 
lor the New Brick church for several years. 

He left by his two wives a large family of children. He mar- 
ried, for his first wife, Martha, daughter of the prominent and 
wealthy merchant, William Clarke. His second was Sarah, 
daughter of David Stoddard, who, jointly with her sisters, Mrs. 
Chauncy Und Mrs. Hyslop, were the devisees of Slmte Shrimp- 
ton Yeamans, and thus the owners of Noddle's Island, which was 
a part of his estate. Deacon Greenough was attorney, with 
Dr. Clarke, of S. S. Yeamans, and also had the management 
of several other estates in America. 

A little anecdote, illustrative of Deacon Greenough's strict 
integrity, and of the scrupulous pertinacity of himself, and 
others with whom he was connected in the business affairs of 
the Yeamans estate, will perhaps be interesting to others, 
as well as to members of the family. The fact that there were 
differences on other subjects between Mr. Greenough and Mr. 
Hyslop gives point to the anecdote. 



REV. WILLIAM GREENOUGH. 271 

In 1779, the Chelsea farm was leased to H. H. Williams, also 
the tenant of Noddle's Island, for <£300 per annum. This rent, of 
course, was divided between Dr. Chauncy, Deacon Greenough, 
and Mr. Hyslo)3, the husbands of the three devisees. The au- 
thor has in his possession an envelope containing Mr. Hyslop's 
share of the rent of the Chelsea farm for 1779, in seven bills of 
credit, with the words, " This is Mr. Hyslop's money," on the 
outside, and in the inside the following statement of Deacon 



" This hundred pounds is one third of the rent for Chelsea 
Farm. Dr. Chauncy and myself Lett the said Farm for the 
year 1779 to March 25 1780, to Mr. Williams for three hundred 
pounds, and I took the money and gave Mr. Williams a Receipt 
in full. I paid Dr. Chauncy his hundred pounds, and sent 
the inclosed hundred pounds to Brother Hyslope, and he sent it 
back to me, and sent word he would not receive it of me, but 
would receive it of Williams. I told Williams he must take 
the money back and pay it to Mr. Hyslope, but he said he would 
not, so I have kept it for whoever it belongs to. 

Thos. Greenough." 

The seven bills mentioned are in the old tenor, and are of the 
nominal value of £334 ; but by depreciation it appears were, at 
the time of this statement, worth only £100. 

The Rev. William Greenough, son of Deacon Thomas Green- 
ough, just noticed, was born in Boston on the 29th of June, 
1756.^ His early years were principally spent in his native 
town, and, after passing through the requisite courses of study, 
he graduated with high honors at Yale College in 1774, and 
remained at New Haven for the two or three succeeding years 
as a resident graduate. A few years later (1779) he was admit- 
ted a member of the Second church in Boston, under the Rev. 
Dr. John Lothrop. He chose the ministry as his profession, but 
it is not certainly known with whom he studied. The Rev. Dr. 
Jenks, a friend and contemporary, says he has ever thought that 

^ This sketch is principally from the Biography of Rev. Mr. Greenough, 
in Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit, Vol. II. p. 187, written by the 
Rev. Dr. William Jenks. 



272 HISTORY. 

he took the advice occasionally of his learned kinsman, Dr. 
Chaiincy. The same gentleman also remarks, that he supposes 
Mr. Greenough to have meditated the law as a profession, or, 
perhaps, mercantile business, from a remark made to him by 
Mr. Greenough concerning his (Mr. G.'s) eldest son, " If I 
thought he would suffer as much as I did in determining on 
the choice of a profession, I could hardly desire his life." His 
strong and well-balanced mind and his excellent reasoning 
powers would have made him eminent as a lawyer, or success- 
ful as a business man. 

Newton, originally Newtown or Cambridge village, was first 
included in Cambridge, which bore itself the prior name of 
Newtown. After a twenty years' struggle, Newton was made 
a corporation, in 1678. But prior to this (July 20th, 1662), a 
church had been gathered, a pastor settled, and a parish formed. 
Of this church, John Eliot, Jr., the son of the " Apostle Eliot," 
was the first minister. In October, 1781, another church was 
formed, over which the Rev. William Greenough was ordained 
in the following November, on which occasion the Rev. Dr. 
Lothrop preached the sermon. 

He was instrumental in preparing the measures which led to 
the formation of Park street church, being connected with some 
of the leading families in the Old South ; but, after its estab- 
lishment, was, for some unknown reason, seldom seen in its pul- 
pit. He was also, by a liberal subscription, one of the founders 
of the " Society for promoting Christian Knowledge," a society 
whose specific object was to check the tendency to " Ilopkinsi- 
anism," about the commencement of the present century. He 
delivered and published both his charges at the installations of 
Mr. Fay and Dr. Griffin; also a sermon before the society for 
foreign missions in 1814. He was twice married : first, to Abi- 
gail, daughter of the Rev. Stephen Badger of Natick, 1st June, 
1785 ; and on the 22d May, 1799, to Lydia Haskins of Boston. 
There were children by both of these marriages. After a long 
and successful ministry, he died at Newton on the 7th of No- 
vember, 1831, in the seventy-sixth year of his age. His last 
illness was severe and trying, but he bore it with the most ex- 
emplary submission. 

He eminently deserved the title of " an Israelite indeed, in 



REV. WILLIAM GREENOUGH. 273 

whom is no guile." This was his prominent characteristic, and 
that which distinguished him from ordinary good men and the 
generahty of ministers. He once remarked to Dr. Jenks, in a 
case requiring no small degree of moral courage, " If ministers 
will not go forward, who will ? " This was the spirit of his life. 
He was possessed of tender sympathies, and was ever ready to 
serve a friend ; yet his manner was blunt (see anecdote on page 
268), savoring somewhat of the "fine old Englishman gentle- 
man " or " country Esquire " of former days, rather than the meas- 
ured, guarded, and circumspect demeanor of the wary, discreet, 
and polished clergyman and scholar. Still, there was nothing 
of coarseness or ill-manner in his intercourse with others. His 
convictions were deep and thorough, and he had great reverence 
for God, the Bible, the sabbath, and Christian ordinances. He 
had a sincere hatred of sin, pointed and honest; his deport- 
ment was fearless, independent, and conscientious, and in the 
simplicity and integrity of his heart he wondered at the cun- 
ning, duplicity, and hypocrisy of others, and did not hesitate to 
reprove with humanity and Christian compassion, but with 
marked decision and abhorrence. In religious belief he was a 
Calvinist of the old school, and adhered to these principles with 
unyielding tenacity. His sermons were distinguished for sim- 
plicity, sound sense, and a clear exposition of his own well- 
defined views. In the various duties of man, minister, citizen, 
and father, he exercised an almost unerring judgment, and was 
observant of the proprieties of time and place. The sabbath 
he regarded as sacred ; it is recorded of him, that he once mar- 
ried a couple on the sabbath, but refused to take the customary 
fee, as he considered it wrong to take money upon the Lord's 
day. Accustomed to the use of money, of which he had a 
comfortable amount by inheritance, he was quick to notice a 
miserly disposition in others. Once, when on an exchange 
with a brother clergyman, he lost his horse and chaise by fire, 
and no otlcr was made to compensate him for his loss. This 
circumstance called forth the remark from Mr. Greenough, that, 
" If God in his providence took no better care of his ministers 
than the people do, their condition would be deplorable." 

In his personal appearance he was tall, slim, and a little 
stooping, and was active in the study and upon his farm. 



274 HISTORY. 

Through his whole life he exemplified those qualities which 
endeared him to his friends, and secured the confidence of all in 
him as a man, citizen, and pastor. 

At one time the Rev. William Greenough was the owner of 
two sixths of Noddle's Island (one sixth from his mother and 
one sixth from Mrs. Chauncy), but subsequently sold all his 
interest to his brother, David S. Greenough. 



rarisn, near xiaac 

^ jy"'^^'^ ^ > East Lowden, ii 

y-TC^^'^^^^-^i^-^^i'^ He was baptized 

^^ of September, 17 



William Hyslop, son of James Hyslop, came from Ilumly 

Parish, near Haddington Co., 
East Lowden, in Scotland, 
on the 20th 
1714. 

In 1746 he was a merchant in Boston, and a wholesale im- 
porter of Scotch goods from Glasgow, particularly Bibles, of 
which he sold immense numbers. His store was on Codman's 
wharf, which was sold to the city for the Quincy Market House 
by the heirs of John Codman, to whom Mr. Hyslop had pre- 
viously conveyed his part of it, and it was burned down in the 
great fire in Boston in 1760. The site is now covered by the 
granite stores of South Market street. Mr. Hyslop had in- 
tended to give this store to the writer, his grandson, on account 
of the name, William Hyslop Sumner, and had mentioned his 
purpose to some members of the family. But Mr. Codman 
disappointed the expectations, for he went one day to Mr. 
Hyslop, and asked him how much he would take for the store ? 
" Not any thing," said he, " I do not wish to sell it." " But I 
will tempt you with such an offer that you cannot refuse ? " "I 
tell you I will not sell it; I have made another disposition of 
it." " I will give you double the amount you paid for it." 
This tempting offer, which yielded a profit very uncommon in 
those days, Mr. Hyslop could not resist, and, lest it should be 
withdrawn quickly, replied, " You shall have it;" and in this 
way the store passed out of the family. To relieve the disap- 
pointment, he gave to the writer XlOO towards his collegiate 
education ; and this sum with the interest, amounting to $545.52, 
paid about two thirds of his college expenses. 

Mr. Hyslop was a very strong Calvinist; and when the 
Brattle street church, of which he was a member, proposed to 



WILLIAM HYSLOP. 275 

have an organ, he strenuously opposed it as a wicked innova- 
tion. No organs were used at that time except by the Episco- 
palians, and the proposition to have one in a Congregational 
church so far conflicted with his ideas of devout religious wor- 
ship, that he said he should leave the church if they carried it 
into effect. The organ had been sent for, however ; and in due 
course of time it arrived from London, in the ship Minerva, 
Captain Scott, which anchored off Long wharf. Dr. Thacher, 
the minister of Brattle street church, and Dr. Eckley, of the 
Old South (whose sanction and countenance Dr. Thacher 
desired on the occasion), both Calvinists, waited upon Mr. 
Hyslop at Brookline, and acquainted him with the fact of the 
arrival of the ship with the organ on board. " And what are 
you going to do with it?" said he indignantly. " Set it up," 
was the reply. " You remember what I told you," said Mr. 
Hyslop, " that I never would hear it, and I never will. But 
as you have been at the expense of importing it, I have a propo- 
sition to make, and that is, if you will tell me the cost of it, and 
will throw it overboard, I will pay for it I " The organ, however, 
was set up, and Mr. Hyslop discontinued his attendance at 
Brattle street, and went to the Rev. Mr. Jackson's church, at 
Brookline, where he resided. Even here, however, he was not 
free from annoyance, as a bass-viol was used in that choir, 
which he considered to be a base violation of church propriety, 
and on a certain occasion he was heard to exclaim, " If I could 
only get hold of that big fiddle, I 'd smash it to pieces." 

He resided on the farm in Brookline owned for about a cen- 
tury and a half by the Boylston family. One of the members 
of this family. Dr. Zabdiel Boylston, an eminent physician of 
Boston, was born on it in 1680, and after a long and distin- 
guished life died there, in 1766, in the eighty-seventh year of his 
age. The parchment deed of this farm of about seventy acres 
is in the writer's possession. He it was who introduced the 
inoculation of the smallpox into Boston, in 1720. He first 
tried it in his own family, and meeting with success, soon ex- 
tended it to several hundreds, and completely demonstrated the 
utility and usefulness of the practice. Cotton Mather had 
observed a letter of Timonius from Constantinople, and a 
treatise of Pyllarinus, Venitian consul at Smyrna, giving a 



276 HISTORY. 

favorable account of the operation, and he recommended a trial 
to the physicians of the town ; but they all declined it except 
Dr. Boylston, who thus made himself very obnoxious. The 
medical faculty in general disapproved of his conduct, sober 
and pious people were struck with horror, he was often insulted 
in the streets, and his life was often in danger from violence. 
This was previous to its introduction into Great Britain, which 
afterwards took place in consequence of its success here. On 
visiting England in 1725, he was elected Fellow of the Royal 
Society, and received many other flattering attentions.^ 

Nicholas Boylston, by his will, dated Aug. 1, 1771, with pious 
intentions directed his executors to buy this estate of Mr. 
Hyslop, and convey it to the church in Brookline ; but this was 
never accomplished. On the division of Mr. Hyslop's estate 
between his son and daughter, the homestead fell to his son 
David, who occupied it for several years. In his will he devised 
it to his wife for life, and, after her death, to his sister Sumner's 
children. Thirteen acres of it was lately sold to the city of 
Boston for the Water Reservoir, at $900 per acre, subject to 
the widow's dower, and the residue to Mr. Mortimer C. Ferris, 
for $1,100 an acre. 

On the 25 th of October, 1750, William Hyslop married Me- 
hetable, daughter of David and Elizabeth Stoddard. She died 
on the 19th of November, 1792, in the seventy-fourth year of 
her age. He survived his wife but about four years, dying on 
the 11th of August, 1796, in the eighty-third year of his age. 
William Hyslop and Mchetable his wife had five children, — 
James, William, David, Elizabeth, who was married to Gov. 
Increase Sumner, the writer's father, and Mehetable.^ 



' See Drake's Hist, of Boston, pp. 561-5G3, and notes thereto, for curious 
information relative to the smallpox in Boston, and the violent opposition to, 
and progress of, inoculation. It is a noteworthy fact, that Lady Mary Wort- 
ley Montague introduced it into England. She began with her little daughter 
Mary, afterward Lady Bute, wife of the celebrated minister of George HI., 
■who rendered himself conspicuous in advocating the measures against the colo- 
nies which brought on the Revolution. 

^ James was born 17th Sept., 1751, died 9th May, 1752; William was bom 
6th Nov., 1753, married Betsey Williams of Salomon the 11th of June, 1787, 
and died Dth July, 1792, aged 39, leaving no children; David was born 28th 



WILLIAM HYSLOP. 277 

Mr. Hyslop died possessed of a large property, which he had 
accumulated by his own industry. He was particularly observ- 
ant of the forms and ordinances of the strictest order of the 
Scotch Presbyterian church, and scrupulous in the observance 
of the principles of his religion. He was a friend and corre- 
spondent of the learned Scotch divine, John Erskine, and the 
writer has in his possession many autograph letters of that dis- 
tinguished clergyman, and also a volume of his sermons which 
the reverend doctor presented to his mother, with whom he kept 
up an interesting correspondence. He was also a friend and 
correspondent of the eminent divine and patriot, the Rev. Dr. 
Witherspoon of Princeton College, and the letters in the 
writer's possession show the intimacy and good feeling existing 
between them. 

Mrs. Hyslop was a devout and exemplary Christian, an 
amiable and affectionate wife, and very kind-hearted and atten- 
tive to all with whom she associated. A family custom comes 
to mind which recalls Mr. Hyslop and his wife ; she was in the 
habit of placing at the fire every evening at 8 o'clock, a silver 
can of port wine and water, a wine-glass of which both she 
and her husband would take before going to bed after evening 
prayers at 9 o'clock. 

Among the distinguishing traits in Mr. Hyslop's character were 
his generosity to the suffering poor, and his universal kindness 
of feeling and manner, and discreet philanthropy. He, with his 
patriotic friend, the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, were members of 
the society for propagating the gospel among the Indians, and 
in furtherance of this cause he left a large legacy to Samuel 
Kirkland, a missionary among the Indians in New York, and 
father of President Kirkland of Harvard University; he also 
increased the value of this legacy by adding to it many 
books. 

The fact that he once cut down a fine walnut tree, in order 
that the children might pick the fruit without danger to life or 
limb in climbing the tree, shows in a striking manner his tender 



Dec. 1755, and died 16th Aug. 1822; Elizabeth, born 5th Aug. 1757, and 
died 28th Dec. 1810; Mehetable, born 15th Sept. 1763, and died the same 
day. 

24 



278 HISTORY. 

regard for, and desire to please, the young. His kindness of 
feeling was singularly manifest in his treatment of the brute 
creation, and the writer recalls an anecdote which well illus- 
trates this point. He would not suffer any animal to be ill- 
treated by his servants, and even interdicted Thomas, his coach- 
man, the use of his whip upon the coach-horses, — so much so 
that they went fast or slow at their own will, and at last even 
stopped to rest at the foot of the hill which led to his own 
house. One day when they stopped in the mud at the bottom 
of this long, steep, and somewhat miry hill, Thomas said he 
could not get them along unless he gave them a good thrash- 
ing. Mr. Hyslop answered him through the front window of 
the carriage, which was let down, " Give me the reins ; then go 
to the stable and get a measure of corn and hold it before the 
horses' noses, and let them taste it and try whether the grain 
\vill not do as well as the whip. Go before them up the hill 
shaking the grain in the measure, and see if they do not follow 
you to the front door of my house, wdience, I dare say, you can 
get them to the stable without any severity, which I forbid 
under all circumstances." Thomas did as he was directed, and 
the horses unhesitatingly followed him up the hill. 

Increase Sumner, governor of Massachusetts, and husband 
of Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner, the owner of one third of Nod- 
dle's Island, was born in Roxbury, now in Norfolk county, then 
a part of Suffolk, on the 27th of November, 1746. His por- 
trait, painted when he was in the forty-seventh year of his age 
by Major John Johnson, and an engraving of which by the 
accomplished artist H. W. Smith faces the opening of this 
chapter, was taken in the robes worn by the justices of the 
supreme judicial court until about the year 1792, soon after the 
appointment of Judge Dawes to the bench. In the year 1797, 
after he was chosen governor, the portrait was retouched, and 
the hair dressed and powdered as he then wore it. The correct- 
ness of the likeness is simply but beautifully expressed in a 
note to the author from a niece of the governor, Mrs. Lucy 
Sheafe (formerly Miss Gushing), who passed many of her 
youthful days in his family. In acknowledging the receipt of 
the Memoir of Governor Sumner, which contained the likeness 



GOVERNOR INCREASE SUMNER. 281 

inserted in this volume, her feelings find expression in the 
touching words, " On opening the book the perfect likeness of 
my dear uncle filled my eyes with tears, as the book fell from 
my hands." 

Governor ' Sumner descended from a long line of worthy 
ancestry, as will be seen by the pedigree facing page 291.^ He 
united in a most happy manner all those qualities which char- 
acterize the man, the citizen, the jurist, and statesman, and 
secured for himself the esteem and confidence of all those with 
whom he associated. The rudiments of learning he acquired 
under the instruction of the late Judge William Gushing, pre- 
ceptor of the public grammar-school in Roxbury, and he was 
also the pupil of Joseph Warren, the first martyr in the cause 
of American liberty, who for a time was teacher of the same 
school.2 His father having with reluctance yielded to the per- 
suasion of his instructors to give him a classical education, he 
entered Harvard College in 1763. During the course of study 
his reputation justified the predictions of his friends, and he 
graduated with high honors in 1767. Having studied law for 
two years in the office of Samuel Quincy, an eminent barrister 
and the solicitor-general of the province, he was admitted to 



* William Sumner, the first of the family in this country, -with his wife Mary, 
settled in Dorchester, Mass., about the year 1G35 ; he was born about the \ear 
1C05, and came from Burcestcr in Oxfordshire. His father, Roger, was buried, 
and he himself was baptized, in the Church St. Edbnrg, Bicester, which was 
erected about the year 1 400 on the site and with the materials of a more an- 
cient structure built by St. Birinus. Accompanying the text is an engraving 
of this church, from a drawing taken on the spot, by Mr. H. G. Somerby, in 
1854. 

* The records of the school (page 64 of " Abstract of Ancient Records and 
other Papers of the Free Schoole in Roxburic ") state, under the date of the 
11th of April, 1760, that " Then the feofees agreed with Mr. Joseph Warren 
to take the school for one quarter of a year." And among the files of old 
papers pertaining to school matters is an autograph letter of Joseph Warren, 
dated "Boston, December, 1761," stating a balance of his salary to be due 
him, "by payment of which to my mother, or order, you will greatly oblige, 
Gentlemen, Your H. Servant 

" Joseph Wauuen." 

Following this is the receipt of his mother, dated "Roxbury, Dec. 18th, 
1761," and signed "Mary Warren." 

24* 



282 HISTORY. 

the bar in 1770, and opened liis office in Roxbury in the house 
in which his mother resided until her death. The people found 
him intelligent and worthy of confidence, and his business in 
the profession soon became important and lucrative. He was 
early called by his friends into public life, and filled various 
positions of honor and trust with eminent success. 

In 1775, in order to escape the danger from the firing of the 
enemy from his advance lines on Roxbury Neck, he moved, 
with his mother's family, to his Morgan farm in Dorchester. 
Here he grafted many trees, which are still in bearing. 

In 177G (May 22d), a period of great ditliculties and fearful 
apprehensions, he was chosen a member of the " Great and 
General Court to be Convened, held and kept, for the Govern- 
ment Service at the Meeting House in Watertown," etc.^ He 
was reelected to the same office the following year (May 14th, 
1777), and by a vote passed'on the same day held a seat in the 
convention which met that year for agreeing on a form of gov- 
ernment. As no report of the proceedings was ever made, it is 
impossible to tell the part which any one took in the delibera- 
tions. The vote by which he held his seat in this convention 
is thus recorded : " Voted to Instruct their Representative to 
joyn in the House of Representatives in One Body with the 
Council to form such a Constitution of Government as they 
shall judge Best Calculated to Promote the Happiness of this 
State and to be under Such Restrictions as are mentioned in 
a Resolve of the General Court pa-^ the 5^^ Day of May, 1777." 2 

In 1778 (May 20th), Mr. Sumner was again chosen to repre- 
sent the town at the general court. On the 10th of the follow- 



^ Roxbury Town Records, Vol. II. p. 263. Upon the same page, and as a 
part of the record of the same town meeting, is an entry which is very interest- 
ing as anticipating the Decharation of Independence, and liighly comj)limentary 
to the patriotism of the inhabitants. " Also To Know the Minds of the In- 
habitants of This Town AVhitlier they will Instruct and Advise the Persons 
chosen to Represent them in the Great and General Court, if the Honorable 
Congress should for the Safety of the said Colonys Declare them Indei)ondant 
of the King of Great Brittan, they the Said Inhabitants, will Solemnly En- 
gage with their lives and fortunes to support them in the Measures. 

" Voted and Pas<l in the Affirmative." 

* Ibid. 273. 



GOVERNOR INCREASE SUMNER. 283 

ing June, a town meeting was held (Mr. Sumner, moderator), 
" To take into consideration and determine upon a certain form 
or constitution of civil government agreed on and sent out to 
the several towns and plantations in this state for their appro- 
bation or rejection." The "form of civil government" was 
unanimously rejected, and the town passed a vote instructing 
Mr. Sumner, their representative, " to use his influence in the 
General Court that the proposed form of government be re- 
jected on account of its being introduced and acted upon at a 
very improper time, the circumstances of the country requiring 
greater attention to the means of defence than any forms of 
civil government." ^ 

Mr. Samner was again chosen representative in 1779 (May 
19th),' but at his own request was excused from serving, and 
the town passed a vote of thanks to him for his past services. 
In the following July he was appointed chairman of a com- 
mittee for " appreciating the currency, and reducing the exor- 
bitant prices of the necessaries of life ; " and in August he was 
unanimously chosen a delegate to the convention to be held at 
Cambridge "for the sole purpose of forming a Constitution." 
At a town meeting held on the 17th of May, 1780, " to take 
into consideration the Constitution and form of civil govern- 
ment lately transmitted to them by the Convention," Mr. Sum- 
ner was appointed on a committee for that purpose, and a 
report was made to the same meeting. A vote of the town 
is also recorded to the effect that the sum of twelve pounds per 
day be allowed him for his services in the convention. After 
having served his town in the house of representatives for three 
years, and being honored with a fourth election to the same 
office, which he declined, he was, in 1780, elected a senator for 
the county of Suffolk, which office he filled the two succeeding 
years by the almost unanimous choice of his constituents. 

In 1782, Mr. Sumner was elected a member of congress by 
the legislature, but never took his seat in that body. In August 
of the same year he was made an associate judge of the su- 

^ Roxbury Town Records, Vol. II. p. 284. See Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. III. 
Chap, v., for a succinct account of the constitutional conventions, and the state 
of public opinion at the time. 



284 HISTORY. 

premc judicial court. This distinction was thought by all to 
be merited. He was then only thirty-six years of age, but the 
public had confidence in his learning, integrity, and ability, and 
the court considered him an acquisition to the bench. His 
preference in 1782 for a judicial to a political office, was the 
turning-point in his pursuits in life. For the judicial office he 
proved himself to be eminently qualified, and for fourteen years 
showed himself to the public, in the words of a biographer, as 
" a dispassionate, impartial, discerning, able, and accomplished 
judge." 

In the reference to the portrait of Governor Sumner, allusion 
was made to the costume in which it was taken. The dress of 
the judges before the Revolution, and which was continued by 
them afterward, was a black silk gown worn over a full black 
suit, white bands, and a silk bag for the hair. This was worn 
by the judges in civil causes, and criminal trials, excepting 
those for capital offences. In these they wore scarlet robes 
with black velvet collars, and cuffs to their large sleeves, and 
black velvet facings to their robes. The dignified appearance 
of the judges, in either dress, made an impression upon the 
public mind of reverence for the authority of the law. The use 
of the robes was discontinued soon after the appointment of 
Judge Dawes to the bench. The judge was a man of small 
stature, of a most amiable and excellent disposition, somewhat 
of a poet, but had a slight impediment in his speech, which 
made him lisp. Dana, the chief justice, was also of small 
stature, but had a very impressive and authoritative manner. 
The chief justice took umbrage at this appointment, on account 
of what he considered the undignified appearance and utter- 
ance of Judge Dawes, and alleged that it was not for his quali- 
fications, but by the influence of his father, who was a member 
of Governor Hancock's council, that he was appointed. Soon 
after Judge Dawes took his seat upon the bench, the chief jus- 
tice came into court without his robes, while the side judges 
had theirs on. Upon their retiring to the lobby after the 
adjournment of the court. Judge Sumner remonstrated with the 
chief justice against his undignified appearance without his 
robes, and said, " If you leave yours off. Chief Justice, we shall 
ours also ; but remember what I say, if the people get accus- 



GOVERNOR INCREASE SUMNER. 285 

tomed to seeing the judges in a common dress, without their 
robes, the court will never be able to resume them." The chief 
justice, with a remark of great asperity, persisted in his deter- 
mination, and from that period the robes, which gave such dig- 
nity to the bench, were discontinued. 

In 1785, Judge Sumner was chosen by the legislature one of 
a committee to revise the laws of the commonwealth. This 
appointment was highly complimentary, inasmuch as the com- 
mittee originally consisted of the most eminent jurists in the 
State, the Hon. Francis Dana, the Hon. Samuel Dexter, and 
Theophilus Parsons, Esq. By a separate resolve of the legis- 
lature. Judge Sumner was added to that committee, which had 
been appointed the previous year. Thus was shown, in the 
most emphatic manner, the estimation in which he was held, 
and the confidence of the community in his talents and judg- 
ment. He was also a member of the Massachusetts con- 
vention which was called in 1789 for the purpose of discussing 
the federal constitution, which had been sent to the several 
States for their adoption — a question of the highest moment, 
requiring for its discussion those qualities of mind with which 
he was eminently endowed, and which fitted him to take a lead- 
ing position among the able men who sat in that body. The 
result of that convention it is needless to repeat. 

He was in favor of a restriction upon the electors in our 
State constitution, so that no person could vote unless, besides 
a year's residence in the town in which he claimed to vote, " he 
had a freehold estate in the same town of the annual income of 
three pounds, or any estate of the value of sixty pounds." 
Judge Sumner thought that if a man had some property at 
stake, he would feel its influence upon every vote he gave ; that 
the specified pecuniary qualification was low, and that the pro- 
vision was a happy medium between the restraints of aristocracy 
and the licentiousness of democracy. The decision of the ques- 
tion of the pecuniary qualification of the voters was what gave 
the government the hope of stability at its starting, and yet only 
seven years after it went into operation, Fisher Ames, among 
many others, predicted its speedy downfall. 

The writer well remembers a conversation which he heard 
between Judge Sumner, at his own gate in Roxbury, where 



286 HISTORY. 

he was dealing with a marketer, and Mr. Ames, who, on his 
way from Dediiam to Boston, frequently stopped to give the 
judge a passing word. "What's the news this morning. 
Judge ? " said he. Just then Mr. Mears, a neighbor, and at- 
tached to the tory party, as he walked by the market cart, 
inquired of the judge what he gave a pound for butter ; who 
answered, " ninepence." " Nincpence a pound for butter I nine- 
pence a pound for butter ! " repeating the words. " It did not 
use to be so in King George's day; ninepence for sixpence! 
This is your new government, is it? Ninepence a pound for 
butter! it won't last;" and repeating the words " ninepence a 
pound," jogged on, and left the judge and Mr. Ames together, 
when the latter observed, " I am somewhat of that man's mind. 
It won't last. What do you think of it, Judge ? I say it won't 
last ; at least, I fear it won't." The judge, who always took 
the bright side of things, answered, " I do not fear it. The 
machinery is complex, but it is new. Let us see how it works. 
Let us give it a fair trial, Mr. Ames." 

Some time afterward Mr. Ames stopped again, and the fol- 
lowing conversation occurred: "Well, Judge, what do you 
think of your constitution now ? " " Why, has any thing taken 
place? " "Have you not heard of the doings of the Roxbury 
town meeting yesterday? it is in the morning paper." "I 
have not seen the paper," said the judge, "what did they do?" 
"It is your own town, and surely you do not want a Dedham 
man to tell you what was done in a Roxbury town meeting. 
You will be sorry to hear, Judge, that your constitution has 
given way in the point of your greatest security. After a long 
debate, not unpremeditately, the town decided that a man has 
an estate of the value of sixty pounds, if he is able to earn that 
sum within the year." "What!" answered the judge, "with- 
out having a freehold estate, or having in possession any per- 
sonal property of that value ? " " No property at all, as I un- 
derstand it, Judge. A carpenter who owned his tools, but noth- 
ing else, and who was able to work for his living, they admit- 
ted to vote for a representative to the general court, and Gen- 
eral Heath led the majority. You see how it works. What do 
you think of it now. Judge ? " " Why," said the judge, "that 
construction never entered into any man's mind. It amounts 



GOVERNOR INCREASE SUMNER. 287 

almost to universal suffrage ; that construction of it will never 
prevail ; but if it does, brother Ames, I must say that my con- 
fidence in it is very much diminished." 

There was a great intimacy between the families of Judge 
Sumner and Judge William Gushing, whose brother married 
Judge Sumner's sister, and a pleasant and interesting corre- 
spondence was always kept up between them, and their letters 
abounded in wisdom, wit, and kind feelings. In a letter from 
Judge Sumner to Judge Gushing, dated 14th February, 1794, 
is an anecdote which will interest the reader. It is as follows : 

" I forgot to mention that Prince Edward, fourth son of 
George, the British king, is now in Boston, from Quebec, wait- 
ing a ship from Halifax to convey him to the West Indies to 
take the command of the British forces there. I have not seen 
him yet, but expect to dine in company with him to-morrow. 
Cousin Mary Gushing is now with us, on a visit, and says she 
saw him last evening at a very crowded assembly, where he 
behaved with great ease and politeness, and that he danced 
gracefully, to the entire approbation of all the ladies.^ A small 
incident he met with on the journey from Ganada, he thus re- 
lates : At a tavern, an honest New England man thus ac- 
costed him : ' Well, how do you do, sir ? and are you really the 
son of King George?' He answered that he was. 'Amazing!' 
said the man ; ' and how does your daddy do ? ' 'He w^as well,' 
said the prince, ' when I heard last from him.' ' Well, now,' 
said the honest man, ' do n't you think he was wrong in quar- 
relling with America as he did ? ' ' I do n't know but he was,' 
said the other, ' but there 's no foreseeing, at all times, how mat- 
ters will turn out.' ' True,' said the man, ' but if it had n't been 
for that plaguy quarrel, I suppose he might have been king here 
yet.' Although our honest citizen came to the point rather 
abruptly, he seemed to understand it, and, I suppose, was will- 



' The Williams journal mentions this Incident in the following language : — 
" Saturday, 15th Feb. 1794. I forgot to mention yesterday that the assembly- 
was honored by his Highness, Prince Edward, who danced with Mrs. Russell ; 
the room was much crowded to behold his honor ; his dress was very plain, and 
everybody was delighted with him." 



288 HISTORY. 

ing to let the prince philosophize upon, and dilate the principle 
he advanced, at his leisure." 

In April, 1797, Judge Sumner was elected governor of Mas- 
sachusetts. He had long been looked upon as the most promi- 
nent character to fill that high ollice, and, indeed, in 1796, be- 
fore he was a candidate, he received the spontaneous suffrages 
of a large portion of the people. The only objection was, that 
it would remove him from the supreme bench, where he had 
served the community with ability, fidelity, and usefulness* 
Out of about 25,000 votes, the whole number cast, he received 
nearly 15,000, and so acceptable was his administration, that in 
the succeeding year he received more than 17,000 out of 21,000 
votes, many towns, and some of them very large ones, giving 
him their unanimous vote. A third time he was elected to the 
gubernatorial cliair, and with an unanimity unparalleled in the 
history of state elections. He had the unanimous votes of the 
citizens of 180 towns out of 393, the whole number in the 
State, while several large and influential towns, as INew Bed- 
ford, Watertown, etc., gave him every vote but one ! and out of 
33,013 votes, the whole immber cast, he received 24,073. Dr. 
Hawks, the distinguished divine, of New York, in speaking of 
this election, remarked to the writer, that nearest to the unani- 
mous vote which was given to Washington was that of In- 
crease Sumner as governor of Massachusetts. 

It was during his administration that the new State house 
was completed. On the 11th of January, 1798, the government 
moved in procession from the old to the new State house, and 
took formal possession of it. Upon the following day, the gov- 
ernor opened the session of the legislature with a speech, in 
which he used the following appropriate language : — 

" We will, then, under the smiles of heaven, unite in dedicat- 
ing this house to the honor, freedom, independence, and securUy 
of our country. In this house may the true principles of the 
best system of civil government the world has ever seen, be 
uniformly supported. Here may every practice and principle 
be successfully opposed that tends to impair it. Here may every 
act of the legislature be the result of cool deliberation and 
sound judgment. And in this house, on all necessary occasions, 
may the supreme executive, agreeably to the laws of the land, 
in mercy cause judgment to be executed.''^ 



GOVERNOR SUMNER'S DEATH. 289 

By his coolness and firmness, and his confidence in the gen- 
eral government, he did much to support it at a time when the 
elements of our political establishments were severely tested. 
With the illustrious John Adams, who was at that time presi- 
dent of the United States, he had long been associated ; he 
loved him as a friend and kinsman, and respected him as a 
statesman. 

His last election as governor was in April, 1799 ; but he was 
unable to enter upon the duties of his office. When the gen- 
eral court met in the May following, at the commencement of 
the political year, he was languishing on a bed of sickness ; 
but the legislature having some scruples about the right of the 
fieutenant-governor to act as chief-magistrate after the death 
of the governor, without his acceptance of the office, this cere- 
mony took place in the bedchamber of the dying governor, 
who was willing to yield his last breath in the performance of 
his duty. On the 7th of June, in the fifty-third year of his age, 
he closed his life, to the unspeakable grief of an affectionate 
family and a sympathizing community. " No death (says Mr. 
Knapp, in his biographical sketches), except Washington's, was 
ever more deeply deplored in Massachusetts." ^ 

Appropriate resolutions were passed by the legislature, and 
his remains were interred with military honors, at the public 
expense, in the Granary burying-ground, in the ancestral tomb 
of the Shrimpton family. The funeral, which took place on 
the 12th of June, was attended by the president of the United 
States, and was the most solemn and imposing that had ever 
been witnessed in the Commonwealth. All classes of people 
mingled their sympathies on this mournful occasion ; business 
was suspended ; the shops were closed, and the expression of 
sorrow was everywhere visible. The officers of the militia 
dressed in uniform, with weeds, on the Sabbaths, and badfires 



* The Williams Journal, kept on Noddle's Island, of which Governor Sumner, 
in the right of his wife, owned one third, under date of the 7th of June, sajs^ 
"At one o'clock, all the bells in Boston rung and tolled for the death of Gov- 
ernor Sumner, who died this morning, about 11. Ilis death is greatly lamented 
by everybody ; three years last Monday since he was elected Governor ; his 
age 53." 

25 



290 HISTORY. 

of respect for the memory of the deceased were generally worn 
for forty days.^ 

Gov. Sumner, in his last sickness (the fatal termination of 
which occurred during the writer's last year at college, and pre- 
vented him from performing the part assigned to him at com- 
mencement), as he was lying upon his bed the third day after 
he was seized, anticipating that he should never rise from it, 
called his son to him and said, " William, I do not intend to 
make a will; and as I conceive that sons should have some 
preference over daughters, I intend to give you an outright deed 
of the Morgan farm in Dorchester. He then asked for a pen, 
ink, and a blank deed. A blank not being readily found, he 
wrote with a trembling hand as he sat up in bed on paper 
placed upon a folio law-book which he called for, a deed to his 
son of the Morgan farm in Dorchester and the fresh meadow 
connected therewith, of a pew in the Dorchester meeting-house, 
and also of upland and marsh at Leeds's neck. This gift was 
not to be considered as an advancement out of his estate. 
Fearing the result of his sickness, he was anxious that the deed 
should be speedily executed, and requested his son to go for 
Justice Ruggles, that it might be at once acknowledged, which 
being done, he delivered it to his son for record.^ 



* The Williams Journal, from "vvhicli we have just quoted, says, under date of 
the 12th of June: " Papa, Mamma, Mrs. Huscton, Catherine Thomas, went 
over early, as Governor Sumner is to be buried this day. Papa attended his 
funeral iom Roxbury ; it proceeded from his house at one o'clock, with mili- 
tary escort, to the new State house, where it was joined by a large number of 
people ; the corpse was then carried to the Old South meefing-house, where an 
excellent sermon was delivered by Dr. Thacher, and thence to the place of in- 
terment, as they have a tomb at the Granary Burying-Ground ; dined with 
Betsey S. ; from there to Mrs. Coffin's, to see the procession ; — the largest con- 
course of people ever known on such an occasion ; upwards of thirty thousand ; 
the bells all tolled from one till six o'clock." 

* Gov. Sumner gave a warranty deed of the Morgan farm to his son, sup- 
posing it to be free from all incumbrances; but when the writer went one 
day to look at the premises, he found that Benjamin Glover had erected a 
building upon one of the most valuable sites on the farm, and, when requested 
to move it, Mr. Glover said that the ancient proprietor had given to him a deed 
of a lot forty feet square for the purpose of having a blacksmith's shop erected 
near him, and this title he had bought. The writer was obliged to purchase 




^ » 4 ^ 



Fold-out 
Placeholder 



Jt is being digitized, and will be inserted at 
future date. 



ofJJicester, in the County of 0x1 

r.ruvoa at Oxford, 22 March, !• 

churchyard, at 15 



oulv sou and heir; ban. in Sj 

came to Dorchester, New E 

Roger, and Geoi 



Wilham, 
born in Engiland; married 
Elizabeth dau. of Augus- 
tine Clement, of Dorches- 
ter, Mass. ; had 10 children. 
He is the suj)posed ances- 
tor of David H. Sumner, of 
Hartland, Vt. 



Roger, 
bap. at Bicester, 8 Aug. 16i 
Mary, dau. of Thomas and 1 
ca Josselyn, of Hingham, 
had seven children. He ' 
supposed ancestor of Hon. (" 
Sumner, and of Col. E(l\ 
Sumner, of U. S. Army. 1 
iu Milton, Mass., 26 May, 



Mary, 

born 11 Feb. 

1663-4 ; married 

Swinerton; 

had a child 
Ruth. 

Edward, Elizabeth, 

born born 

10 July, 30 April, 
1702. and died 
lii .Inne, 
1704. 



George, 
born 9 Feb. 1066; d. in 1733; 
m. Ann Tucker of Roxbury; 
had 9 children. Rev. Joseph 
Sumner, D. D. of Shrewsbury 
was of this branch. 



born 
supp 
been 
expe 



I 
•John, 
born 1 Aug. 1705 ; grad. Harv. 
Col. 1723 ; married Susannah 
Stevens, 20 Nov. 1729; mar. 
2d, Jedidah Smith. He was a 
Justice of C. C. P. for Dukes . ., 
Co., and resided at Edgartown, Susai 
Mass. Bv his first wife he had tlie 1 
two children, Susannah, and dent 
Deacon Samuel of Roxbury. 
He died in December, 1787. 



born 
m. Be 
ton, •' 
He wi 
B.. 



Sarah, = Ebenezer 



b. 3 Jan. 
1737. 



Davis, of 

Brookline; 

m. 19 Aug. 

1766. 



Susannah, 
b. 24 May, 
1740; died 

27 April, 
1742. 



Sarah, 


Ebenezer, Incr 


m. Na- 


father ot 


thaniel 


Thomas 


Win- 


Aspinwall 


ches- 


Davis, 


ter. 


who was T 




mavor of 




Boston in 




1S45, and 




died the 




same vear. 



Susannah, 

b. 22 May, 

1742; died 

3 June, 

1742. 

Elizabeth. Mar 



WiLLiAJi Hyslop, b 

Married 1st, Mary Ann Perry, 

" 2d, Maria F. Greenov 

" 3d, Mary D- Kemble, 



GOVERNOR SUMNER'S CHARACTER. 291 

In person, Governor Sumner was attractive and commanding. 
He was a portly man, erect in stature, five feet eleven inches in 
height, and weighed about two hundred and fifty pounds.^ His 
countenance was remarkable for composure, and was often 
lighted up with a smile of peculiar sweetness. This expression 
of countenance is well represented in the portrait which accom- 
panies this sketch. Many a young practitioner at the bar has 
borne testimony to the pleasure and relief he felt, when he was 
addressing the court in fear and trembling, in catching the kind 
looks of Judge Sumner, — looks of encouragement and protec- 

tbc laud, and the frame which had been erected upon it, which he subsequently 
finished as a dwelling-house. His first tenant was John Ward Gurley, who 
married the daughter of the wine-merchant, William Stackpole. Mr. Gurley 
was a man of elegant personal appearance, and was appointed, under Jefferson, 
the first district attorney of Louisiana after its purchase, and was killed in a 
duel in 1807. He left a beautiful daughter, who afterwards married Major 
Joseph Grafton, of the army. 

* He derived his fine physical development from his father, a respected cit- 
izen of Roxbury, who by his industry subdued his paternal acres, and left 
considerable property. Never was there a man better calculated for the sturdy 
labors of a j'eoman than Increase Sumner, father of the governor. He had 
all double teeth, and y ^ 

which was kept in tone 

by regularity and good habits. ]Many instances of his wonderful feats of 
strength were related by his contemporaries in his native place. Among the 
traditionary anecdotes, it is said that he was once driving a loaded ox-team 
from Roxbury to his Morgan farm in Dorchester, and when going up Clewley's 
hill (then a steep hill about half-way between his home and his ]\Iorgan farm, 
but now very much reduced in height), the bow of the " near ox" broke, and 
the load began to go backward. He quickly seized the end of the yoke from 
which the ox had escaped, and calling out lustily to the " off ox," " Go on ! go 
on ! " they two drew the load up the hill. 

On the occasion of raising the bell to the belfry of the Roxbury meetiug- 
liouse, near which it lay upon the ground, the workmen endeavored to lift it 
up, in order to put skids underneath. They found this diflicult to do, when 
Mr. Sumner took hold of the bell with one hand and tipped it upon its side so 
that they could accomplish their object. At another time, in a trial of strength, 
he took hold of one side of a deer-skin, and three men of the other. He over- 
came their united efforts, and drew them toward himself. 

Mr. Sumner died on the 28th of November, 1774. 

Further information regarding the ancestry of Governor Sumner will be 
seen in the pedigree opposite. 



292 HISTORY. 

tion which never disappointed the young advocate. This 
characteristic of Mr. Sumner is alluded to in a beautiful letter 
from Daniel Davis, late solicitor-general, and which is inserted 
at length in the Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. 
VIII. p. 124. Says Mr. Davis, " I loved and venerated Gov- 
ernor Sumner as a father and friend. The recollections of his 
kindness and condescension to me while he was on the bench, 
and I a young man struggling for my bread, without money, 
patronage, or education, will never be effaced from a grateful 
heart." In his manners he was polite and unassuming. He 
never compromised or lost his dignity in any place or circle, 
even in the moments of his greatest familiarity. His mind was 
naturally strong, and its various powers were well balanced. 
He was remarkably free from every thing which had the appear- 
ance of party spirit or rancor. His candor and moderation 
were known to all men. He possessed an unusual degree of 
self command. Divesting himself of prejudice and passion, he 
examined with deliberation and impartiality, and decided with 
rectitude and wisdom. His cool and dispassionate temper re- 
flects more honor on his memory, inasmuch as it was less the 
effect of a peculiarly happy temperament than of moral disci- 
pline and culture, and the benign influence of religiovis princi- 
ple. Humility without meanness, the incontestable proof of a 
superior mind, was a distinguishing trait in his character. Al- 
though raised to the highest dignity it was in the power of the 
citizens of the Commonwealth to bestow, he was never sus- 
pected of employing any unworthy arts to gain the popular 
favor, nor of obtruding himself on the public as a candidate 
for places of power and trust. Possessed of a considerable 
property, he was enabled to maintain a style of life in accord- 
ance with the generous and social qualities of his heart, and to 
support the dignity of his station as governor; and in the hospi- 
tality becoming a chief-magistrate, and the maintenance of the 
dignity of the government, he devoted much larger sums than 
his mere salary would have afforded. The comparatively quiet 
and sedentary labors of the chief-magistrate of the State, and 
the necessary routine of public ceremonies attendant upon that 
office, were in great contrast with the active exercise to which 

in his position as judge. 



GOVERNOR SUMNER'S RELIGIOUS BELIEF. 293 

Aware that care was necessary to prevent the injurious effects 
which would naturally follow such a change in his manner of 
life, he intended to fit up a farm which he owned in Southboro' 
as a place of retirement, where, away from the business and 
cares of public life, he could enjoy the comforts of a quiet coun- 
try home. But his death prevented the accomplishment of this 
object. 

He was a member of the American Academy of Arts and 
Sciences, and president, for many years, of the board of trustees 
of the Roxbury grammar-school, in which he had received his 
education. 

In early life, and about the time he entered on the practice 
of the law, he made a public profession of Christianity, and 
became a m.ember of the Congregational church and society of 
the Rev. Br. Porter, in Roxbury. He was impressed with an 
habitual sense of the truths of religion, and of the importance of 
its institutions. The temptations of affluence and the blandish- 
ments of polished life did not, as too frequently happens, un- 
settle his principles and corrupt his morals, and thus make ship- 
wreck of faith and a good conscience ; but he held fast his 
integrity to the end, and was justly esteemed an exemplary 
member of the church. 

Dr. Porter, who visited him by his request at the time of his 
sickness, when he appeared to have the full exercise of his rea- 
son, and to be apprehensive that his departure was near, thus 
relates a part of his conversation in his excellent funeral dis- 
course : — 

" A dying bed," he said, " is not the place for one to begin to 
attend to his religion and prepare for another world. I have 
not been unmindful of these concerns. I have thought much 
of them. The more I have reflected on the subject of religion, 
the more has my mind been settled and confirmed in its reality 
and importance. I am sensible that many infirmities and errors 
have attended me; but I trust I have the testimony of my con- 
science to the general rectitude of my views and conduct in 
life." 

" At a subsequent period,^' says Dr. Porter, " on the conclu- 
sion of the office of devotion performed at his request, he said, 
25* 



294 HISTORY. 

with a gesture and emphasis the impression and emphasis of 
which I shall not easily lose, ^ I am resigned.^ " 

Thus ended the mortal career of an exemplary magistrate 
and citizen, whose conduct and example made an indeUble im- 
pression upon the community, and whom his fellow-citizens 
delighted to honor while living, and sincerely mourned when 
dead. 

It has been the writer's peculiar pleasure to receive many let- 
ters from contemporaneous friends and acquaintances of Gov. 
Sumner, to whom the memoir of his life was sent, containing 
most gratifying testimonials to his character, and interesting 
recollections of his private and public life. From these, two 
are selected for insertion here, which present beautiful pictures 
of Gov. Sumner's private life, and the love and respect which 
he uniformly secured from the youth, who were delighted by his 
attentions and won by his kindness. 

Says Moses Williams, Esq., an honored citizen of West Rox- 
bury, in a letter to the author : " I received your kind note, and 
with it a beautifully engraved portrait and a memoir of the late 
Governor Sumner, also Reminiscences by yourself. I have 
read every word with real interest, and I would express to you 
my thanks for this token of remembrance and regard. 

" The portrait was particularly interesting to me, because it 
brought fresh to my mind my early remembrance of your father. 
The first school I attended was Ma'am Johnson's. Her house 
was next to your father's, and as I passed his premises in going 
to school, I frequently saw him with his large cocked hat and 
blue cloak trimmed with scarlet velvet, walking for exercise in 
his beautiful front yard, always as neat as a good wife's parlor 
floor, and shaded by beautiful English walnut trees. One day, 
seeing your father thus walking, and noticing that a few ripe 
walnuts had fallen, I walked into the yard, and asked if he 
would give them to me. He did not know me ; but he gave his 
permission with so kind a reply, that, though nearly sixty years 
have passed and I then only five or six years old, I have never 
forgotten it. How strange that we should remember such little 
acts of kindness through our whole lives, when great favors are 
often soon forgotten. 



REMINISCENCES OF GOVERNOR SUMNER. 295 

" Your father had great dignity of manner and appearance, 
and perhaps the impression was stronger on this account ; but I 
remember that his reply was as kind and gentle as that of a 
mother to her child." 

The other letter referred to is from David C. Poignand, Esq., 
who says : " My infant recollections of your honored father 
have been called up by the perusal of ' A Memoir of his Excel- 
lency, Increase Sumner, late Governor of Massachusetts,' and I 
dwell with great satisfaction on my reminiscences of that good 
man. 

" You will remember, that, during the period that your father 
filled the gubernatorial chair, our family occupied the house 
adjoining his mansion in Roxbury. My earliest recollections 
are of his family; of walks in the garden, around parterres 
bordered with box, clinging to his finger in aid of my tottering 
steps ; of being carried by his black servant CufF to ' the Gov- 
ernor ; ' of the delight I always experienced on these occasions, 
and of the rebuke (the propriety of which I could not under- 
stand) that I received from my mother on my return for not 
first having my hair or apron arranged. 

" That your father was a good man I want no other assur- 
ance than the impression he made on me ; for I have observed 
through life, that children are admirable judges of the heart, and 
all the children around him gave him their affection and love. 

" I was just turned of six when he sustained his last, linger- 
ing attack of illness. I listened to every report, and it has been 
a matter of surprise to myself since how minutely I have re- 
tained the impression of surrounding persons and objects during 
that agitating period. The grief that I felt when he died, when 
I was told that I should see him no more, is fresh in my mind. 
The funeral pomp interested me ; but I stole aw^ay during its 
progress to indulge my thoughts in quiet. 

" To my little eyes he appeared of colossal size, and his face 
always beamed with benignity as I peered into it. My father 
and mother, in my after-life, when reference was made to your 
parents, always expressed for them the highest respect and con- 
sideration. 

" The century in which he passed his honorable and useful 
life closed with that year which records the mourning for his 



296 HISTORY. 

death and the death of the Father of his country. You and I 
have advanced deep into the succeeding century. We have 
witnessed marvels of progress in science and art; intellect seems 
to have been stimulated to its utmost, but have the affections 
been kept as warm, as fresh ? has the heart been kept as holy 
as in the days of our youth and infancy ? I fear not ; and I 
think I would now look around me in vain for an example of 
an illustrious citizen solacing his leisure with endearing atten- 
tions to children, not of his blood, as did your distinguished 
father." 

Other letters might be added, but lack of room will not per- 
mit ; and those above given are sufficient to recall that kindness 
of heart, gentleness of manner, and winning deportment, which 
so eminently characterized him, and made him loved and re- 
spected by the old and the young. 

Such, in few words, was the life and character of Governor 
Sumner.i Fulfilling with ability and conscientious rectitude 
all the various duties devolving upon him in private and public 
life, and exemplifying in his character those qualities which 
mark the Christian statesman and patriot, he is held in grateful 
remembrance by all who have followed him. 

This notice cannot be closed more appropriately than by 
copying the inscription upon the monument erected to his 
memory in the Granary burying-ground, which is seen from the 
windows of the Athenteum, and which was written by the eru- 
dite Samuel L. Knapp, Esq. A cut of the monument is upon 
the next leaf. 



* The reader is referred to the Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. 
Vin. p. 105, for a fuller sketch of the life of Gov. Sumner, and for the geneal- 
ogy of the Sumner family. 



" Here repose the remains 
of 

INCREASE SUMNEE. 

[He -was] 
Born at Roxbury, November 27th, 1746. 

[and] 

Died at tlie same place, June 7tb, 1 799. 

[In the 53d year of bis age.] 

He "was for some time a practitioner at the bar ; 

And for fifteen years an Associate Judge of the Supreme Judicial Court ; 

Was thrice elected Governor of Massachusetts, 

In which office he died. 

As a Lawyer, he was faithful and able : 

As a Judge, patient, impartial, and decisive : 

As a Chief Magistrate, accessible, frank, and independent. 

In private life, he was affectionate and mild ; 
In publick life, he was dignified and firm. 

Party feuds were allayed by the correctness of his conduct ; 

Calumny was silenced by the weight of his virtues ; 

And rancour softened by the amenity of his manners. 

In the vigour of intellectual attainments 

And in the midst of usefulness, 

He was called by Divine Providence 

To rest with his fathers : 

And went down, to the chambers of Death, 

In the full belief that the grave 

Is the pathway to future existence. 

As in life he secured the suffrages of the free, 

And was blessed with the approbation of the wise. 

So in death he was honored by the tears of the patriotick, 

And is held in sweet remembrance 

By a discerning and affectionate people. 

Discite viriutem ex hoc, verwnque lalorem." 



300 HISTORY. 

Elizabeth Sumner, wife of Governor Sumner, a lithograph of 
whom, from an original portrait by Johnson, is on the opposite 
page, was born on the 5th of August, 1757. She was the only 
daughter of William Hyslop, Esq., then of Boston, and after- 
ward of Brookline, and was a woman of great intelligence, of 
a remarkably amiable character, and of attractive personal 
beauty. From her mother she inherited one sixth of the Nod- 
dle's Island estate in fee, and subsequently became possessed 
of one sixth more of the fee of the same property from her aunt, 
Mrs. Chauncy. The particulars of her life and character need 
not be minutely detailed, for although those virtues which 
adorn female character were most beautifully exemplified in 
her, yet there were no remarkable incidents in her honored life 
which demand the especial notice of the biographer. 

She was first betrothed to the Rev. John Hunt, colleague of 
the Rev. John Bacon, pastor of the Old South church in Bos- 
ton ; but this relation was broken off by his death, from pul- 
monary consumption, on the 20th December, 1775. On the 
30th of September, 1779, she was married to Increase Sumner, 
then a member of the legislature from Roxbury. It is an 
interesting fact, that she always preserved her friendly connec- 
tion with the family of the Rev. Mr. Hunt ; and his sister, who 
married Samuel Henshaw, Esq., of North Hampton, was 
through life her most intimate friend. As the wife of the chief- 
magistrate of the Commonwealth, she distinguished herself by 
her dignified presence, and by the ease, grace, and entire pro- 
priety with which she fulfilled every duty, at home or abroad, 
and no one could more acceptably have filled the station of a 
governor's lady than she. Highly esteemed and respected 
abroad, loved and honored at home, she was a noble example 
of the valued friend and acquaintance, and the Christian wife 
and mother. Numerous instances come to mind in which her 
kindness and benevolence were manifested. She gave to CufF, 
her servant and the son of a slave, .£100, which the writer ex- 
pended in building him a house on " Tommy's Rocks," where 
it is still standing; she also enjoined upon the author to give 
£300 to the Female Asylum, evincing in this, as in other 
instances, a thoughtful consideration for worthy objects of 
charity. 




[^®. [SLOl/aiiE'irKl ©OJIIiilKKllK^c 



MRS. ELIZABETH SUMNER. 801 

Mrs. Sumner continued to live in the mansion-house in Rox- 
bury until 1806, when she removed to a hired house on Bow- 
doin street, Boston. She subsequently purchased a house in 
Beacon street, at the corner of Spruce street, where Peter Parker, 
Esq., now lives, and here she resided with her family until her 
death, which took place- on the 28th December, 1810. Two 
motives induced her to move into the city. One was that her 
son had entered into the practice of law there, and it would be 
much more pleasant, as well as more convenient, to live in 
Boston, where the small family could be kept together. The 
other was that the estate of fourteen acres opposite the house 
in Roxbury, and since called the Dudley land, together with 
another on the Tremontroad of a like quantity, which her father 
had ordered to be purchased and given to her husband and her- 
self, in joint-tenancy, and which, of course, became her own 
upon Gov. Sumner's death, was recovered of her in a lawsuit 
by the tenant in tail, Joseph Dudley. His entry into the land 
opposite her mansion-house, the cutting down of the trees which 
her husband had assiduously cultivated, the opening of public 
streets through it, and the dividing it into house lots, so de- 
stroyed the beauty of the place, that it was a strong motive to 
induce her to quit the estate, and sell the mansion-house in 
which she had lived all her married life.^ 



^ The estate descended to Paul, tlie son of Gov. Dudley, in fee-tail. Paul 
•was the Chief Justice of Massachusetts ; and his name will be remembered so 
long as the mllc-stones stand which, inscribed with his initials, he erected in 
the year 1 735, on the main road from Boston to Dedham. Thomas, the eldest 
son of Paul, became the tenant in tail. He had several children, but his 
brother Joseph had none, and wished him to move to the paternal estate and 
keep up the style of the family. Thomas, whose habits were those of a rough 
farmer, declined doing this, professing not to be able to take charge of the 
establishment in the way desired by his brother, and told Joseph, that, if he 
insisted upon his residing there and supporting the ancient manner of living, 
he should put his oxen into the governor's carriage instead of the family 
horses. Joseph urged the matter, and Thomas tried the experiment ; and to 
show his contempt for ceremony or style, actually told his coachman to yoke 
his oxen into the family carriage, and then getting into it, ordered him to drive 
to Woods' the pewterer, in Roxbury street, where he bought a pewter cider 
mug, and then directed him to " Gee round" and return home. This created 
so great a lauirh. and threw so much ridicule on the family honors, that 

26 



302 HISTORY. 

A warm and affectionate remembrance of a mother's piety 
and many virtues induces the author to make extracts from a 
letter written by her to him about the time of his reaching his 
majority, and wiiich will illustrate her character better than 
many pages of eulogy, while the sentiments therein expressed 
have lost none of their value or appropriateness by the lapse of 
time since they were penned. 

" My dear, VEiiY DEAR SoN, — I fcel happy in having an op- 
portunity at last to write you a friendly letter. You are now 
just entering on the stage of life ; you have spectators on every 
side ; you are to consider them as watching your conduct at all 
times to see how far you will bear a comparison with your late 
universally much loved and respected father. They wish you 
to make good, as far as possible, his place. My ardent desire 
is to have them gratified ; and the warmest affection that ever 
glowed in a parent's breast, with the purest motives, the strong- 
Joseph told him if he would exchange he would give hira the good farm in 
the woods (the same one on which the Rev. Mr. Bradford lived), and take 
the family mansion himself. This exchange was accordingly made, and in 
order to execute the intent, the entail was broken in favor of Joseph, who 
occupied the mansion-house and the land in question. The house was situated 
at the corner of the street where the Universalist meeting-house now stands. 
When Boston was occupied by the British, the brick walls which fenced the 
house from the street on both sides made a part of the line of defence, which 
was continued by a breastwork which ran up the hill toward the meeting-house. 
This was done through fear that the enemy might come out of Boston, and 
march through Roxbury street to take the fort on the highlands in the rear, 
from which the first gun was fired against the town of Boston Avhen it was be- 
sieged. 

Joseph died without any children, and entailed the estate back to Thomas 
and his children, to descend in the same manner as if the entail had not been 
broken. This seems not to have been known, as all the family, and the ad- 
ministrators, considered that the estate tall having been broken in favor of 
Joseph, and he having no children, the estate would descend to Thomas and 
his heirs in fee-simple. These circumstances occurring within the knowledge 
of the administrators, the purchaser, and the neighbors, the records were not 
examined, and of course Joseph's will devising the estate back in tail to 
Thomas's children was undiscovered until Joseph, the tenant in tail and grand- 
son of Thomas, ascertained such to be the case, and as tenant in tail recovered 
from Mrs. Sumner the estate, notwithstanding his father had mortgaged it with 
warranty in fee-simple. 



MRS. SUMNER'S ADVICE TO HER SON. 303 

est desire to have you continue to merit their esteem and appro- 
bation in every situation you are in, or may be placed in, in life, 
is what alone induces me to write you at this time. 

" Perhaps you will say, why do you give yourself the trouble ? 
I have arrived at the age of manhood ; I am capable of acting 
and doing right without advice; lam free also, and shall act 
as I think fit. But I check myself. I will not suppose your 
good sense, or your affection for me, will suffer you to treat the 
advice of a tender parent with contempt, or even with indiffer- 
ence. Therefore I go on, and shall endeavor to give you a few 
hints, which may be useful to you in first setting out in life. 

" The most important thing is to fix your religious principles. 
Upon them let every thing be founded, always bearing in mind 
the presence of the great God, to whom you must render an 
account of all your actions, sooner or later. You must be sen- 
sible that you have great cares committed to your trust. You 
are not only a brother, but a guardian, to your sisters ; you 
must act, in some instances, like a parent to them ; they will 
look to you for advice and protection, even while I live ; and 
when my eyes are closed in death, and my tongue is silent, to 
whom have they to look, but to you? You must be brother, 
guardian, and friend ; therefore, be ever kind and affectionate 
towards them ; and let your words be mild, and your construc- 
tions favorable, that harmony may be continually with you all. 

" I have determined, my dear child, to speak freely, and not 
only to give you hints, but cautions. I do not mean to wound 
your feelings in any instance, if I can avoid it ; neither have I 
an idea of making any apology for what I have said or shall 
say. I am your parent, and have a perfect right to do so, and 
my conscience tells me it is my duty. The trust you have 
taken will naturally give you some trouble. Difficulties will 
arise sometimes from small circumstances, which care and pru- 
dence may overcome. But there is one difficulty you, with 
your strong propensity to become rich, will have to overcome : 
I mean temptation. Take pains to keep every circumstance 
respecting your sisters' portions clear and plain ; it will then be 
easy to close accounts when they are of age. No one is per- 
fect. I have my imperfections and foibles ; so have you. It is 
a friendly but unpleasant task to point them out. You will, if 



304 HISTORY. 

you are disposed, perhaps, have sometimes an opportunity to 
convert the interest of your sisters' property to your ow/i use, 
without calling it your own, and in time it may become so 
blended as not without trouble to distinguish it from yours, es- 
pecially if they remain single, and you have it for a great 
length of time. It is an undoubted fact, that there have been 
instances where the minor has been at small expense, not equal 
to his or her interest, and yet the guardian has labored to prove 
the contrary. In consequence of such management, and other 
unjust doings, the minor's interest will lessen, or will not accu- 
mulate, as it would by a just, prudent, and wise management 
of it.^ The love of self is natural to all ; some discover more 
than others; but let me earnestly and sincerely entreat you 
never to do any thing which is not strictly honest, just, fair, and 
upright; then you will have true riches, which cannot take to 
themselves wings and fly away. You will then have sweet 
peace of mind, and a clear conscience. What can exceed this ! 
I am not disinterested in what I am now writing ; no, I am not. 
Upon your reputation and prosperity in life, my son, my only 
son, my greatest happiness or misery will arise. You are 
young, tlierefore cannot know much of the world from experi- 
ence. Still you have advantages over many of your years. 
You have had the advice of one of the best of fathers; he fre- 
quently spoke to me of the conversation he had with you, and 
the advice he gave you on different subjects, which you doubt- 
less recollect. But what must, most of all, impress your mind, 
is a recollection of what he said to you on his death-bed — 
' William, I hope you will endeavor to do as well as I have 
done, and as nmch better-as possible. They will be looking at 
you.' 

" My opportunities of knowing, and my experiences, com- 
pared with his, are small. Still, they may be, if kindly received, 
of advantage to you. 

"After fixing your religious principles as the foundation of 
every good, then lay down some rules of conduct for life, and 
endeavor to abide by them. Let the first be with regard to the 



^ See p. 25, for the manner in which the author carried out the wishes of his 
mother. 



MRS. STT^rXER'S ADVICE TO HER SON. 305 

Sabbath; this one day out of seven consider as holy time — 
time not your own, to be spent in mirth and pleasure, or idle 
company. Reading God's word, religious books, and serious 
reflections, should be the work of the day. If this day is not 
improved in this way, it is not in the least likely that another 
day in the week will be. I ask, then, what will become of those 
poor souls who do not allow themselves time for reflection ? A 
sick-bed is perhaps the time they allot for that purpose ; but, 
who is there that knows whether they will die of sickness? 
We are all liable to accidents and sudden death. In sickness, 
the pain and distress of the body occupies all the thoughts, and 
disorders the mind. Trust not the morrow, for we know not 
what a day may bring forth. We may be well at meeting on 
one Sunday ; the next may find us in our graves. What can 
be more necessary than reflection ? Without it, who can tell if 
his conscience approves or disapproves ? To think well on the 
past, and seriously on what is to come, is the duty of reasona- 
ble and immortal creatures, such as we are. You know I am 
not a rigid observer of the Sabbath ; no, my conscience tells 
me, to my sorrow, that I am not enough so. I do not wish you 
to be so very strict as to fix it as an invariable rule never to see 
a friend on that day at home, or abroad. Circumstances alter 
cases. A practice of either is what I want you to avoid. One 
habit creeps on after another. If you are in company, you 
must drink, laugh, and be merry, to be thought good company, 
and insensibly you will be tempted to do what your conscience, 
upon reflection, disapproves and condemns. Keep the day for 
the work of the day. 

" That you may always be punctual in all your avocations, 
have sufficient and proper time for the business of the week, 
without hurry or confusion. I advise you to be determined, 
never, when in health, to be in bed at one time more than six 
hours in summer, and seven or eight in winter. This will give 
you time, before you enter upon the hurry and business of the 
day, to offer up grateful thanks in a sincere manner to God, for 
the mercies of the night, also to pray for his protection and 
blessing throughout the day. W^hat can be more reasonable 
than the practice of this indispensable duty? Temporal favors 
are to be gratefully received, but more especially the spiritual 
26* 



306 HISTORY. 

gift of his only son, Jesus Christ, through whom we are to ex- 
pect everlasting salvation. 

" To be respected and promoted by the good and great, you 
must be particular in the choice of company. You have ob- 
served what a difference there is in it. With some persons you 
are entertained, improved, and instructed ; in other circles, he 
who can joke, laugh loud, talk on trifles, drink his bottle, and 
smoke, is thought a clever fellow. Bad habits are fixed insen- 
sibly ; therefore avoid those who drink as much as their head 
will bear. By being always temperate you will have an advan- 
tage over those who are not, and will avoid ridicule. In con- 
versation, endeavor to be well informed on your subject; cool, 
collected, correct, sensible, and, before superiors, modest. 

" Perhaps, before many years, you may think of being con- 
nected with some female. This will be a very important affair 
for life; upon a judicious choice, then, your happiness will de- 
pend. I will (against a time of need) mention a few requisites 
in the choice of a companion : good sense, sound understand- 
ing, a serious, well-improved mind, good disposition, respectable 
connections. If your judgment, with fancy, will lead you, 
in proper time, to such a lady, I think you will have good rea- 
son to expect domestic pleasure, such as would probably be 
lasting. 

" In giving you this advice, these hints and cautions, I have 
discharged a duty which has long laid with great weight upon 
my mind. Accept it, therefore, as a friendly gift ; for sure I am, 
I never could die in peace without doing it. 

" I shall now conclude, wishing that you may be to me ever 
dutiful, affectionate, and kind, that you may obtain the promise 
of long life. May heaven shower down blessings upon you, 
and God be with you and direct you in all your ways, is the 
sincere and ardent wish of your very affectionate mother. 

"E. S.» 

To the answer which was returned to this letter, Mrs. Sum- 
ner sent the following reply : — 

" My DEAR Sox, — I received great joy and satisfaction in 
being informed that your sentiments on the difl'erent subjects I 



DAVID HYSLOP. 307 

wrote upon were similar to mine. I am also highly gratified 
with the proof you have given of a wise son, who, Solomon 
says, will receive the instruction of his mother. Though I must 
say you have gone rather far in your conclusions, and your in- 
ferences are not quite just, I will not be particular ; I am in 
haste to say that I take great pleasure in giving credit where it 
is due, and freely own that you have great merit for many 
things. Your application to business, and readiness to assist in 
the cares of the family, especially your attention, anxiety, and 
care of me, when sick, is another thing which attaches you 
more strongly to me. And, generally speaking, your conduct 
has not only met with my approbation, but applause. Be as- 
sured I am ever ready to advise, encourage, and assist you in 
every thing that may be foi* your good. With great sincerity I 
can say, that the pleasure and happiness of my children is my 
grand object in life ; and I shall ever pray for the prosperity of 
you all in this life, and, above all, for your salvation and happi- 
ness in the world to come. 

" I conclude, after wishing that peace, harmony, and affection 
may be with us all through the various changing scenes of life. 
That every blessing may attend you, is the wish of your affec- 
tionate mother. E. S." 

The children of Increase and Elizabeth Sumner were Wil- 
liam Hyslop (the writer), Mehetable Stoddard, formerly the wife 
of Benjamin Welles, of Boston, and now deceased, and Eliza, 
wife of James W. Gerard, Esq., of New York. 

David Hyslop, the son of William and Mehetable Hyslop, 
and the owner of one sixth of Noddle's Island, was born on 
the28thof Dec, 1755. 

When a youth, he ( X ^^ 

fell down the kitchen r^^^^^ ^^^/^ 
stairs which led to / ^^ 

the cellar, and broke 

his leg, which, from lack of proper medical attention, made him 
a cripple for life ; he also had an impediment in his speech. 



308 HISTORY. 

Notwithstanding his infirmities, Elizabeth Stone, of Concord, 
Mass., married him in Sej)tember, 1793. He had no children 
by this marriage. After the death of Mrs. Hyslop, which took 
place at York, Maine, 6th June, 1808, he was persuaded by 
Joseph Woodward, who had been a servant of his uncle 
Chauncy, to marry his amiable and comely daughter. All his 
friends advised him against this connection, both on account 
of his infirmities and the discrepancy of their ages, he being 
two years more than double her age of twenty-one years. Not- 
withstanding this, however, he married Miss Jane Woodward, 
on the 9th of October, 1809. 

By this second marriage he had several children, David, Jane, 
Mehetable Stoddard, and Mary Ann.^ The two latter died in 
infancy, but David and Jane survived their father. Jane died 
under age, soon after her father's decease. Her brother was 
thus left sole heir to his father's property with the exception of 
the homestead in Brookline, which Mr. Hyslop devised to his 
sister's (Mrs. Sumner's) children, subject to his widow's life- 
estate. David died just before his majority, and his mother, 
being his next of kin, inherited her husband's undevised estate, 
the whole of which, by her second marriage to John Hayden, 
passed out of Mr. Hyslop's family, which brought it. 

Mr. Hyslop died on the 16th of August, 1822, aged 67. He 
was a devout Calvinist. During the whole course of his life he 
made it a part of his duty to attend the Thursday lecture in 
Boston ; his first wife usually accompanied him into town on 
those days, but while he was at the lecture she was at the cir- 
culating library, selecting novels and other books for the week's 
reading. He also attended all the ordinations, councils, min- 
isters' meetings, and religious gatherings within his reach, and 
although of a retiring, modest temperament, honored the relig- 
ion he professed. The first Mrs. Hyslop was a kind and 
attentive wife. His second was in no way distinguished but 

^ David, born 27tli October, 1810, and died 29tli September, 1831 ; Jane, 
born 4th January, 1814, and died 13th September, 1823; Mehetable Stod- 
dard, lorn nth of February, 1817, and died 15th June, 1818; Mary Ann, 
born 30th July, 1818, and died 11th February, 1819. — (Sumner Genealogy.) 



DAVID HYSLOP. 309 

by her attractive appearance, amiable disposition, and the 
remarkable affection which she manifested to him in all his 
relations. He had so much confidence in her, that he left her as 
guardian to his children. On the 22d of May, 1825, she mar- 
ried a widower, John Haydcn (born July 11, 17G8, died July 
15, 1844), who had two sons, but she had no children by this 
connection. 

After the death of the first Mrs. Hyslop without issue, Mr. 
Hyslop and his friends looked upon his nephew, Wm. H. Sum- 
ner, as the nearest male relative, and consequently the heir of 
his property. 

After the Thursday lecture was finished, Mr. Hyslop's prac- 
tice was to repair to the law office of his nephew to consult 
with him and ponder over his estate, with a view to making a 
will. Here he dictated his wishes to his nephew, who tran- 
scribed them, and frequently, on Thursday, Mr. Hyslop looked 
over it, and made such alteratic^s as the change in his inclina- 
tions from time to time moved him. 

In this will, after leaving his mansion-house, horses, carriage, 
plate, furniture, and other movables, and homestead at Brook- 
line, to his wife for life, providing for her maintenance, and 
giving her an outright present of ^10,000, and to each of the 
daughters of his sister, Mrs. Sumner, a handsome portion of his 
estate, after the death of his wife and children without issue, he 
gave the Boylston estate in Brookline, on which he lived, to his 
nephew, William H. Sumner, and the residue of his real and 
personal estate. As this will was made after much medita- 
tion, and was left in the possession of his nephew, who w^as 
appointed sole executor, and as it was never a subject of re- 
mark after it was sealed and so left, it was presumed that 
this will would take elfect. Consequently, the announcement 
by Dr. Chaplin at the funeral, that Mr. Ilyslop had made 
another will, created great surprise. This change of purpose 
in Mr. Hyslop can hardly be accounted for ; it can only be 
surmised from the following facts. When Mrs. Hyslop \vas con- 
fined with one of her children, her nervous system was so shat- 
tered that Mr. Hyslop was advised to put her under the care of 
Dr. Chaplin, who kept a private establishment for the insane, in 
Cambridge. After so doing, her husband was accustomed to 



310 HISTORY. 

ride over to Cambridge frequently to see her, and thus became 
intimately acquainted with the sagacious individual who had 
her in charge. The shrewd doctor proposed to Mr. Hyslop to 
make a new will, and procured his friend, Judge Prescott of 
Groton, to write it in technical form and language ; and, in order 
to get the foes from so large an estate. Dr. Chaplin caused him- 
self to be appointed trustee and joint guardian, with Mrs. 
Hyslop, of the children. By this arrangement he had uncon- 
trolled power over the estate under the will. The doctor did 
not propose, or if he did the proposal was rejected, to be execu- 
tor, as well as trustee, of the estate. As his nephew, William 
H. Sumner was appointed executor, Mr. Hyslop probably sup- 
posed the estate would be under his control, instead of under 
the control of the trustee, to whom he had unwittingly confided 
it. It ought to have been mentioned, that a first will was made 
in favor of his nephew, which was destroyed upon Mr. Hyslop's 
second marriage and the birth (^his children. 

At the time the second will was made, when Mr. Hyslop told 
his nephew that he intended to make another will, he asked 
whom he should employ to write it. His nephew said, " I will 
write your will now, as I did before." " But I have children 
now," said he, as if he supposed that the person who drew the 
will would do as he had done before, make it in favor of him- 
self. The reply relieved him from this strange thought ; said 
the nephew, " I can write your will in favor of your children as 
well as any one else ; you will take care of them first, of course, 
and if you choose to create any reversionary estate in favor of 
your sister's children you can do so, and this is only what I or 
they will expect." Having read the will after the draft was 
finished, and pondered it well, he said, " Now I have given all 
my estate to my wife and children ; and what shall I give to 
you?" "The laughing boy," was the answer. This was a 
valuable picture by Brower, which had come down in the 
family of his ancestors, and which no one can look at without 
laugiiing, as the subject of the picture does upon all observers. 
His nephew, at this time and until his death, possessed his 
entire confidence and friendship, which is shown by the fact, 
that, when Dr. Chaplin and his attorney and friend. Judge Pres- 
cott, were inditing his last will, in which the doctor secured to 



DAVID IIYSLOP. 311 

himself the fat fees of trustee, he appointed his nephew and his 
next door neighbor at Brooldine, Benjamin Goddard, Esq., his 
executors, and remembered the request for the "laughing boy," 
adding to it a legacy of $1,000. 

Mr. Hyslop was the owner of one sixth of Noddle's Island, 
the one third which his mother owned having descended to him 
and his sister Elizabeth, wife of Governor Sumner. Mrs. Hys- 
lop and her second husband, John Hayden, sold this share in 
1832 to William H. Sumner, Stephen White, and Francis J. 
Oliver, by whom it was afterward conveyed to the East Boston 
Company. 

A very singular coincidence arises between the will of Shute 
Shrimpton Yeamans, one of the old proprietors of Noddle's 
Island, and that of David Hyslop, one of the last, which gave 
rise to legal questions as to the construction of an important 
clause of a similar character in each will. 

It will be recollected, that Mr. Yeamans, by his will, made 
in the year 1768, gave to his son, Shute Yeamans, a legacy of 
£4,000, to be paid to him when he arrived at twenty-one years 
of age. He died very shortly before he arrived at that age, and 
the question was, whether that was a vested legacy, giving him 
the absolute right to it, merely postponing the time of payment 
to his arriving at age, in which case it would pass to his own 
legatees, or whether it reverted to the estate of his father, so as 
to pass under his father's will. It has already been stated that 
an elaborate case in the English style was drawn up for the 
opinion of counsel, and John Adams, who was then consulted 
on all great questions, gave his opinion that the legacy was 
vested in young Shute by his father's will, the period of enjoy- 
ment only being postponed until he arrived at twenty-one years 
of age, and that it consequently passed under his will, although 
he never arrived at age. 

David Hyslop's will, made in the year 1820, among other 
clauses, contained the following : " It is my will and intention 
in regard to the residue of my real estate, that it shall come to 
and be enjoyed by my children, when of full age, as an absolute 
estate of inheritance in fee-simple." He left two children, both 
of whom died before attaining the age of twenty-one. The 
question was then submitted to counsel (Judge Jackson and 



312 HISTORY. 

William C. Ayhvin, Esq.), who gave it as their opinion that 
the estate vested in interest in the children, and went to their 
right heirs, although neither of them arrived at the age of 
twenty-one, — precisely the opinion which John Adams and 
Mr. Bicknoll, an English barrister, gave a half century before in 
the will of Shutc Shrimpton Yeamans. 

David S. Greenougii, Esq., son of Deacon Thomas Green- 
ough, and one of the proprietors of Noddle's Island, was born 
on the 31st of July, 1752. His large ownership in the Island 
estate resulted from the fact that he inherited one sixth from 
his mother, and subsequently purchased the fee of two sixths 
owned by his brother William (as stated in Chapter X.), of 
whom a brief sketch has been given. 

The record of his life furnishes no remarkable incidents for 
the pen of the biographer, and any notice of him must of neces- 
sity be brief. On the 11th of May, 1784, he married the widow 
Ann Doane, who died on the 9th of July, 1802. 

Enjoying the use of a sufficient property, he never entered 
into professional life, but resided as a man of leisure at Jamaica 
Plain, then a part of Roxbury. 

The house in which Mr. Grcenough lived was a confiscated 
one. It was built by Commodore Loring, of the British navy, 
and stood opposite to the meeting-house of the Rev. Dr. Gray. 
This gentleman was Mr. Grecnough's daily visitor and intimate 
friend. The house stood upon the site of a dwelling which 
was removed to the spot where Dr. Weld now lives, near the 
Unitarian church, and which was used as a parsonage. The 
new house, built by the commodore, who was an absentee, was 
used as a hospital during the Revolutionary war ; the dead 
were buried in the rear part of Mr. Greenough's farm, and the 
gravestones are to be seen at the present time. 

The author wishes that he had been furnished with a portrait 
of his highly respected family friend and connection for publica- 
tion, but such was not the case. The original portrait by Stuart 
can be seen in the house of his grandson, who resides upon the 
family estate. 

Possessing all those social advantages which a good family, 
wealth, and natural endowments could bestow, strictly upright 



BATU) S. GREEXOUGII. 313 

and honorable in all his dealings with others, of undoubted 
integrity, and of familiar and easy address, INIr. Greenough 
secured the respect and esteem of all, and his friendship was 
highly prized. Declining all public ofliccs, he preferred the 
attractions of his own home, where he received his friends with 
pleasure, and treated them with cordiality. 

Mr. Greenough's property all descended to his son, and with 
it, of course, his share (one half) of Noddle's Island. 

David S. Greexougii, only child of D. S. Greenough, Esq., 
was born on the 27th of JMarch, 1787, graduated at Harvard 
College in 1805, and on the 14th of June, 1813, married Maria 
Foster, daughter of Elisha Doane, Esq., of Cohasset. He was 
a lawyer by profession, and was the first colonel of that name 
of the Independent Company of Cadets. He inherited all his 
father's estate, and the half of Noddle's Island, which thus 
came to him, was purchased of his widow and heirs by 
General Sumner. He possessed all his mother's wit and 
humor. The following anecdote illustrates these qualities. 
When he commanded the Cadets, Colonel Thomas Aspinwall, 
while major under his command, received an appointment in 
the U. S. army. Col. Aspinwall, who had distinguished him- 
self at the battles of Sackett's Harbor and Chrysler's field, lost 
his left arm at the sortie of Fort Erie. When he visited Bos- 
ton, after his recovery, the Cadets welcomed him by a public 
dinner, at which, as the chief guest, he sat at the right hand of 
the colonel. Col. Greenough, after some remarks describing his 
bravery in those battles, in compliment to the guest, gave, as 
the first toast, — ^^ Our enemies : the next time ive meet, ice loill 
heat them single handcdP 

Col. Greenough died of apoplexy on the 6th of August, 1830. 
A few years after his death, the estimable qualities of his 
widow recommended her to the notice of General Sumner, who 
married her as his second wife on the 13th of December, 1836, 
some years after he had purchased the interest of herself and 
her minor children in the Noddle's Island estate. 
21 



CHAPTER XII. 

LEASES OF THE ISLAND; TPIE WILLIAMS FAMILY. 

Having traced the possession of Noddle's Island down to 
three aunts of Shute Shrimpton Yeamans and to their 
immediate descendants, the record of its subsequent ownership 
comes into its more modern history ; and the various matters 
pertaining to it are so intimately connected that they should 
not be separated. Consequently, subjects and incidents ante- 
cedent in point of time will be introduced, leaving for advance 
chapters an unbroken narrative. In this manner a more sys- 
tematic arrangment will be preserved, and the leading points 
in the Island history more easily kept before the mind of the 
reader. 

It has already been stated, that on the 10th of April, 1700, 
the widow of Col. Shrimpton leased to her brother, Nicholas 
Roberts, and to Benjamin Jackson, merchants of Boston, her 
dweirmg-house, three water-mills, negroes, etc., for seven years, 
at £200 per annum. 

In 1711, Christopher Caprill, a farmer, was a tenant of the 
Island ; in October of that year he petitioned the general court 
for redress, the troops then encamped on the Island having done 
him much damage. This subject is more fully treated in the 
military history of the Island. 

There are no records to show, positively, how long INIr. Ca- 
prill continued as a tenant, or who immediately succeeded him. 
It is presumed, however, that Robert Temple was an occupant 
as early, it may be, as 1720, as in a letter directed by him to 
Shute Shrimpton Yeamans at Antigua, dated at Boston the 
5th of December, 1749, he states that he has been the tenant of 
John Yeamans for near thirty years past, and one of his ac- 



1749-55.] LEASES TO ROBERT TEMPLE. 315 

quaintance from his first coming into New England, and that 
Mr. Yeamans (John) had resided with him on the Island nine 
months. From the accounts of Robert Temple it appears that 
this nine months' residence was in 1743, and .£75 rent M'as 
remitted on account of it. Mrs. Elizabeth Stoddard, in a letter 
to her grandson, Sliute Shrimpton Yeamans, dated at Boston, 
12th of December, 1749, and 6th of January, 1749-50, speaking 
of John Yeamans, says : " He took great delight in being on 
Noddle's Island." 

In a list of papers left by John Yeamans with his attorney, 
Thomas Steele, in January, 1726-7, there is mention made of a 
" Counterpart of Mr. Temple's Lease, 1723," also an "Ace* 
made up with ]\P Temple, 1723." It is probable that these 
papers refer to Noddle's Island, and, taken in connection with 
the extract from the letter above given, seem to justify the con- 
clusion that Robert Temple was a tenant of the Island at least 
as early as 1723, and very likely as early as 1720. 

In 1748 he took a lease of it for seven years, at ^118 per 
anniim, and afterward a lease of two years, at £130 per 
annum. 

In the lease to Mr. Temple bearing date of the 25th of 
March, 1748, is a curious provision, which shows Mr. Yeamans 
to have been a watchful landholder. The clause is this: — 

" Sd Temple is to pay £6 farther rent for every Acre above 
plowed and broke up in any one year, & <£5, for every Acre 
laid down from tillage to grass uneven, not sown with proper 
seeds, or with manifest ill husbandry, &c, & to deliver up the 
premises without any waste or destruction thereof, Fire & 
other Extraordinary Accidents Excepted." 

By another clause Mr. Yeamans reserved to himself the right 
to build mills on the Island ; the lease stating that "John Yea- 
mans and his heirs may at any time during this lease build a 
set of Mills on the premises for his own use, giving s'^ Temi)le 
the refusal of any contract to be proposed to any others for 
building the Mills at their own charge." 

It is inferred that the mills were not built prior to 1755, as on 
the 5th of March, in that year. Dr. William Clarke and Thomas 
Greenough, both of Boston, attorneys of Shute Shrimpton Yea- 
mans, the son of the late John, and appointed by Mr. Yeamans 



316 HISTORY. [1757. 

that year, in his behalf, leased the Island to Robert Temple for 
seven, eleven, or fifteen years ; and in this lease was the same 
reservation of the right to build mills as in the lease of 1748. 
It would seem, then, most probable that the mills had not yet 
been built. This lease also contains the same curious provision 
in reference td the lands which has been already mentioned. It 
is impossible to fix the exact date of the building of many of 
the mills in the vicinity of Boston. Soon after the town was 
settled, mills were found necessary to grind the native corn of 
the country, and some were built on the islands and at Dor- 
chester.i 

From Mr. Temple's accounts, we learn that for the six years 
prior to the 25th of March, 1748, the annual rent was £100. 
In the accounts under date of 1746, Mr. Temple speaks of "the 
new house he built y® farr end of the Farm," and the cost of the 
house is stated at <£ 7,858 5s. 2d., a sum which shows that the 
house must have been of no small pretensions. It was a fine 
large mansion with brick walls, and handsomely terraced, a fit 
residence for the man of wealth. It was situated on the 
easterly end of Eagle hill, and had a southerly front. The 
ground whore the house stood is now in the writer's possession, 
where also is the original well, now in constant use, on lot 316, 
third section. 

The mansion-house on the Island about this time was used 
as an " inoculating hospital," during the prevalence of the small- 
pox. Mention is made of it in Drake's History of Boston (p. 
685). The history says : " In 1764, when the smallpox raged 
in Boston, the physicians removed their inoculating hospital 
from Castle William to Noddle's Island, at the mansion-house 
where Robert Temple, Esq. had lately resided, 'which contained 
elegant rooms, suitable for the reception of persons of the first 
condition.' One of the physicians. Dr. Gelston, to remain con- 
stantly on the Island, and the others were to attend when 
desired." 

Among other items of expense, and of money laid out on 
the Island prior to 1757, is £22 10s. paid in 1748, for four hun- 



Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. III. p. 247. 



1760.] LEASE TO COCHRAN AND BELL. 317 

dred and fifty apple trees, and £20 for a hundred " Locust trees, 
and planting them out."i 

Robert Temple was also the lessee of Newdigate's farm at 
Chelsea. There is no record to show at what time he first be- 
came its tenant, but from his accounts it appears that on the 
25th of March, 1748, rent was due for six years of the Chelsea 
farm at <£30 per annum. On this same date he leased the 
fsirm of Dr. William Clarke, attorney of John Yeamans, for 
seven years, at £'60 per annum. This lease also contains this 
singular provision, — 

" To break up but 5 Acres of s* farm in any one year, & have 
but 15 Acres of it broken up at any one time during this Lease, 
And never sow any one parcel above three times, & then lay it 
down level & in a husbandlike manner. To spread upon the 
premises all the fodder made there. To bring and spread there 
two loads of dung for every load of fresh or salt hay, they may 
spare & carry off to market." 

Upon the expiration of this lease, in 1755, he renewed it for 
seven years more at the rent of £'S0 per annum. Dr. "William 
Clarke acting as the attorney of John Yeamans. 

On the 4th of November, 1760, Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, 
son of and heir of the above John Yeamans of Richmond, 
Surry county, England, leased the Island to Samuel Cochran 
and Thomas Bell of Boston, for the space of seven, eleven, or 
fifteen years, at a rent of .£130 per annum, with the same pro- 
visions as to tillage, etc., as in the previous leases of the Island. 
This lease was to go into effect from the 25th of March, 
176L 

Thomas Bell was one of the family of the same name which 
came to this country from Ireland, and settled in Derry, N. H.^ 
He afterward lived in Roxbury, Mass., until he leased Noddle's 



> The tax of Xocldle's Island for 17.56 vras £44 13.?. Gd. 
1757 31 00 9 

17.58 32 11 3 

1759 35 2 

* Derry was originally settled by Seotch emigrants, who had removed to the 
north of Ireland at the time of the persecutions which they endured in their 
native country from James II. of England. 
27* 



318 HISTORY. [1763. 

Itflaiicl. Some business transactions between Bell and Cochran, 
and sundry arrangements concerning Island matters, are shown 
in Bell's mortgage of his part of the stock, etc., of the Island 
to Nathaniel Wheelwright.^ This paper will best explain itself, 
and will add some new items to this broken period of the Island 
history. 

" Know all men by these presents that I, Thomas Bell of 
Roxbary in the county of Suffolk and Province of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay in New England, victualler, being indebted to 
Nathaniel Wheelwright of Boston in the County aforesaid 
Esqr, the sum of Eight Hundred Pounds LawfuU money for 
which he hath my Bond this 14th Febr^ 1763, and whereas I 
the said Thomas Bell Entered into an Agreement with Samuel 
Cochran of Boston aforesaid for Stocking Noddle's Island, so 
called, a Copy of which Agreement here follows, viz. : — 

" Articles of Agreement Indented, Made, and fully Concluded 
upon by and between Thomas Bell of Boston in the County of 
Suffolk and Province of Massachusetts Bay in New England, 
Victualler, of the one Part, and Samuel Cockran of Boston, in 
the County aforesaid, yeoman, of the other part, Witnesseth, 
that whereas the said Thomas Bell and Samuel Cockran, have 
on the Fourth Day of November last. Leased of Shute Shrimpton 
Yeamans Esq. all that Island commonly call'd Noddle's Island, 
for the space of Seven, Eleven or Fifteen years, at the Rate of 
One Hundred and Thirty Pounds Sterling money of Great 
Britain p annum, Reference to said Lease being had will more 
fully appear. Now the said Thomas Bell and Samuel Cockran 
have mutually agreed, that they will at their own Cost &z, Charge 
sufP.ciently Stock said Island during said Lease with such 
Cattle, Horses, Sheep & Hoggs, as shall from time to time be 
thought by them to be most for their Interest, one half of the 
Cost to be paid by the said Thomas Bell, & the other half by 
the said Samuel Cockran, and the Proffits or Loss ariseing from 
Sales of them to be equally divided between them. The said 



^ For this original paper, and for other original and valuable matter, the 
writer is indebted to John Avery, Esq., of Lowell, a great-grandson of Thoniaa 
Bell. 



1763.] COCHRAN AND BELL, LESSEES, 319 

Samuel Cockran is to live on said Island in the Mansion 
House, & properly take care of all the Husbandry thereunto 
belonging, as well as of what stock shall be put thereon as 
aforesaid, together with what may be sold therefrom from time 
to time, whether Provender, Cattle, Horses, Sheep, Hoggs, 
Butter, Cheese, or any other Article or Articles ariseing from 
the Produce of said Island, all of which he is to keep fair 
Accompts of. The said Samuel Cockran is to have Privilege 
of keeping Six Cows on said Island each year free of all charge, 
and the said Thomas Bell is to furnish him with Ten pounds 
of Beef & one peck of Meal each Week, Four Cords of 
Wood each year, three shillings old tenor, each day, and Five 
Pounds six shillings and eight pence Lawfull money each year, 
but on the settlement of their Accompts which is to be once 
Annualy, the said Samuel is to Accompt with the said Thomas 
Bell for his one half of said Allowances last mentioned. 
Finally, all Income, Rents, Proffits, or Charges ariseing by 
Virtue of said Lease, as well not mentioned as mentioned, to 
be equally born and divided by and between the said Party s. 
To the performance of which the Parties bind themselves their 
Heirs, Executors & Adm'"" : each to the other in the penal sum 
of One Thousand Pounds. In witness whereof they have 
hereunto interchangeably sett their hands & seals Eighteenth 
Day of March Anno Domini One Thousand Seven Hundred 
& Sixty Two. 

" Samuel Cockran. [Seal.] 

" Signed, Sealed & Deliv'd 
in presence of 
Alex'' Campbell, 
John Ball." 

" It is to be understood, that said Cockran is to enjoy and 
occupy the same Acre of Land which he enjoyed and occupied 
under Robert Temple Esq'';! and if the said Parties see cause 
to Lett our part of the Mansion House, as the same is more 



^ It appears from this clause, that he had occupied the Island previous to this 
this time under the lease to Temple. 



320 HISTORY. [1763. 

than said Cockran can improve, the same may & shall be Lett 
for the most it will fetch. 

" Sam'' : Cockran. 
" Witness Alex'" Campbell, 
John Ball." 

" Now in Order that the said Nathaniel Wheelwright Esq' : 
may have a further security as Collateral for the payment of 
said sum and for the further Consideration of Two shillings to 
me in hand paid, the Receipt whereof I do hereby acknowledge, 
I the said Thomas Bell do hereby make over and deliver to him 
the said Nathaniel Wheelwright Esq^ all my Right, Title and 
Interest to and in one half of the Stock on said Island, whether 
it be Horses, Mares, Oxen, Sheep or Hay, and also to all Uten- 
sils for Husbandry, in fine to and in one half of all Interest I 
have to and in anything on said Island by virtue of the fore- 
going agreement, together with all the Proffits which may arise 
thereon, and the Produce of said Island as by lease from Shute 
Shrimpton Yeamans, Esq'". Provided nevertheless, and it is to 
be understood, that if said Thomas Bell his Heirs, Executors 
or Adm""" shall well and truly pay or cause to be paid unto the 
said Nathaniel Wheelwright Esq' his Heirs, Executors or 
Adm'^^ the aforesaid sum of Eight Hundred Pounds with the 
Interest which shall arise thereon on or before fourteenth day 
of February which will be in the year of our Lord One Thou- 
sand Seven Hundred and Sixty Four, then this Obligation to 
be void, &: the said Nath^ Wheelwright Esq"" shall return all 
said Stock & Utensils, otherwise to be in full force & Virtue. 
In Witness whereof I have hereunto sett my Hand and Seal 
this Fourteenth day of Fcbry, Anno Domini One Thousand 
Seven Hundred and Sixty Three. 

« TuoMAS Bell. [Seal.] 

Signed Scaled and Delivered 
in presence of 
William Phillips, 
Silvanus Stone." 

This mortgage is discharged upon the back as follows : — 



1763.] rURCIIASE OF STOCK. 321 

" Know All men by these presents, that I Nath^ Wheelwright 
within named, for and in consideration of the Sum of Two 
Hundred thirty two pounds three shillings & 'Sd to me in hand 
paid by Henry Howell Williams of Noddles Island within 
named Gentleman, the Receipt whereof I do hereby Acknowl- 
edge, have Released and assigned over, and by these presents 
do release and assign over to the said Henry Howell Williams 
all my right, title, Interest, Property, and demand of in and to 
the one half part of the Stock & Utencils on S'^ Noddles Island 
as the same is appraised by Henry Lloyd & Robert Temple 
Esq' a schedule of which is hereunto annexed. To have and 
to hold the Said released and assigned premises as aforesaid to 
him the S*^ Henry Howell Williams and his assigns forever. 
In witness whereof I hereunto sett my hand and seal this 7th 
day of May, 1765. 

" Nat Wheelwright. [Seal] 

" Signed Sealed & delivered 
in Presents of us 
John Ball, 
J. W. Flagg." 

By the document just quoted, it appears that Henry Howell 
Williams purchased the one half of the stock mortgaged to 
Wheelwright by Thomas Bell. He also bought the other half 
directly of Bell, as appears from the following deed of sale, 
copied from the original instrument: — 

" Know all men By these Presents that I Thomas Bell* of 
Roxbury in the County of Suffolk & Province of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay in New England Victualler. For and in Consid- 
eration of the Sum One thousand pounds Lawfull money of 
New England; To me in hand paid; By Henry Howell Wil- 
liams of said Roxbury Gent'™. The Receipt whereof I Do 
hereby acknowledge and myself therewith sattisfied and Paid ; 
And By these, Do Sell, allien, Set over. Deliver, Convey & 
Confirm ; mito him the s"^ Henry Howell Williams his Heirs & 
Assignes forever One full moiety or half part, of all that my 
Stock of Cretures, Such as horses, oxen. Cows, Bulls, Heffers, 
Sheep, & Lambs ; Utensils, Husbandry Tools, Boats &:c on or 



322 HISTORY. [1727. 

about the Island commonly called Noddels Island, within s"^ 
County ; or that shall or may hereafter Be brought On to said 
Island, by me or my means or procurement or by any other 
Person or Persons acting from by or under me Dureing the full 
Term and Space of fourteen years next Ensueing ; Together 
with one half the neet proceeds or profTits ariseing thereon 
During the Term of fourteen years as afores*^ — As also, one 
full moiety or half part of all the Neet Proffits that shall or may 
arise from the said Island, Dureing the said Term (or the Term 
of my Improvement there) over and above the yearly Rents 
rates and Taxes assessed on the same and other necessary Con- 
tingent Changes arising there. In Testimony whereof I have 
hereunto Set my hand and Seal this first Day of June A. D. 
1763, and Third year of King George's Reign. 

" Thomas Bell. [Seal]. 

*' Signed Scaled & Delivered 
in presence of us 
Abigal May, 
Jo^ Williams. 

" Suffolk ss Boston May y° 1(5^^ 1764. Personally appearing 
M"" Thomas Bell The above Subscriber, and acknowledged the 
foregoing to be his free act and Deed Before Joseph Williams 
Just*« Peace." 

Thus Henry Howell Williams became, by purchase, the 
owner of all the stock, farming utensils, etc., on Noddle's 
Island. 

Under date of the 9th May, 1763, Thomas Greenough wTites 
to Mr. Yeamans: "The Island is in a bad situation as to 
tenants. He that carried on the business of the farm, Mr. 
Cothren (Cochran), this day died. He was an honest man, has 
left a family and but little substance." 

On the 15th of November, 1764, Shute Shrimpton Yeamans 
leased the Island to Thomas Bell and Henry Howell Williams 
for the space of seven, eleven, or fifteen years from the 25th of 
March, 1765, at the previous rent of £130 per annum. Mr. 
Williams was on the Island some little time previous to the 
giving of this lease, probably having moved there in 1762, in 
which year the Island was leased to him by Shute Shrimpton 




MlEMmr KOWIBLL WILILEAMS. 



I ll.irronJ's I.iin Uounn 



1764.] LEASE TO BELL AND WILLIAMS. 323 

Yeamans. This lease was formerly in the possession of Mr. 
Avery (before alluded to), and has recently been deposited by 
him in the library of Harvard University. A clause in a letter 
from Thomas Greenough to Mr. Yeamans, dated the loth of 
August, 1764, shows that Mr. Williams was on the Island in 
the year 1762. 

The letter referred to states that " Mr. (Robert) Temple has 
lost by his Brother £1,200 sterling, and now he would be glad 
to leave Noddle's Island again, that is, not to live on it him- 
self, but to put another man on it to share the profits. I have a 
very great regard for Mr. Temple, but were he my own Brother 
and he had so many Farms to look after as he has, I could not 
consent to it by any means ; why, because the young Gent"*^, 
Col. (Joseph) Williams' son, a smart young fellow about 27 
years of age, has been on the Island about 15 or 16 months, and 
has fared hard and has laid out himself to his uttermost to stock 
the farm (one half) and has kept the garden and Island in as 
good order as ever I saw it in my Day. I was over yesterday, 
walked about six miles out and home, through Marshes, bogs, 
&c., and Mr. Williams showed me ditches he has made to drain 
the water of the land ; hopies soon to have salt grass, nay, he 
will mow some this year. He told me he spent a full month 
in ditching, which he don't charge you a farthing for if he con- 
tinues on the Island, otherwise will be paid for it. Now upon 
the whole I believe this young man, please God to spare his 
life and health, will prove a good tenant." 

Henry Howell Williams,i "the smart young fellow" alluded 
to in the preceding letter, was the son of Col. Joseph Williams, 
and was born on the 23d of October, 1736. His lithographic 
likeness upon the opposite page is from an original portrait by 
Stuart, in the possession of John Avery, Esq., of Lowell. On 
the 28th of January, 1762, he married Elizabeth, daughter of 
Thomas Bell, lessee of the Island, as before mentioned, and the 
same year took up his residence there. Here was his home 
until he removed, about the year 1800, to Chelsea, where, some 
years previous, he had purchased Governor Belli ngham's farm. 
The Williams journal, which appears to have been principally 

^MS. Joupaal of Williams family, and History of Williams family, -p. 296. 



324 HISTORY. 

kej)t by the danghters of Mr. Williams, says, under date of the 
8th of April, 1793, " Papa went to Chelsea immediately after 
dinner; there purchased a farm ; " and in the margin opposite, 
" This is the day our Father purchased the Chelsea Farm." 
By consulting the journal, it api)ears that a constant, in fact a 
daily, intercourse was kept up between the Island and Chelsea. 
After the purchase of the farm, the different members of the 
family were continually passing and repassing, until Mr. H. H. 
Williams permanently removed to Chelsea. Mr. Williams had 
a large family of children, all of whom were born upon the 
Island, and the family journal enables the writer to fill up 
some vacancies in the valuable history of the Williams family. 
The children were born as follows: namely, Elizabeth, Gth 
August 1765, married Andrew Sigourney, 7th October 1797, 
died in 1843; Henry Howell, 9th March 1767, married Sally 
Williams, 25th September 1800, died 1832; Martha, 25th 
August 1768, married Daniel Sigourney, 28th January 1798, 
died 1828 ; Thomas, 2d September 1770, married Eliza Avery, 
3d February 1803, died 1833; John Shirley, 3d May 1772, 
married Nancy Hunt, 6th May 1807 ; Harriet, 1st December 
1773, married John Avery, Jr. (father of John Avery, Esq., of 
Lowell), April 9th 1799, both lost at sea 27th October 1800; 
Ardelia, Gth July 1775, died unmarried, 9th April 1838 ; Nancy, 
19th lAIarch 1777, married Amos A. Williams, October 1802, 
died at Baltimore, 7th September 1804 ; Catharine, loth Jan- 
uary 1780. 

The different weddings are described at full length in the 
journal. 

During Mr. Williams's residence there. Noddle's Island was 
a great place of resort ; the family acquaintance was very ex- 
tensive, the relations by marriage very numerous, and the well- 
known generous hospitality of his Island home kept his house 
filled with friends. Indeed, judging from the daily account of 
the family, the boats were continually plying between Boston 
and the Island, carrying to and fro throngs of visitors. Mr. 
Williams vied with his predecessor, Maverick, in his hospitality ; 
his house was large, elegant, and richly furnished for those 
times, his table sumptuous, and his cellar well stocked ; a hearty 
welcome was given to all, and a daily record is truly a list of 



1775.] DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY. 325 

daily callers and visitors. As visitors entered the hall, they saw 
its walls ornamented with twenty-four pictures in gilt frames ; 
a dozen black-walnut chairs quietly offered comfortable seats, 
two tea-tables with a set of China upon each, and two mahog- 
any dining-tables, a mahogany tea-chest, knives and forks, and 
two dozen wine-glasses, gave significant evidence of the good 
cheer within. Six daughters added no small attraction to the 
mansion ; a piano-forte, a rare instrument in this country at that 
time, stood in the parlor, and the young ladies entertained their 
friends with music and songs, and were not dependent upon the 
city for the pleasure of a social dance. Gen. Putnam, Gen. 
Knox, and Gen. Lincoln visited there ; Judge William Tudor 
also, who is called by one of the family " Papa's particular 
friend ; " the clergymen of Boston sat at his table ; and, if the 
expression could with propriety be used, the nobility of the 
vicinity frequented the hospitable mansion. 

While the town of Boston was held by the British troops, 
and active hostilities were going on, Mr. Williams was placed 
in very trying circumstances. Situated without the limits of 
the city, on an island, he w^as constantly exposed to, and suf- 
fered from, the marauding expeditions of the enemy ; and while 
he was wholly unable to resist attacks from this quarter, or to 
prevent some of his fine stock from falling into the hands of the 
British, he did not escape entirely free from an unjust suspicion 
of favoring the enemy. 

His fine house with all its furniture was burned, and his 
stock of cattle and horses given away or killed by the Ameri- 
cans to prevent the British taking possession of them. 

A list, given under oath, of the contents of the house and 
out-buildings at the time of the conflagration, shows the man- 
ner in which the house was furnished, and with what liberality 
the cellar and larder were stored, and is very interesting as illus- 
trative of the life and habits of Mr. Williams, and that his un- 
bounded hospitality was not likely to exhaust his resources. 
Some items on this list show the liberal provision made for the 
family ; for instance, " 9 Barrclls Flour," " 4 Cwt. Hard 
Bread," " 2 Barrells Peas and Beans," '• 422 Bush'« of Indian 
Corn & Rye," « 50 Bushels Potatoes," " 11 Barr'« Pork," " 1 
28 



326 HISTORY [1776. 

Barrel Tongues," ''2 Batts of Vinegar holding 6 Barrels," "3 
Baris of Cyder," " 2 Q,' Casks Wine," » 1 Hamper Dorchester 
Ale," " 6 Dozen excellent Cyder," " 3 Dozen Curr* Wine," « 3 
Hogsheads Old Jamaica Spirit 231 Galls," " 3 Hogsheads New 
rum just got home from the West Indies," "500'''' fine Bacon," 
" 1 hhd Molasses," " 150"' fnie Old Cheese," etc., etc. ; and thus 
the quotations might be extended into every department of the 
household, showing the same liberal arrangement in all the 
requisites of a well-regulated and hospitable family. 

Mr. Williams's loss by the conflagration on the Island and 
seizure of stock was a serious one. In the list from which the 
above quotations have been made, mention is made of " 43 
Elegant Horses put into the Publick Stables, 3 Cattle taken 
and used as provisions for the army, 220 used as provisions as 
above, 4 fine swine, 5 Dozen Fowles, Turkeys and Ducks. 
^1470." 

In partial remuneration for his loss. Gen. Washington gave 
him a building used as barracks by the troops at Cambridge. 
This he removed to the Island and erected, and it was occupied 
by him as the family mansion (little resembling, however, the 
one which was burned), and after him by his son Thomas, until 
the tenancy of the Island was relinquished by the family. The 
work of rebuilding on the Island after the fire was speedily 
commenced, but at much less cost than before. The house was 
of one story with Lutheran windows in the roof in front, a pas- 
sage-way or hall from the front to the rear, on each side of 
which was a large room with bedrooms adjoining the west, or 
drawing-room, and an L part consisting of two rooms used for 
kitchens, etc. According to Mr. Williams's bills of the expense 
of buildings erected in 1776 and 1777, the whole cost was 
£427 Is. lOd., and the buildings consisted of a house, barn, 
corn-barn, and store on the wharf. This subject will be treated 
upon at length in another chapter. 

When Mr. Williams removed to his farm called " Howell 
Place," at Chelsea, he left his son Thomas upon the Island, and 
to him he soon relinquished the tenancy. Thomas Williams 
continued to live upon the Island as its tenant, at an annual 
rent of $1,000, until a year or two after its purchase by the 



1776.] CHARACTER OF HENRY H. WILLIAMS. 327 

East Boston Company.^ As has been before stated, he was 
born upon the Island. A letter written by him on the 10th of 
January, 1832, states that he " was born on Noddle's Island, and 
had lived on it and occupied it for over fifty-five years." He re- 
moved to Chelsea, where he died on the 5th of December, 1833. 

Henry Howell Williams died at Chelsea on the 26th of De- 
cember, 1802, in the sixty-sixth year of his age. The following 
is taken from the family journal: — 

" This Character given our Father by a partial friend. Died 
at Chelsea, December 26, (1802) Henry Howell Williams, Esq., 
aged 66 years, after three months confinement, which he bore 
with Christian fortitude. Few men of his occupation in life 
were better known or who lived to that age were more generally 
beloved, or quitted life more sincerely lamented. He was a 
man of integrity and uprightness, a man of industry and per- 
severance, whose benevolence and generosity had no bounds 
Mild and conciliating in his manners; sincere in his affections 
irreproachable in his morals ; warm and unalterable in his 
friendship ; and in his domestic life amiable and affectionate 
By this event his consort is deprived of an amiable and affec 
tionate partner, his children, of a tender and indulgent father, 
his relations and acquaintances, of a kind and endearing com- 
panion, and society of a good and worthy citizen." 

A descendant speaks of him in the following words : " His 
appearance was that of a hale, hearty English gentleman, fond 
of his friends, of great sociability, ready for a merry time at 
home with his children and visitors, not particularly abstemious 
(I find some of his travelling bills in which 'punch' is a pre- 

' From original papers we ascertain that tlic rent of Noddle's 
Island for the three years prior to the 25th of March, 1794, 

was £110 a year, Si, 733.34 

For the six years ending the 25th of March, 1800, at £200, . 4,000 

For the eleven years ending on the 25th of !March, 1811, at 

$1,000, 11,000 

For the twenty years, $16,733.34 

For repairs to wharf, sea-wall, etc., 2,6 79.05 

Net rent for twenty years, $14,054.29 

Average yearly rent for twenty years, S702.71A 

For several years previous to 17 71, the annual rent was £llO sterling. 



328 HISTORY. [1776. 

dominant charge), and generally of a jovial and joyous dispo- 
sition. He had, however, a s^trong temper, which was easily 
roused, when no doubt he used a mode of expressing his feel- 
ings such as Lord Orford confessed to the Bible Society he 
feared he did sometimes." 

The Williams family thus held possession of the Island for 
about seventy years ; so long that it almost lost its proper name, 
and was familiarly called Williams's Island. The Island inter- 
ests were well cared for, and the proprietors were well satisfied 
with their tenants. The long course of years through which 
the tenancy remained in the family is conclusive proof of the 
state of feeling existing between the contracting parties. The 
visits to the Island by the owners have been described in the 
Introductory Letter. Those were days of enjoyment ; air, earth, 
and sea contributed to the richly loaded tables, and the ladle 
gave many a dip into the old-fashioned punch-bowl. The hos- 
pitality of the tenant was never more apparent than on these 
occasions ; for hospitality and shrewd policy united to make the 
visits of the proprietors seasons of festivity and good feeling. 

During Mr. Williams's residence upon the Island, he had nu- 
merous individuals in his service ; but who they were, or how 
long they severally remained, it is now impossible to ascertain. 
To support the style of life which was characteristic of the 
Island mansion, a large number of house-servants was neces- 
sary, and the proper care of the farm demanded many out-door 
laborers. With the exception of what is contained in the Wil- 
liams journal, there is but little known of the Island history 
during a part, at least, of Mr. Williams's lease. We find men- 
tion made of houses and persons of which we have no particu- 
lar knowledge ; and the original record is all from which any 
information can be obtained. For instance, in the journal, 
.under date of the 22d of May, 1795, is found the following : 
" I forgot to mention Mr. Tay drank tea here yesterday. He 
ought not to be forgotten, as his father was one of the farmers 
on the Island, and he was born on it, I believe. All I know 
about it is, there were three houses for the tenants that took the 
care, made butter, cheese, and attended to all the duties of such 
an establishment in a farmer-like manner." At this distance of 
time it is diincult to determine about this gentleman, or these 



1776.] THE BARRACKS. 329 

three houses; but there can be no doubt as to the correctness 
of the record.^ The writer recollects the name of Tay, but has 
no particular knowledge of him. 

On the 17th of February, 1800, as the journal states, died 
Alexander Shirley, " aged eighty-three, an inhabitant of the 
Island for vpiv arch of ffly yearsP He went familiarly by the 
name of " Governor," and in the account of his sickness and 
death he is spoken of by that name. Who he was is unknown, 
but probably was a laborer, judging from the following record : 
" 5th of February, 1795. Governor Shirley, an old man that 
has lived with papa ever since he has been on this Island, was 
last Saturday taken sick," etc. If these accounts are correct, 
he must have been upon the Island some years previous to its 
occupation by Mr. Williams. The funeral was attended on 
the 18th, from the house of Mr. John Fenno, on the Boston side 
of the channel, and the deceased was buried in Copp's hill cem- 
etery.2 The " Governor" had a wife, who lived upon the Island, 
and a daughter, Mrs. Welsh, is mentioned as coming to the 
Island to see her mother on the evening of the funeral. 

It has been stated, that the army barracks at Cambridge 
were given to Mr. Williams as a partial remuneration for his 
loss by the fire in 1776. There was another building on the 
Island, called the " French barracks," situated under the hill, or 
at the foot of the site of the old fort. This building was about 
one hundred feet long and one story in height. Mr. Avery, of 
Lowell (before mentioned), well remembers hearing his grand- 
father, H. H. Williams, speak of the very great mortality from 
fever (yellow, he thinks) among the French soldiers who occu- 
pied these barracks. The precise time of the erection of this 
building is not known, nor many particulars regarding it ; but 
the fact of its existence is well established, and also that it was 
used as a hospital for the French soldiers. Some light is thrown 
upon the subject by the following extracts from the Massachu- 



' These " three houses " may be the ones referred to in the military his- 
tory, in the list of buildings destroyed by fire. 

* The name does not appear in Mr. Bridgman's History of that cemetery, 
from which it is probable that no stone was erected bearing an inscription. 

28* 



830 HISTORY. [1780. 

setts Archives. The first is a petition presented in 1780, and is 
in these words : — 

" May it please your Honors. The Commanding Officer of 
the French Troops has applyed to me for a Hospital for the 
sick, and as there is Continental Barrack on Noddles Island, 
suitable for that purpose, and as Mr. Williams owns the Soil, 
and I suppose he will make Objection to their going into Bar- 
racks, I pray your Honors would be pleased to give Orders that 
they shall not be molested in said Barracks. 
" I am with great respect 

" Your Honors Obedient Servant, 

'• Tug. Cuase, D. I. M. G.» 

The answer to this petition is as follows : — 

» In Council, July 18, 1780. 

" Read & Ordered — that Cof Thomas Chace, D. I. M. G., 
be, and hereby is directed to take Possession of the Continental 
Barracks on Noddle's Island for the Use of the sick Soldiers on 
Board the Ship Le isle de France, arrived this morning from 
France, belonging to his most Christian Majesty. 

" The Honorable Council. 
"Attest, Jno. Avehy, D. Scy." 

There is a probability that the " French barracks " were occu- 
pied as tenements by workmen on the Island ; at least, this in- 
ference is drawn from a record in the Journal (24th April, 1800), 
which states that a Mr. Fisk had been hired as foreman on the 
Island for the summer, and that, with his family, he had that 
day moved into the barracks. This must allude to the French 
barracks, as the others had been converted into Mr. Williams's 
dwelling-house. Mr. King, who carried milk from the Island to 
Boston, also lived in these French barracks. 

The references in the journal to persons and occurrences are 
numerous, and many of them are interesting and valuable. Ex- 
tending through a long course of years, and being a daily record, 
a vast amount of miscellaneous matter is there perpetuated. 



1793.] THE "WILLIAMS JOURNAL. 331 

which well repays the search of the antiquary, but of which a 
great deal is not pertinent to our direct narrative. 

It is impossible to make very copious extracts from the Wil- 
liams journal, although frequent use is made of the volumes 
for reference and in other ways. Still, to show the general 
character of the books, and to give some insight into the family 
affairs upon the Island, a few selections are given, which will 
doubtless interest the reader, and give pleasure while imparting 
information. The extracts, which are fair specimens of the 
whole contents, will fully sustain all that has been said of the 
hospitality for which the Williams mansion was so celebrated, 
and of the class of persons who visited the Island. Frequent 
allusion is made to visits made by the author and his father 
(Governor Sumner), and other proprietors of the Island, as 
before mentioned in the Introductory Letter. 

" Wednesday,, April 10, 1793. — Very pleasant. Papa spent 
the forenoon in town ; returned to dine, and brought us word 
that Mrs. Tudor would spend the day and keep fast with us 
to-morrow 

" Thvrsday, lllk. — Very pleasant, but cold ; a day of fast- 
ing and prayer ; and such it really was at Noddle's Island. All 
went to meeting, except Patty and Harriett. At eleven o'clock, 
the ferry-boat landed two men and two women, who proved to 
be relatives of Edward King's. At half past eleven, the boat 
returned with Mrs. Tudor, four children, and Mr. Brade. Mr. 
Lathrop preached from the First of Samuel, second chapter, 
and thirtieth verse. I ask ten thousand pardons for forgetting 
Mrs. Scaver, who likewise dined here — but such a clacking I 
If it was possible, I would number the tongues. Papa, mam- 
ma, Mrs. Tudor and children, tarried at N. I. ; the rest went 
to meeting, etc. 

^^ Sunday, 21sL — It being so cold and windy, papa advised 
us to stay at home, and he, with Harry and Tom, went to meet- 
ing. Capt. Rogers came with them to dinner Mr. and 

Mrs. Alexander made their appearance this afternoon, in their 
new chariot ; it was quite a parade, being something of a nov- 
elty to have such a carriage stop at the New North. No won- 



332 HISTORY. [1793-4. 

der it attracted the attention of all the people, being the first 
that has been owned here for a great number of years. 

"Tuestla7/,2olh June. — Very pleasant. Papa went to town 
at ten; directly after, Mrs. Dr. Davis and Mrs. Bartlett came 
over to spend the day ; at twelve, Mrs. Archibald came, and Mr. 
Sumner came at two. Papa, Colonel Dwight, and Jack Avery 
joined us. After dinner, Mr. Archibald went over, and brought 
back Madam Shaw, Mr. and Mrs. Shaw, Miss Proctor, and 

Miss . Dr. Bartlett and Ben. Bcal came in the last boat. 

It began to rain about seven, and rained all the evening. Soon 
after tea, Mrs. Davis, Dr. Bartlett, and B. B. left us. Between 
ten and at eleven they all took leave but Madam Shaw, N. Hill, 
and the two Miss Averys. 

" Wednesday, 25th. — Cleared off in the afternoon, and Mr. 
Sumner and Avery came over for the girls. At four the boat 
came for them. Madam Shaw and mamma went with them. 
Papa returned to tea ; brought Colonel Williams and Colonel 
Dwight home with him, who spent the night. Mamma returned 
at nine. 

" Thursday, IQth October. — Boat returned with the ladies, 
fourteen in number. In the evening came the gentlemen. We 
sang and danced. 

^^ Monday, lAth. — Very pleasant. Papa went to Boston early. 
At twelve o'clock we all took a bit of Luntion, and went over 
to see the funeral of the Governor, who was inter'd with all 
the Pomp, Ceremony, and Honors due to so dignified a character 
as Mr. (John) Hancock. Upon the most moderate calculation, 
it is said there were upwards of twenty thousand people in the 
procession. And the spectators: — every house and street was 
thronged. 

" Tuesday, June Sd, 1794. — At four the castle barge landed 
four gentlemen : General Jackson, General Davidson, Col. 
Waters, and the engineer, to view the fort ; they chatted an 
hour, drank a glass of Perry, and then took leave. 

" Friday, 2oth of July. — Three Miss Averys, their brother, 
Mr. Sumner, and Mr. Hale came over and passed the after- 
noon. 

" Wednesday, lOih June, 1795. — Papa went to Boston ; came 



1795-6.] THE WILLIAMS JOURNAL. 333 

home at three and told us that General Knox and General 
Lincoln intended paying us a visit to-morrow. 

" Thursday, l\th. — Papa waited till ten, expecting the gen- 
erals, then went to Boston ; at eleven he returned with them ; 
General Lee rode, General Knox and papa walked to the farm, 
and at one they returned to Boston. 

« Thursday, 2Ath >Se/?^. — Papa told us the death of Mrs. 
Tudor, the old lady. 

^'•Friday, 25th. — Papa went to the funeral of old Lady Tudor. 

^^ Sunday, 11th October, 1795. — Had an invitation to dine at 
Judge Sumner's next Tuesday. 

^^ Tuesday, VSth. — A. most elegant day; wind west. After 
breakfast, came Mrs. Ruggles and Mrs. Dr. Davies to pass the 
day with mamma. When they heard of our engagement at 
Roxbury, they would not be prevailed on to stay ; so that took 
a luncheon, and went over with us at one o'clock; papa, mam- 
ma, Betsey, and Patty to the Judge's (Harriett went to Brain- 
tree with Avery, who left us in the morning.) Had a very 
pleasant visit, and met a large party. Among the number was 
Madam Sullivan and our friend Mrs. Lee. We came away at 
dark, etc. 

" FridaT/, April 8th, 1796. — Mr. Eliot and Miss Treadwell 
spent the afternoon here, left us at eight. We heard to-day of 
the death of Mr. Thomas Russell, who died this morning; he 
has not been sick more than ten or twelve days ; he was a great 
merchant in our town. 

" Monday, 11th. — Papa went over in the afternoon to attend 
Mr. Thos. Russell's funeral. . . . People flocked from all quar- 
ters . . . the houses and streets were thronged, the streets shut 
up, and every thing seemed to mourn the loss of so worthy a 
man. 

'"'■Monday, 11th July. — A cloudy warnumorning ; as fine a 
one for musketoes as ever was. Just before eight, Capt. Scott 
and son arrived ; after breakfast papa invited the captain to 
pass the day with us; he was very willing to. James (Scott) 
left us soon after, promising to return to dine, and bring the 
news of the day. After he had got some way from the wharf, 
his father took the speaking trumpet and told him to bring his 
sisters ; at half-past twelve he came, brought his two sisters, 



334 HISTORY. [1797. 

Mr. and Miss Sheaf from Portsmouth, who are related and 
keep at Mrs. Hancocks. Mrs. II. desired her comjaliments, and 
would have come had it not looked so likely for rain. Tom 
went to Boston, returned at one with Sally Williams. Fenno 
landed at the same time with Parson Murray, who came to see 
papa. We spent a very merry and sociable day. 

" Saturday^ Villi Avgust. — Mr. Hyslop, one of the owners of 
this Island, was buried this afternoon, it is said he has left 
eighty thousand pounds worth of property, and only two'chil- 
dren. 

" Tuesday, lltli April, 1797. — Mr. Sumner, a gentleman that 
graduated last year at Cambridge, came to see brother Jack ; 
the wind blew so hard in the afternoon that he could not 
return, and of course passed the night here." 

From Noddle's Island there was a fine view of Hart's ship- 
yard at the north end of Boston. In this yard was built the 
frigate Constitution, the pride of the navy. Hundreds went 
over from Boston to the Island to see the launch from the 
opposite shore. Some interesting particulars are to be found 
in the Williams journal, from which the following entries are 
quoted : — 

" Tuesday, 11 th September^ 1797. — . . . Before sunset the 
ferry-boat brought Mr. Hill and two daughters, Mrs. Mears, 
Mrs. Blany and daughter, Mrs. Thayer, cousin Susan and 
Martha, Sally, and Betsey Avery, to pass the night, to see 
the frigate launched on the morrow, etc. 

" Wednesday, 20th. — Wind N. W., pleasant but cold. The 
company began to assemble early. A large number of our 
friends came over besides strangers. Papa thinks there were 
about six hundred on the Island, and one hundred that par- 
took of a eleven o'clock and dined with us. There were 
Mr. Carey, wife and^amily ; Mr. Avery, wife and family; Mr. 
Hill and family ; Mr. Scott and two daughters ; our friends and 
relations from Boston and Roxbury, too many to enumerate. 
Some left us after ; had about forty to tea. These left us all 
but those who tarried last night, except Mrs. Blany and daugh- 
ters ; the Mr. Sigourneys went over this morn. Daniel (S.) 
came over with his mother. Andrew (S.) was to be launched 
in the frigate, but like ourselves and thousands of others, was 



1799.] THE WILLIAMS JOURNAL. 335 

disappointed as the vessel did not move move than eight feet 
before she stopped. The colors were then dropped as a signal 
she would not go off to-day, etc. 

" Friday^ 22. — A fine day. Scott erected a tent again on 
the hill to accommodate those persons that come over to see 
the ship launched, as they intend to make another attempt 
to-day. A great number of people came over, but not as many 
we think, as on Wednesday, and again were disappointed as 
the vessel stuck, and could not possibly be got oif. Several 
gentlemen called to take some refreshment." 

The third attempt was successful, and the ill-fated ship, as 
the superstitious sailors supposed her to be, glided beautifully 
into the water. The journal says : — 

" Saturday, 21st October. — Wind east and rather cold. Papa 
and the boys went to Boston. At twelve o'clock we all paraded 
up the hill to see the ship-launch, as she was to make tryall for 
the third time. A great number of people collected on the 
wharf, and a few boats in the harbor ; only one boat of people 
landed at the Island. At half-past twelve she w^ent, and I 
think that every one that saw her must be gratified, as it was 
impossible for anything to go better, or look prettier." 

The unparalleled successful career of the " Constitution" is 
known to every one, and she is the pride of the navy and the 
nation. 

" Monday, 23d December, 1799. — At one the bells all began 
tolling (at Boston) ; when Thomas returned to dine he informed 
us it was for the melancholy news — the death of Gen. George 
Washington, which had arrived late this morning. An event 
so mournful excites the keenest feeling of anguish. Business of 
every kind was suspended, the stores and shops throughout the 
town were shut, and such other testimonies of respect as the 
moment suggested were immediately paid ; the theatre and 
museum were announced to be closed for a week, and the 
inhabitants walked about not knowing w^hat to do. Gen. 
Wasliington was in the 68th year of his age. 

" Sunday, 29t/i. — Mr. Eliot (preached) all day ; in the after- 
noon a funeral sermon on the death of the ever lamented 
George Washington from the 90th Psalm and 12th verse, ' So 
teach us to number our days that we may apply our hearts unto 



336 HISTORY. [1800 

wisdom.' The pulpit and deacons' scat were shrouded in black, 
and many of the congregation were in mourning. 

" Monday J 30^/t. — Papa to Boston at ten as there was a meet- 
ing of the inhabitants of the town of Boston at Faneuil Hall, to 
consult on measures of paying suitable Respect to the memory 
of the deceased Washington, when in compliance with heaven's 
high mandate, the hero of his age lies numbered with the dead ; 
the revered sage, the august statesman, the father of his coun- 
try has resigned his breath ; the idol of an empire, the envy and 
admiration of distant nations, and the brightest ornament of 
human nature, — Washington is no more. 

" Tuesday, Z\st. — Doctor Morse of Charlestown delivered an 
eulogy on the death of Gen. Washington, this afternoon, the 
first in the neighborhood of Boston. Washington's elegy was 
put on Gen. Warren's monument while the discourse was 
delivered. So ends the year of our Lord, 1799, in prayers and 
mourning for the loss of a Blessed Washington. 

" Thursday, 2d January, 1800. — Military funeral ceremonies 
were performed at Fort Independence, on Castle Island, this 
day, to evince their respect for the memory of Gen. Washing- 
ton. 

" Saturday, 9th. — Tributary honors were this day paid by 
the inhabitants of Boston to the memory of the illustrious 
deceased, George Washington. Every office, store and shop 
was closed, and business entirely suspended ; the flags of all 
the shipping in the harbor were hoisted half-mast high, mourn- 
ing crapes were worn by every individual of any respectability, 
and the ladies likewise manifested those attentions which sensi- 
bilities pay to departed heroism and virtue ; infancy caught the 
pious sorrow of the hour, and the rising generation dropped the 
manly tear. At half-past twelve the largest procession which 
was ever seen in the town proceeded from the new State-house, 
through the most public streets to the old brick meeting-house, 
where an excellent eulogium was pronounced by Judge Minot. 
At sunrise, sixteen guns were fired, and bells began tolling, — 
then signal guns, till the procession moved, every half hour, — 
from which time minute guns were fired till the time of the 
delivery of the eulogium ; then the firing of guns each half-hour 
was resumed and continued till near sunset ; the bells then 



1800.] THE WILLIAMS JOURNAL. 337 

ceased tolling, and a discharge of sixteen guns closed the cere- 
monies. The day was remarkably clear; not a cloud passed 
over the horizon ; the sun shone with uncommon brilliancy, 
but it was reflected on a wintry ground ; the trees were bereft 
of their honors, the murmuring streams had forgotten to flow, 
the song of the vocal chorister was mute, — Washington slept 
in dust, nature breathed the requiem of peace. Papa went over 
at ten, in order to join the procession ; he with mamma dined 
at Mr. Coflin's," etc. 

" Saturday, Sth February. — This was the day set apart for 
the great and mighty man, Fisher Ames, to deliver an eulogy 
on the sublime virtues of the late deceased General George 
Washington. The procession moved from the State house at 
eleven o'clock, and arrived at the Old South meeting-house. 
The procession was very lengthy, and the people in the house 
were very numerous. The eulogy was elegant and spirited, 
considering the occasion. It was highly political, and yet the 
orator was not guilty of digression. This discourse is said to 
be far the best yet delivered on this mournful occasion. 

" Tuesday, 11. — The day appointed for the masonic pro- 
cession in honor of the illustrious Washington. The bells rang 
from eleven till two ; the parade moved from the new State 
house to the Old South meeting-house, where an excellent 
eulogy was delivered by Mr. Bigelow. The procession is the 
most splendid we have had in Boston. A white urn sup- 
ported by six sergeants elegantly decorated, representing the 
genius of masonry weeping o'er the urn with this inscription : 
' Sacred to the memory of Brother George Washington, raised 
to the all-perfect Lodge 14th Deer. 1799, ripe in years and full 
of glory.' Nine boys bearing sprigs of cassia, and nine girls 
bearing baskets of flowers, all dressed in mourning, which had 
an elegant appearance. 

" Tuesday, 2nd September. — [H. 11. Williams at this time 
lived at Chelsea.] Papa and mamma came from Chelsea in 
the morning to meet the proprietors of the Island, as they intend 
visiting it to-day. At eleven the boat went over for them, 
and before twelve it returned with Mrs. Sumner, son and 
daughter, Mr. and Mrs. Hyslop, and Mr. Greenough. They 
took dinner with us, and left soon after." 
29 



338 HISTORY. [1800. 

In tlic Introductory Letter, reference was made to the proposed 
establishment of a navy-yard at Noddle's Island. The journal 
mentions it in the following entry : — 

" 24//i March, 1800.— Very pleasant. Papa and Thomas to 
Boston. Papa returned to dinner as the select men of Boston 
were coming here in the afternoon to view the Island and 
determine whether it will do for a navy-yard. They came at 
four in Dillaway's boat which waited for them until six ; they 
then took leave after refreshing themselves with wine, brandy 
and water." 

Attention was very generally turned to the Island as a suit- 
able place* for a navy-yard, and Mr. Darracott (father of the 
present George Darracott, Esq.), impressed with its peculiar fit- 
ness for such a purpose, went to the Island with measuring 
apparatus, and after spending some time in making observa- 
tions, sketched a map, or plan, marking down the mill-pond 
with considerable care, as he thought it afforded good conven- 
iences for a dock. 

Very fortunately, as the result now proves, but to the great 
disappointment of the proprietors of the Island at the time, 
Charlestown was selected as the site of the yard. A gentleman, 
in a note to the writer on this subject, says, that the Charlestown 
people sent Dr. Morse, the Orthodox Congregational clergyman 
of the place (father of the proprietors and editors of the New 
York Observer, and of the inventor of the electric telegraph), to 
Washington, as a delegate to favor their cause. To his efforts 
were added those of Dr. Putnam, and in this manner Charles- 
town secured the navy-yard, and that valuable location was 
ruined for business purposes. 

" Saturday, 25lh April, 1801. — Papa went to the Island to 
meet the owners of it and three other gentlemen who hud gone 
over to aj)praise some things papa left there. He came home 
to dine ; Mr. Greenough, Mr. Hyslop, Mr. Sumner, Mr. Parker, 
and brother Thomas with him : Mr. Smith and Mr. Blany were 
also of the party at the Island, and went from there to Boston, 
as business prevented their dining here." 

Extracts like these could be made sufficient to fill a volume, 
but want of space will not allow of further quotation, and suffi- 
cient has been given to show the character of the journal. The 



1800.] THE WILLIAMS JOURNAL. 839 

thought naturally suggests itself while reading these passages, 
that, if similar family records were more numerous, if indi- 
viduals were only careful to note the passing events of interest, 
the historian would find his labors lightened, and matters of 
value and interest to the reading and thinking public would be 
preserved. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

MILITARY OPERATIONS ON NODDLE'S ISLAND. 

Noddle's Island is not without its "purple testament of bleed- 
ing war." Murderous cannon have bristled from fortifications 
on its hill-tops ; thousands of armed men have camped upon 
the slopes and in the valleys ; the sound of musketry and the 
roar of field-pieces have made the Island tremble ; the quick 
march of eager troops and the struggle of real conflict have 
wasted its green fields ; and, with long lines of embankments, 
the strong forts upon its summits have protected the channel. 

Maverick probably commenced the military history of the 
Island with the planting of his " four murtherers " ^ in his " fort," 
to protect himself from the attacks of Indians, or any other 
enemies ; but we do not learn that he ever had occasion to use 
them. In years subsequent, fortifications were built at Boston 
and in the vicinity, and on some of the islands in the harbor, 
and it is not imjirobable that defences may have been raised 
upon Noddle's Island ; but w^e have no definite account of any 
works at so early a period. 

"Whatever pertains to military affairs upon the Island, divides 
itself into three periods, namely : the expedition to Canada in 
1711, the Revolutionary war, and the war of 1812. In these 
different accounts, all general description of causes and effects, 
of policy pursued, or circumstances not pertinent to our Island 
history, will be avoided, as far as is consistent with a clear nar- 
rative. These three divisions, although separated by intervals 
of many years, will be given in one chapter, for the convenience 
of the reader, and that the military history of the Island may 
be presented at one view. 

' Ante, p. 73. 



1711.] THE ENCAMPMENT IN 1711. 341 



I. 

The Expedition to Canada in 1711. — The greatest military 
display ever made upon the Island was undoubtedly at the time 
of the encampment there of the British forces, previous to their 
departure on that powerful and ill-fated expedition against Can- 
ada, in 1711.1 

The immediate antecedents and causes of this expedition 
may be concisely stated as follows : — 

The treaty of Ryswick, in 1697, regarded by all parties as 
only an armed truce, put a nominal end to the war between 
England and France known as King William's war, although 
the Indian allies of the French in this country continued their 
depredations for some time after the declaration of peace. Still, 
points of difference remained unsettled, and were the immedi- 
ate cause of angry feeling and dispute between the two govern- 
ments. Matters of greater national importance were mingled 
with these, and soon led to the renewal of hostilities. 

Upon the death of King William, in 1702, Anne, princess of 
Denmark, and eldest surviving daughter of James IL, quietly 
succeeded to the throne. This blasted the hopes of Louis 
XIV., who, in violation of the treaty of Ryswick, and before 
the death of William, had proclaimed the Pretender to be King 
of Great Britain and Ireland, under the title of James III. 
War was now inevitable ; and in May, 1702, a declaration of 
hostilities against France was announced on the same day at 
London, the Hague, and Vienna. 

In America, the whole weight of the war fell upon the New 
England colonies, and particularly upon Massachusetts and 
New Hampshire, these bordering directly upon the enemy's 
country. The declaration of hostilities was immediately fol- 



' In this account, use has been made of Hutchinson's History of Massachu- 
setts Bay, Admiral Walker's Journal, Marshall's Life of Washington, Bel- 
knap's History of New Hampshire, History of Modern Europe, Drake's His- 
tory of Boston, besides original documents in the possession of the author. 
These authorities are here mentioned to prevent a too ft*equent recurrence to 
them in the narrative. 

29* 



342 HISTORY. [1711. 

lowed by predatory incursions from Canada of the Frencli and 
Indians upon the exposed parts of New England ; and this des- 
olating warfare was carried on for some years, Massachusetts 
and New Hampshire having been left to struggle with the com- 
bined strength of the French and their Indian allies. 

This prolonged contest was destitute of any striking circum- 
stances, but was attended with great expense and infinite indi- 
vidual distress. The colonics, attributing their calamities to 
the French in Canada, earnestly solicited the crown for suffi- 
cient aid to subjugate that country, and in the autumn of 1708, 
an address to the queen was voted by the general court of Mas- 
sachusetts. This address was strongly supported by Francis 
Nicholson, who had been lieutenant-governor, first of New 
York and afterward of Virginia, and Samuel Vetch, a man 
well acquainted with the French settlements in that quarter. 

Influenced by these representations, the British ministry de- 
cided to send an expedition against the French settlements in 
North America, and an extensive plan of operations was formed 
for that purpose. Five regiments of regular troops were to be 
sent to Boston, there to be joined by twelve hundred men, to be 
raised in Massachusetts and Rhode Island ; and these States 
were also to furnish transports, pilots, flat-bottomed boats, and 
three months' provisions for their own men. With this force it 
was intended to besiege Quebec ; and another army, to be 
raised in the colonies lying south of Rhode Island, was to at- 
tack INIontreal at the same time. Nicholson was appointed to 
command the troops destined for Montreal, and marched to 
Wood creek, and waited there the arrival of the English troops. 
In the mean time, the New England troops were waiting at 
Boston for the arrival of the British. But neither men nor 
tidings came from England ; and, after waiting from May till 
September in daily expectation of the fleet. Vetch proposed a 
meeting of the governors of the colonies, to see to what use 
they could put the troops, in order that the expense incurred 
might not be wholly lost. At length, on the 11th of October, 
two or three days before the congress of governors was to as- 
semble, news arrived that the forces intended for America had 
been sent to Portugal ; and the colonists were directed to turn 
their attention to the reduction of Port Royal, in Nova Scotia. 



1711.] THE ENCAMPMENT IN 1711. 343 

But on account of the refusal of the naval commanders to en- 
gage in a service wliich promised neither glory nor profit, and 
also on account of the lateness of the season, the troops were 
discharged and the enterprise abandoned, to the severe disap- 
pointment of the colonists. 

But General Nicholson persisted in his eflbrts, and on the 
ISth of September sailed from Boston with an expedition for 
that destination. Speedily investing Port Royal, he compelled 
it to surrender on the 5th of October, and, in compliment to 
the queen, changed the name to Annapolis. Leaving a garri- 
son sufficient to guard it, he returned with the troops to Boston. 
Thence he went to England to renew the solicitations for an 
expedition against Canada, confident of success in the under- 
taking. A tory ministry was now in power, and the colonists, 
being all whigs, supposed the ministry to be determined on 
peace, and not inclined to make further acquisitions from the 
French possessions. There was a general surprise, therefore, 
when, on the 8th of June, 1711, General Nicholson arrived at 
Boston with orders from the queen to the governors of the col- 
onies as far as Pennsylvania to have their quotas of men and 
provisions in readiness for such an expedition upon the arrival 
of the fleet and army from Europe. This was a short warning, 
as the fleet was expected in a few days ; and, what was still 
more extraordinary, ten weeks' provision for the army was to 
be in readiness at Boston at that time. 

It was impossible to make a literal compliance with these 
orders, for the fleet entered the harbor on the 24th of June, only 
sixteen days after the arrival of Gen. Nicholson. But the 
nature of the service was so perfectly in accordance with the 
wishes of the people, as well as of the governors, that they used 
every exertion, and surmounted the greatest difficulties, for the 
execution of the demands of the government. The general 
court of Massachusetts issued bills of credit to the amount of 
forty thousand pounds to supply the money which the English 
treasury could not advance, and the whole plan met with the 
hearty response of the people of Boston. Says Bummer: 
" When the great unfortunate expedition was set on foot 
against Canada under the command of General Hill and Ad- 
miral Walker, they (the colonists) furnished more than the 



344 HISTORY. [1711. 

quota assigned them, and provided all necessaries for the Brit- 
ish troops in so short a time, that if they had not been animated 
by an extraordinary zeal would not have been possible. And 
notwithstanding some people found it necessary to blame New 
England the better to excuse themselves, yet it has been 
acknowledged to me by English gentlemen who were then on 
the spot, and well experienced in these affairs, that such a fleet 
and army wanting the necessaries they did, could not have been 
despatched on so short warning from any port in England." ^ 

The fleet under Admiral Sir Hovenden Walker, knight, was 
the largest that had ever visited this country, — larger than the 
fleet of Nelson at the battle of the Nile, — consisting of fifteen 
men of war, forty transports, and accompanied by six store- 
ships.2 After the arrival of this armament, it received an acces- 
sion of two regiments of New England troops, by which the 
land-forces amounted to nearly seven thousand men ; an army 
larger than that which afterward, under Gen. "Wolfe, reduced 
Quebec. 

Never before had such an array of land and naval forces been 
seen on this side of the ocean as was now collected in Boston 
harbor, and the excitement among the people was very great. 

The " Boston News Letter " thus announces its arrival : — 

"On Monday, the 23d of June last, the Castle gave the usual 
signal of several ships seen in the bay, and about noon the 
alarm begun. In one hour's time the troop of guards and regi- 
ment of foot were under arms. In his Excellency's absence at 
the Congress in New London, the Gentlemen of her Majesty's 
Council received his Excellency Brigadier Hill, Commander in 
Chief of her Majesty's forces in North America, and the Hon- 
ourable Sir Hovenden Walker, Knt., Admiral of her Majesty's 
fleet in the present expedition. The Troop and Regiment 
being still under arms, the General and Admiral were con- 
ducted and attended by her Majesty's Council to the Town 
House, and congratulated on their safe arrival to New Eng- 
land." 



^ Defence of New Eng. Charters, pp. 19, 20. 

* Nelson's fleet consisted of thirteen ships of the line and one fifty-gun ship ; 
Scott's Napoleon, Vol. I. p. 29G. 



1711.] THE TROOPS UPON CAMP HILL. 345 

Immediately after the arrival of the fleet, arrangements were 
made for landing the men on Noddle's Island ; and on the 27th 
of June, says Admiral Walker in his journal, — 

" I gave Orders that the Marines should be put ashore at 
Noddle's Island, according to the General's Desire, with their 
Tents and Baggage, that they might encamp and be exercised 
with the rest of the forces." Hutchinson says, " they were so 
exercised every day in a healthy air ; and it was allowed, that 
men were never landed and reimbarked in better order." The 
sick were placed in booths " on one of the islands near Nan- 
tasket Road." From the fact that the encampment was on the 
south-easterly height of Noddle's Island, that elevation took the 
name of " Ca7np Hil^'' and was so called until it was built upon 
by the East Boston Company, when that part of the hill which 
was so occupied was enclosed as a square by the city, by an 
ornamental iron fence, and is now known by the name of 
Belmont Square. 

It appears from the admiral's journal, that there were two 
public reviews of the forces; one on the 5th, and the other on 
the 10th, of July. The army which came in the fleet was 
composed of " seven veteran regiments of the Duke of Marl- 
borough," and a batt 
Brigadier-general Hil 
Boston had never before seen so grand a military display 
as these ' veteran ' troops made as they performed their evolu- 
tions on the fields of Noddle's Island." 

The review on the 10th is thus noticed in the admiral's jour- 
nal : — 

'• The Forces on Noddle's Island being designed soon to re- 
embark, were this* Day reviewed by the General, where was 
the Governour and a great Concourse of people of all sorts ; 
the Troops making a very fine Appearance, such as had never 
before been seen in these parts of the World." 

The " News Letter " says that this review on the 10th " made 
a very fine appearance, the like whereof was never seen in these 
Parts." 

The scene upon the days of these reviews must have been 
inspiriting and grand. As we look back upon it through the 
lapse of intervening years, it rises before us like a beautiful pic- 



346 HISTORY. [1711. 

ture, with the coloring softened, but not dimmed, by the veil 
which the hand of time has thrown over it. 

Upon the elevated ground of the Island is the encampment, 
laid out with military precision, with its white tents gleaming 
in the sunlight, while high above it proudly floats the cross of 
St. George. On the gentle slopes of the hill, and on the broad 
green fields, thousands of the best disciplined troops of which 
the world can boast, with gay uniforms and glistening bayonets, 
are performing their evolutions to the sound of martial music, 
which rises, swells, and dies away on the passing breeze. The 
spray is tossed in the sunshine from the oars of a hundred 
boats conveying the admiring populace to witness the display ; 
and in the distance the measured stroke shows the well-trained 
oarsmen of the fleet bringing officers and soldiers to the Island; 
while far down the beautiful bay is seen the mighty fleet 
quietly riding at anchor among the islands in Nantasket road. 
Present pleasure, and» joyful anticipations of the future, shine 
forth from every countenance ; countenances, too soon, alas ! to 
be shadowed in disappointment. Never before had there been 
such a splendid display upon our shores as the Island that day 
exhibited ; and since that time it has seldom been exceeded, if, 
indeed, it has ever been equalled : and as the colonists gazed 
upon the brilliant pageant, it is not to be wondered at that they 
indulged in ardent hopes and joyful expectations of the result 
of the expedition. The enemy knew nothing of the vast fleet 
and army which was bearing down upon them ; indeed, it was 
wholly unexpected to the colonists, and thus far the gales of 
fortune blew propitious. 

This was the poetry of the expedition ; another leaf in its 
history is turned, and we find the prose. Brilliant displays and 
stirring music please the eye and ear, but cannot satisfy the 
demands of hunger ; and the very practical question now forced 
itself into unwelcome notice, " What shall we eat, and what 
shall loe drink ? " 

The destitute condition of the forces compelled the admiral 
to commence immediate negotiations for a supply of provisions ; 
and with this eflbrt began a long series of difficulties, which 
encountered him in almost every step. 

It has been previously mentioned that ten weeks' provision 



1711.] SUPPLIES FOR THE TROOPS. 347 

for the army was to be procured at Boston, and that it was im- 
possible to meet this demand at so short a notice. The admi- 
ral, consequently, applied to Capt. Belcher, a rich and leading 
man, the father of Gov. Belcher, to aid him in his difficulty, but 
he would have nothing to do in the matter. He next applied 
to Mr. Andrew Faneuil (uncle of Peter Faneuil, to whose 
munificence Boston is indebted for the hall which bears his 
name), who, with that public spirit so characteristic of the 
family, undertook to furnish the supplies. He, however, was 
unable to do this without the aid of the law ; for the merchants, 
taking advantage of the necessities of the troops, asked prices 
as extravagant as the demand was extraordinary, claiming 
that it was a common chance in trade to which they were justly 
entitled. However well supplied the city and vicinity may 
have been previous to the arrival of the fleet, the addition of so 
many persons would, of necessity, cause a scarcity, and a pro- 
portionate advance in prices ; and some even concealed the pro- 
visions in their possession. 

Such being the state of things, an adequate supply could not 
be obtained, and Gov. Dudley was obliged to issue a stringent 
" Order for searching for provisions." Searchers were appointed, 
and Capt. Samuel Gookin and Capt. Samuel Phips were 
appointed " to attend constantly at the camp on Noddle's 
Island in the day time, to see there be no extortion or oppres- 
sion in the sale of victuals or exchange of money." Had their 
authority extended into the night, we might call them watchers. 

This order effected a general compliance on the part of the 
citizens, but as some individuals refused to submit, the British 
officers very unjustly and ungenerously charged the colonial 
government with unnecessarily delaying the fleet ; whereas, on 
the contrary, extraordinary measures were taken to remove 
every impediment. Indeed, many of the principal men of Bos- 
ton, in their self-denying efforts to aid the admiral, and to pre- 
vent any lack of fresh provisions among his forces, engaged, 
while the fleet lay there, to eat salt provisions, and no other, in 
their families, — a self-sacrifice which was imitated in the Revo- 
lution, when the the people, for the public good, refrained from 
the enjoyment of their tea. Thus every exertion was made by 



348 HISTORY. [1711. 

the authorities, and personal sacrifices endured by private indi- 
viduals to meet the demands of the admiral. 

It was a great mistake in the plan of the expedition to de- 
pend upon obtaining at Boston a supply of provisions at so 
short a notice. Another mistake was in believing that pilots 
could be obtained here, competent to take the fleet up the St. 
Lawrence, without having previously ascertained the fact. The 
consequence was that the government was obliged to impress 
into the service for pilots shipmasters, who had but little experi- 
ence, as they had been only once or twice up the river. 

Another difficulty with which the officers had to contend was 
the desertion of the men. To prevent this, the general court 
passed an act imposing a penalty of fifty pounds, or twelve 
months' imprisonment, upon all persons harboring any soldier, 
marine, or sailor, who should desert from the fleet. Previous to 
this, orders had been issued to the towns to guard the highways 
by the military. Still, when the fleet sailed, it was found that 
a great number had deserted. 

On the 19th of July, preparations were commenced for break- 
ing up the camp, the admiral directing the captains to send 
boats on the following morning (20th), before high-water, to 
Noddle's Island, to assist in the reembarkation of the forces on 
board the transports, and also, directing the boatswains, gunners, 
and carpenters to go on shore and sign the receipts for such 
stores as they had been supplied with by Mr. Faneuil ; and on 
the 20th, he ordered the " long boats to fetch off" the Baggage 
from Noddle's Island belonging to the Marines, and also their 
sick men." 

The Boston News-Letter of July 23, 1711, says, that on 
Friday, the 20th, the camp broke up, and the British forces em- 
barked again on board the fleet. Having occupied the Island 
thirty-five days, on the 30th of July the fleet sailed for the St. 
Lawrence. 

It came over the water to our shores in all the pride of 
power, dazzled every eye and impressed every heart with the 
magnificence of its display, and with the prayers of thousands 
for its safety and success, turned its prows again to the wide 
ocean, and with sails filled by the western winds, and pennants 



1711.] THE FAILURE OF THE ENTERrRTSE. 349 

flying, majestically moved away, and soon appeared in the dis- 
tance like summer clouds floating in the far-olT iiorizon. 

As our particular interest in the expedition is limited to its 
connection with Noddle's Island, it need only be added that 
the fleet arrived at the mouth of the St. Lawrence on the 14th 
of August, and on the night of the 22d, in thick and stormy 
weather, was driven among the breakers. Eight or nine of the 
transports and a thousand men were lost. The remainder of 
the fleet escaped ; but by this disaster and from other causes 
which need not be detailed, the officers were disheartened, and 
the expedition was abandoned. Gen. Nicholson, Avho had ad- 
vanced as far as Lake George by land, retreated with his army, 
the New England men returned home, and the admiral went 
back to Englajid. 

Thus came, went, and perished, an expedition, which in its 
effects hardly made an additional ripple on the tide of human 
affairs, and only added one more to the many monuments of 
human weakness, and one more to the many instances of fatal- 
ity which have attended several expeditions against Canada. 

Thus did He who rules the winds and waves defeat the plans 
of human wisdom. Meeting with the same fate as the Spanish 
Armada, fitted out for the invasion of England, and the mighty 
armament of the Duke D'Anville for the recovery of Louisburg, 
this powerful fleet was shattered in an hour, even without hav- 
ing seen the enemy ; and the names of the master-spirits, which, 
to human view, seemed destined to live immortal on the his- 
toric page, will die " unhonored and unsung." Here might have 
been a Nelson or a Wolfe ; but instead, the brightness which 
was so near breaking on the world's history, and the names 
which the pen had commenced writing on the list of heroes, 
were darkened by the frowns of a mysterious Providence. 

Turning our attention again to Noddle's Island, we find that 
the army, during its encampment on the hill, had, in their lack 
of sufficient provisions, made free with the property of Chris- 
topher Caprill, the tenant of the Island. He complained to the 
general court that he had "suffered very much, and been greatly 
damnified by the army," which had trampled down two hundred 
and thirty acres of grass, dug trenches, taken apples from his 
30 



350 HISTORY. [1711. 

orchard, vegetables from his garden, stolen sheep, and committed 
various trespasses, and that he had spent thirty days' lime in 
watching them and endeavoring to prevent these robberies; 
injuring him, according to his estimate, to the amount of ninety- 
two pounds and seven shillings (.£92 7a.). As the depredations 
were committed by troops fitted out by the home government, 
the general court resolved that " It doth not belong to this Prov- 
ince to pay the charge." 

It would seem that the " watchers" of whom mention has 
been made were not seasonably remunerated for their services, 
for in their petition to the general court they state that they 
"were by Order of his Excellency in Councill dated the 3"^ day 
of July last Appointed & Impowered to Attend constantly 
in the day time at the Camp lately at Noddles Island, to see 
there should be no Extortion or Oppression in the sale of vict- 
ualls or Exchange of money or other things that the Clarks of 
the markets ought to do. 

" In Obedience to which order your Petitioners Attended & 
Performed that difficult & troublesome service from the 4th day 
of July afores'i, to the 24 day of the same and have as yet 
received no Consideration for the same. 

" But your Petitioners now humbly Pray Your Excellency & 
Honours to Grant such allowance to your Pef^ as in your 
Wisdom & Justice shall be thought meet for their service afore-' 
said &c. Sam^ Piiipps, for himself & S.ui^ Gookin." 

" In answer to this petition, it was resolved that £5 be paid 
to cacli petitioner in full for their service. Oct. 26, 1711.'' i 

" No war nor battle sound" disturbed the Island for more 
than sixty years, and the solitary tenants had no one " to molest 
or mai^e afraid." The recollection of the splendid but ill-fated 
Canada expedition faded from their memories, and they pur- 
sued their peaceful occupations until the Revolutionary war. 



» Archives, LXXI. p. 833. 



1775.] THE BATTLE IN 1775. 351 



11. 

Bailie upon Noddle's Island in 1775. — Information con- 
cerning the earlier battles of the Revolution is of peculiar 
interest, and of great historical value. Partly on' account 
of tiie suddenness with which the resort to arnris came upon 
the people, and partly on account of the confused and ex- 
cited state of the public mind and the lack of system in our 
operations, our knowledge of the opening battles of the war is 
limited, when compared with the official and other accounts we 
have of subsequent engagements after the army was organized, 
and the general pulse beat regularly to the strife for free- 
dom. 

Still, those early battles struck the key-note to the whole 
Revolution, and light thrown upon them reflects upon the 
whole contest, and aids us in seeing " the end from the begin- 
ning ; " and while the actions of the colonists, previous to any 
systematic organization, were, of necessity, varied and without 
concert, yet they were the first and important steps upon 
which the remainder of the seven years' march depended. 

The battle, or as the British called it, " the skirmish," of Lex- 
ington, concerning which our accounts are pretty complete, 
took place on the morning of April 19, 1775. The intelligence 
flew to all parts of the land on the wings of the wind ; and the 
country, long in a feverish state of expectation, heard the news 
with eager ears, and then with one heart and soul made prepa- 
ration for 

" The grappling vigor and rough frown of war." 

As the firing at Lexington broke upon the ears of the startled 
populace, and the tidings of the battle spread through the 
neighboring towns, the excited inhabitants left their farms and 
workshops and flocked to the scene of action, anxious to do 
something, they knew not what, for the common welfare. 
The engagement at Concord was but the continuation of the 
fight at Lexington ; and as the news of actual war spread with 
lightning rapidity through the country, within a very few days 
there was scarcely a village in New England but had heard of 
the contest, and was sending its men to the central point. All 



352 HISTORY. [1775. 

hearts beat in unison to the one idea of liberty. Men of all 
classes and conditions in life, of all ages, of every degree of 
experience, and vast numbers without any experience, in mili- 
tary affiiirs ; a few well, but by far the greater part poorly, 
equipped, assembled at or near Cambridge, which town, after 
the battle of Lexington and Concord, was made the head- 
quarters of the gathering host. 

Among other officers here was the impetuous Arnold, who 
had rushed hither with his company from New Haven. When 
the new.s of the battle reached New Haven, the town was 
thrown into an uproar, and, amidst the ringing of bells, the 
populace collected on the public green. Arnold, who was then 
the young captain of the Governor's Guards, made a speech to 
the multitude, imbued with all the fire and eloquence of which 
he was master, and offered to head any volunteers who would 
accompany him. Sixty men put themselves under his com- 
mand. The selectmen declined to furnish them with ammuni- 
tion, whereupon Arnold sent a peremptory summons to the 
tr)wn-officers to deliver up the keys of the mag-azine, or he would 
break it open by force. The keys were surrendered, and the 
company, supplied with ammunition, marched rapidly to Cam- 
bridge. Upon his arrival, perceiving that there was no call for 
immediate action, and unable to restrain his ardor, he proposed 
to the committee of safety to head an expedition against 
Ticonderoga ; and on the third of May he received the com- 
mission of colonel from the committee of safety, who were then 
in session at Cambridge, and the requisite authority for the exe- 
cution of this project. Allowing of no delay, within three days 
after his commission was made out he was on the western 
border of the State prosecuting his march. 

Here was Stark, who, in ten minutes after hearing the cry of 
war, was in his saddle and on the way to the place of rendezvous, 
his New Hampshire volunteers hastening on behind him. This 
is the same John Stark of whom Gen. Gage spoke when, on 
the morning of the battle of Bunker Hill, some one asked him 
if the rebels would stand fire; "Yes," said he, '"if one John 
Stark ' is there, for he is a brave fellow." 

Here was the invincible Putnam, who had, at a moment's 
warning, left the plough for the sword, and who, twenty-four 
hours previous, was nearly one hundred miles from tiie spot. 



1775.] THE GATHERING AT CAMBRIDGE. 353 

He caught the tidings of battle while ploughing in his field; 
leaving his plough in the furrow he unyoked the team, and, 
mounting his swiftest horse without delaying to change his 
clothes, hastened to the scene of action. 

Finding, on his arrival at Cambridge, that the British had 
retreated to Boston, and were surrounded by a force sufficient 
to watch their movements, he returned to Connecticut, and, ob- 
taining authority of the legislature, levied a regiment. Leav- 
ing orders for the troops to follow him with as little delay as 
possible, he hurried back to Cambridge, having been absent 
only one week. The colony now promoted him to be a briga- 
dier-general on the provincial staff, and this appointment was, 
in a short time, confirmed by congress, on the continental estab- 
lishment. 

Soon afterward the British commander-in-chief, perceiving the 
superior' abilities and great influence of Gen. Putnam, and con- 
scious of the valuable acquisition he would be to the British 
government, privately made a proposal to him to relinquish 
his commission in the rebel army, and offered him tlyg rank of 
major-general, and great pecuniary compensation for his ser- 
vices. The sturdy general spurned the proposal, and prudently 
kept a knowledge of it from the people. 

Such was the spirit, and such the devotion to the good of the 
country, which animated the men who so soon were to engage 
in the horrors and vicissitudes of war. 

Mrs. Anna Pope, whose one hundred and second birthday 
occurred on the 16th of December last, recollects with distinct- 
ness the stirring events of those times. She was born in New- 
ton, and her memory goes back with much vividness to the 
scenes of the Revolution. Mrs. Pope recently described to a 
visitor the appearance of the men as she saw them hastening 
towards Lexington on the morning of the 19th of April, and 
with what feelings of devout solemnity those of the citizens of 
Newton who had taken part in that day's encounter stood up 
in the aisle of the church on the following Sabbath, while 
thanks were publicly offered from the pulpit for their safe 
return, — several of them still bearing the marks of musket 
balls in their garments. A similar scene was repeated on the 
Sabbath following the battle of Bunker Hill. 
30* 



354 HISTORY. [1775. 

Although military zeal was so signally displayed by the offi- 
cers at Cambridge, it was not the only ardor which influenced 
them, for we find that Noddle's Island was the early scene of 
the operations of both the civil and military staff. In illustra- 
tion of this, and on the authority of his son,' to whom the writer 
is indebted for the interesting incident, an anecdote is given of 
the Hon. William Tudor, a member of the civil staff, and judge- 
advocate-generai of the American army, which shows him to 
have been as ardent a follower of Cupid as his brother officers 
on the military staff were of Mars, and as zealous a lover as 
he was patriot. 

At the commencement of the Revolutionary war, and while 
Cambridge was the head-quarters of our army. Miss Jarvis (a 
sister of Dr. Jarvis), the lady whom Judge Tudor afterward 
married, and to whom he was then very attentive, was on a 
visit at the house of Mr. Williams, on Noddle's Island. The 
proximity of the British fleet rendered it at least inconvenient, 
if not really dangerous, for him to leave head-quarters and go 
to the Island to see the object of his affections. If it be true 
that " Labor omnia vincity'' it is doubly true when the ^^ labor" 
is one oi love. It was aggravating to Mr. Tudor to be within 
so short a distance of his lady-love and not be able to reach 
her. Consequently, he would leave Cambridge, and go to the 
neighborhood of Winnisimet ferry, at Chelsea, take off his 
clothes, and tying them upon his head to keep them out of the 
water, cross the channel like Leander at the Hellespont, then 
redress on the Island shore, and make his well-earned visit at 
the house where resided the lady for whom he had passed 
through the ordeal of fire and water. His devotion was 
rewarded in the successful issue of his suit, three sons and two 
daughters, all remarkable for eminent talents and high social 
position. This same story was related in the following manner 
to Major Barton, when he kept the Maverick House, by an aged 
lady then stop|)ing there. It deviates but slightly from the one 
just given. 

At the time Boston was besieged, and the harbor was filled 



Frederick Tudor, Esq., well known as the " Ice Kiiif 



1775.] ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY. 355 

with the British fleet, notice was given that the town would 
be fired upon ; and that all the women and children who 
wished could leave it. About twenty young ladies, relatives 
and friends of the Williams family then residing on Nod- 
dle's Island, took up their residence there for the time. One 
of the young ladies chanced to have a beau residing in the 
city, and notwithstanding all communication by boats was cut 
off, this young lover was determined to see his mistress ; and 
every night he swam across the channel with his clothes upon 
his head, to see the object of his affections. The parties, 
one of whom was the lady who told the story, afterward were 
married. 

Thus we present the anecdote from both the parties. 

Over the martial multitude at Cambridge, Gen. Artemas 
Ward, of Massachusetts, being the oldest officer, was appointed 
commander. " His commission as commander-in-chief »f the 
Bay troops was delivered to him on the 20th (April) by the 
provincial congress." ^ 

Soon after the battle of Lexington and Concord,^ some 



* Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. I. p. 486. 

* The mere names of Lexington and Concord remind the writer of his duty to 
the memory of his much respected friend, the late Gov. Brooks, which has for 
so long a time been omitted. The account which follows was received from 
him when riding with him to attend a review near Concord. On the way, 
in passing over the bridge, he pointed out the very barn under cover 
of which he made the attack. The sight of these brought to his mind 
the circumstances which he then related ; or otherwise, from his well-known 
modesty, it is probable the public would never have been informed of the par- 
ticulars of this attack of the gallant captain, with a single company, upon the 
whole British army, which would hardly have been justifiable had not the 
enemy been on a hasty retreat. 

"When speaking of the valor of our undisciplined militia in the first day's 
conflict at Lexington and Concord, which spread so much alarm throuo-li the 
country, he observed that the Reading company of minute-men, which he was 
chosen to command when he first commenced the practice of medicine in that 
town, were a little better drilled, although he did not claim for them greater 
courage, than those who were earlier engaged in the conflict. When he took 
the command of that company, he judged from the signs of the times that it 
was his first duty to those who had placed confidence in him, to acquire what 
knowledge he could of military matters. Accordingly he made a visit to 
Salem to consult Col. Pickering, who was then considered the best tactician 



356 HISTORY. [1775. 

measures of precaution on the part of the provincials became 
necessary. The first steps of this kind on record were taken by 
General Ward, who gave orders to Colonel Stark to take a 
small escort and examine Noddle's Island, with a view to ascer- 
tain the practicability of erecting a battery there to annoy the 
British shipping. He was accompanied on this expedition by 
Major Mc Clary, who a few days after did valiant service in the 
battle of Bunker Hill, where his sonorous voice rang clear 
above the din of arms, animating and encouraging the men, 

■with ■whom he could readily confer. lie found the instructions he thus 
received of great use when, soon afterward, he fired upon the British army on 
their retreat from Concord. 

As soon as the news of the fight at Lexington reached Reading, he called 
out his company and marched directly towards Concord, where were the stores 
■which they supposed Gen. Gage had in view to destroy. On his march, at the 
intersection of the road from Chelmsford with the one that led from Bedford to 
Concord, upon which he was travelling, he came in contact with Col. Bridge, 
to whose regiment his company belonged. He was on his way to Concord 
with the rest of the regiment, or as much of it as he had been able to collect. 
Capt. Brooks saluted, and reported himself for orders. Col. Bridge said, " 1 
am glad you have come up, Captain. We will stop here and give our men 
some refreshment, and then push on to Concord." The answer was, " My 
men have just refreshed themselves, and as I think there is no time to be lost, 
with your leave I will go ahead ; and as neither of us is aware of what is tak- 
ing place, if I get into any difficulty I shall know that you will soon follow me, 
and shall have the main body of your regiment to fall back upon." The 
colonel replied, " You may go ; but as you are unacquainted with the posture 
of affairs, be careful and not go too far ahead." Having this authority from 
his colonel, Capt. Brooks hastened on toward Concord, and when he came 
near the main road from Concord to Lexington, he saw the fiank guard of the 
British army on this .^ide of a hill which intervened and kept the main body 
from his sight. He imagined that the soldiers he saw belonged to the Charles- 
town Artillery Company (having the same colored uniform) on their retreat 
from the scene of conflict. He halted until he discovered his mistake by see- 
ing the flank guard fall in with the main body to cross a bridge over a large 
brook on the road. Finding that his position could not be outflanked, he 
ordered his men to advance, and, taking a position at JMerriam's Corner, 
covered by a barn and the walls around it, told them to fire directly at the 
bridge, which was twenty or thirty rods off. As the British army was in great 
haste to make good its retreat, it fired but one volley in return. AVhcn the 
enemy had passed, examination was made to see what had been the cfl'ect of 
the fire, and several persons — the writer thinks he said nine — were found hors 
de combat on or near the bridj'e. 



1775.] SKIRMISH. 357 

while his brave deeds showed them a brilliant example. He 
was killed near the close of the battle, and the circnmstances 
attending the death of this patriotic soldier were peculiar. " He 
had galloped to Medford and returned with dressings for the 
wounded, when he ordered Captain Dearborn to advance 
toward the Neck with his company, whilst he crossed over to 
reconnoitre the enemy. He was returning with Lieutenant- 
colonel Robinson and others, and boasting that the shot com- 
missioned to kill him was not yet cast, when a cannon-ball 
from the Glasgow tore him to pieces. No smaller weapon 
seemed worthy to destroy the gigantic hero." ^ 

A slight skirmish took place on the Island between Colonel 
Stark's company and a party of the enemy, which landed with 
the intention of intercepting the return of the comjiany to the 
main land. After exchanging a few shots, the British retired. 
At this time, the numerous islands in Boston harbor, which ren- 
der it so beautiful, were stocked with cattle, horses, sheep, etc. 
These were owned by different persons, some occupying the 
islands, others, gentlemen residing on the main land. The 
stock on Hog island was owned by Oliver Wendell, of Boston, 
one of the "committee of correspondence, inspection, and 
safety," and afterward known as Judge Wendell, for a long 
course of years one of the governor's council, and Mr. Jonathan 
Jackson, of Newburyport, who, after his removal to Boston, 
was appointed supervisor of the internal revenue ; he was also 
treasurer of Harvard University.^ The stock on Noddle's 



^ History of Battle of Bunker Hill, by Samuel Swett, p. 48. 

* When the -writer had charge of his mother's and uncle's part of Noddle's 
Island, after liis fotlier's death, Mr. Jackson, who was highly esteemed for his 
gentlemanly deportment, as well as his high and lionoi-able character, had been 
recently appointed treasurer of Harvard University. He was to be found in 
the supervisor's office, in a large building on the north side of Oliver street, 
formerly the elegant residence of Mr. ISIcDonough, the British consul. It is 
not now recollected who preceded !Mr. Jackson in the office of treasurer ; but 
it is very certain that no great pains were taken in the collection of the college 
dues, nor was the account of its funds kept with the same punctilious exactness 
as by the eminent gentleman who is the subject of this note, as the following 
story will prove. 

The reader has learned from this liistory that S. S. Yeamans, the devisor of 
Noddle's Island to his three aunts, one of whom was Mrs. Hyslop, the Awiter's 



358 HISTORY. [1775. 

Island was owned by Mr. Ilcnry Howell Williams, the tenant, 
who was habitually accustomed to supply outward bound ves- 
sels with live-stock and poultry from his large and varied stock. 



grandmother, also devised to them a farm in Chelsea of four hundred acres, 
■which his progenitors owned in fee-simple, subject to Newdigate's gift of an 
annuity of £5 to Harvard University. This farm Col. Shrimpton bought of 
Mr. Newdigate, and it had been kept in the family subject to this annuity. 
Mention is made of it in a letter from Thomas Grccnough to Mr. Yeamans, 
dated 1st May, 17G7. 

" Our forefathers, when our college was in its infancy, used to have dona- 
tions very often to the college to encourage learning, and it was a noble thing 
that God put it into the hearts of our ancestors to erect such a school for the 
prophets, which has been as a fountain, from which have flowed streams which 
have rejoiced the city of our God, and trained up many for eminent blessings 
in their day to church and State. 

" By the will of John New(di)gate, who owned the Chelsea farm, who died 
in the year 1GG5, (he) gave £5 p. ann. forever to Harvard College, in Cam- 
bridge, and subjected the farm to pay said sum, and your great grandfather, 
Col. Saml. Shrimpton, purchased this farm of Jno. New(di)gate's son Na- 
thaniel, with this incumbrance of £5 ; he gave £350 sterling for said farm, as 
appears by the deed." 

The Avriter, in behalf of the proprietors, went to Mr. Jackson at the super- 
visor's office, for the purpose of paying this annuity. When the sum due was 
ascertained, he, stepping to a large office desk of several compartments in the 
middle of the room, took, from a quire of paper upon it, a sheet, for the pur- 
pose of inditing a receipt for the money he was about to pay. Noticing this, 
Mr. Jackson said, " Stop, sir, if you please ; I '11 give you the paper which I 
wish you "to use ; " and opening a drawer, took therefrom paper, pen, and ink, 
which he handed to me, saying, " This is the college drawer; the paper you 
were about to use belongs to the supervisor's department." 

Such punctilious honesty is rarely witnessed in the present day, even by the 
descendants of the Silver Greys of Newburyport. He was the father of the 
late Judge Jackson, and was connected by kin or marriage with the Lowells, 
Higginsons, Cabots, and other of the first families. The writer well remembers 
the deep impression his funeral made upon the public mind. It had been custom- 
ary, up to this time, to have a numerous procession of mourners and friends, male 
and female, follow the hearse on foot, and a long line of carriages with liveried 
servants, only a few of Avhich had any one in them, sent by their several owners 
to show their respect for the deceased, the degree of it in which he was held 
being estimated by the length of the procession. This custom was broken in 
upon by Mr. Jackson, the funeral being conducted, by his direction, in the most 
simple manner, only a few of the nearest male connections following the hearse 
on foot. This custom has been almost universally followed, save by the Cath- 
olic Irish, who still retain their fondness for long processions in numerous car- 
riages, not ahvays empty ! 



1775.] THE NECESSITIES OF THE BIIITISII. 359 

The possession of the live-stock upon the different islands 
in the harbor was a matter of no small consequence to the 
British. The army, then consisting of three thousand effective 
troops, occupied the town, while a fleet lay in the harbor. 
These forces were to be fed, and provisions were to be obtained 
in the face of very serious obstacles. In allusion to this state 
of things, Frcneau,^ the spirited song writer of the Revolution, 
in his " Midniglit Ma shifts : or, a Trip to Boston,'^ published in 
1775, referring to the necessities of the British army, and the 
attempts made to obtain provisions on the islands, puts these 
words into the mouth of General Gage : — 

" Three weeks, yo gods ! nay, three long years it seems, 
Since roaxt beef I have touched, except in dreams. 
In sleep, choice dishes to my view repair ; 
Waking, I gape, and champ the empty air. 
Say, is it just, that I, who rule these bands, 
Should live on husks, like rakes in foreign lands? 
Come, let us plan some object, ere we sleep, 
And drink destruction to the rebel sheep. 
On neighboring isles, uncounted cattle stray, 
Fat beeves and swine, — an ill defended prey : 
These are fit visions for my noon-day dish ; 
These, if my soldiers act as I could wish, 
In one short week would glad your maws and mine ; 
On mutton we will sup, on roast beef dine." 

But while the hungry wants of the general and his army, and 
their plans for relief, seem to have afforded peculiar pleasure to 
the muse of Freneau, it was really a matter of great moment to 
the Briticjh army. Of salt provisions there was a good supply, 
but the men, unaccustomed to such diet, were fast falling sick- 
Of fresh provisions they were entirely destitute. To obtain 
these was a work of great difficulty. The army was completely 
invested. The hitherto despised provincials had shut in the 
British, made use of the very lines on Boston Neck which Gage 
himself had erected, and were waiting impatiently for the oppor- 



' Philip Freneau was born In the city of Xew York, January •2d, 1702; died 
December 18th, 1832. 



360 HISTORY. [1775. 

tunity to drive the royal forces to the fleet. Communication 
witli the country was cut off. Had it not been, the reception 
the Briti:>li had met with from the few and hastily gathered 
Americans in their visit to Lexington and Concord indicated the 
danger of penetrating the interior in the face of the army, undis- 
ciplined though it was, which then surrounded the town, led by 
Ward, Putnam, Warren, Prescott, Mc Clary, and Stark. 

General Gage was then in command, in his capacity of 
governor. The troubles which had been years in coming to a 
crisis had now caused open warfare. While hopes of peace 
were entertained in England, he himself had precipitated the 
contest by carrying out the will of the king and of the British 
ministry, which looked only to coercion. Notwithstanding the 
large army and fleet under his command, he had miscalculated 
his own strength and the valor of the provincials. His position 
at this time had begun to undeceive him. He received still 
more light in the contests on Noddle's Island ; and was finally 
fully enlightened on the 17th of June following. " The trials 
we have had," wrote he, " show the rebels are not the despicable 
rabble too many have supposed them to be." 

The writer is gratified in being able to present to the public 
a correct likeness of the last royal governor of Massachusetts. 
It is taken from an original portrait of life size, now in possession 
of the writer, which was presented to him by Admiral Sir 
William Hall Gage, a son of the governor,^ who is still living 
at an advanced age, and is said by him and the present 
Lord Gage, a grandson of the governor, to be an excellent like- 



' Sir William Hall Cage, G. C. H. (knighted for his brilliant naval exploits) 
is the third son of the Hon. General Thomas Gage, and was born in Park 
Place, St. James, 1777; entered the navy in 1789; when lieutenant in La 
Minervc (42), distinguished himself in an action with the Spanish frigates in 
179G ; he also received much praise for his conduct at the capture of La Mu- 
tlne, French corvette ; commanded the Terpischore frigate subsequently ; was 
afterward employed at the blockade of Malta; in 1801 was concerned in the. 
cutting out of La Chevrctte, 20 guns and 390 men, from under the batteries of 
Camaret, near Brest; subsequently commanded the Thetis and the Indus ; at- 
tained the rank of admiral of the blue in 1846; was a lord of the admiralty 
from Si'ptembor, 1841, to July, 1846 ; and commander-in-chief at Plymouth, 
from 1848 to 1851. — Dod's Peerage, p. 251. 



1775.] LETTER FROM ADMIRAL GAGE. 361 

ness. The letter of Admiral Gage to the writer sending the 
picture, of which the following is a copy, will be read with 
interest. 

" Bury St. Edmunds, 1st July, 1857. 

" My dear General, — When you read the account of Lady 
Gage's sudden death, you will not feel surprise that Lord Gage 
forgot every thing else for the moment,^ but he sent me your 
letter of the 12th June a few days ago, in which you are pleased 
to accept the picture of the late General Gage. Your wish to 
have a portrait of my father quite delights me, and I send you 
the one I have long had in my possession with the greatest pos- 
sible pleasure. The likeness, so far as I recollect, of his person 
and figure is better than either of those at Firle,^ although not 
a full length ; they were painted when he was a younger man, 
and before I could remember." 

In the same letter, in answer to some inquiries respecting a 
memoir of Gen. Gage, he replies : — 

" I am not aware of there being any biographical memoir of 
my father, but I know he saw a great deal of service. He was 
in the Guards, and an aid-de-camp to the Duke of Cumberland 
at the battle of Fontenay, in 1745, and in the same capacity at 
Culloden, in 1746. He was a fellow-soldier of the great Wash- 
ington wlicn General Braddock was killed near Fort du Quesne 
in 1755. This is all I remember excepting that after his return 
from America he commanded a division of the army encamped 
at Cox-heath, until the close of the war in 1783. 

" I have not been able to find a letter of General Gage's 
among my mother's papers excepting one relating to his pub- 

' This sentence will be best explained by the following extract from a pri- 
vate letter from Lord Gage to the author : — 

" I am sure you will be sorry to hear that we are sufToring under the most 
distressing bereavement. Poor Lady Gage has been suddenly taken from us 
by an apoplectic fit. To her children she was the best of mothers, to me all 
in all. 

" Believe me ever, vcrj- truly yours, 

' » Gage.'' 
' One of the residences of Lord Gage. 

31 



362 HISTORY. [1775. 

lie accounts', which I srnt to Lord Gage some little time 
back.i 

" I have had the picture packed in a case with the following 
direction: — 'To General W. H. Sumner, Jamaica Plain, 
Boston, Mass., U. S. A.' 

" I hope you may receive it in due time. I beg to present my 
kind regards to Mrs. Sumner. 

" I am, my dear General, 

" Very sincerely, yours, 

«W. H. Gage." 

The above letter, which is but one from a number which have 
been received on the same subject from the admiral and his 
nephew, the present Lord Gage, is quoted at length on ac- 
count of the historical allusions, and to show the genuineness 
of the portrait. 

The life and public services of Gen. Gage while in this coun- 
try being fully shown in its histories, only a few prominent 
points need be given. The Hon. General Thomas Gage was 
the second son of the first Viscount Gage, and, entering in early 
life the British army, served with credit under several distin- 
guished commanders. Fortune favored him, and he rose rap- 
idly in the service. He was lieutenant-colonel in the ill-fated 
expedition of Gen. Braddock (which was planned by the Duke 
of Cumberland, then captain-general of the British army, to 
whom he was aid-de-camp), led the advanced guard and was 
severely wounded in that disastrous battle, which cost the brave 
but self-confident Braddock his life, and which gave to Wash- 
ington a brilliant name as a prudent, and at the same time a 
brave, officer. 

Through the kindness of Col. Thomas Aspinwall, its fortu- 
nate possessor, the writer has permission to examine and make 
use of a valuable manuscript, containing queries propounded 
to Gen. Gage by George Chalmers, and Gage's answers to 
these in his own hand-writing. From this important paper^ 

^ This letter lias been forwarded to the author by Lord Gage, and is now in 
his possession. 

■^ IS'ow printed in Mass. Ilist. Coll. To!. IV. 4th Scries. 



1775.] PUBLIC LIFE OF GENERAL GAGE. 363 

is extracted the following account of Braddoclc's defeat, which 
will prove very interesting to the reader, coming from such 
a source, and containing many valuable facts and supposi- 
tions. 

Says Gen. Gage : " The cause of Gen. Braddoclc's disaster 
is to be attributed, first, to the Province disappointing him in 
the Carriages and Provisions they engaged to furnish by a 
stated time ; by which he was detained several weeks, when 
otherwise ready to proceed, and the Plan he had concerted with 
the Gov", to march with expedition to Fort Da Quesne before 
the enemies and reinforcements could arrive, was, by that means, 
prevented. Secondly, to his being defeated near the Mononga- 
hela, the cause of which was his own inexperience and that of 
his troops of the kind of country in which the war was carried 
on, and of the enemy he was to engage, whose manner of fight- 
ing was new to Europeans, tho' adapted to their circumstances 
and the nature of the Country, in which heavy fires from close 
and compact bodies would not prevail. Two expeditions had 
been concerted in 1755 ; one to remove the French from the 
Ohio above mentioned ; the other under Mr. Shirley, Governor 
of Massachusetts Bay had for its object the securing the Pass 
into the British Provinces by Oswego and to remove the French 
from Niagara and F' Frontenac on the W. & E. sides of Lake 
Ontario. Two new raised Reg''' with provincial troops of N. 
England, N, York & Jersey, were appointed for this service ; and 
so much time lost was through delays, mistakes, &cc., in setting 
forward these troops that the enemy had full time to reinforce 
and secure their posts, and Braddock was defeated before they 
got to their Rendezvous. Gen Shirley raised some works at 
Oswego, left troops to defend them, and returned with the 
rest." 

Gen. Gage then proceeds to notice the origin of the hostilities 
commenced in 1755, and in a very concise manner traces the 
causes which, in his view, brought on that war. It will be inter- 
esting to extract this recital, which is in the following lan- 
guage:— 

" The Indian tribes had long complained of encroachments 
upon their lands without getting more satisfaction than fair 



364 HISTORY. [1775. 

words and empty promises. Instead of doing them justice, a 
Society called the Ohio Company was formed whose object 
was to obtain large Districts of Country upon or near the Ohio 
for its members, and it was so openly avowed that the Indians 
became acquainted with the design. They remonstrated 
against the Injustice of it, and at length, tired out, told the 
English they were an infatuated people, deserted them, and 
applied to the French for protection. 

" These entreaties first brought the French upon the Ohio, 
who declared they came there only as Friends and Allies to the 
Indians, and to protect their property. Alarmed at the prox- 
imity of the French, the provinces clamoured, the Governors 
applied for assistance, and troops w^ere unfortunately sent to 
America. 

" From the above it may be seen that the primary causes of 
the war of 1755, which extended itself over the four parts of the 
world, are to be traced to the banks of the Ohio, and that 
Britain was then, as she always has been, duped by her colonies." 

The closing remark in this extract may perhaps strike the 
reader unfavorably ; but it must be remembered that Gen. Gage 
was an Englishman, high in authority under the king, and 
naturally looked at the colonial aflairs with the peculiar views 
and feelings of the ministry at that time. 

In the same MS. from which these extracts have been taken 
is mentioned a striking illustration of the almost universal 
patriotism of the colonists. The incident has relation to the 
famous destruction of the tea in Boston harbor, and is thus 
related : — 

" The rioters who destroyed the Tea were to be prosecuted 
according to the forms of law; and what is worthy of remark 
is that of the Thousands concerned in that riot, or who were 
spectators of it, only one witness could be procured to give tes- 
timony against them, and that one conditionally that the delin- 
quents should be tried in England." 

The British general also gives an instance of the accuracy 
and speed with which the rebels obtained news from England, 
often anticipating the government despatches. He says : — 

" A letter from Bristol to Doctor Cooper, signed with a fie- 



1775.] PUBLIC LIFE OF GENERAL GAGE. 3G5 

titions name, was intercepted, encouraging them to take arms, 
and giving assurance of a rising in England the moment blood 
should be shed in America. An instance of the Intelligence 
sent them is, that on the arrival of two vessels from Marblehead 
on the 8th of April, 1775, an unusual hurry and commotion was 
perceived among the disaffected. It being on a Sunday morn- 
ing, Dr. Cooper, a notorious rebel, was officiating in his meet- 
ing-house, and on notice given him, pretended sudden sickness, 
went home, and sent to another clergyman to do his duty in the 
evening. He with every other chief of the Faction left Boston 
before night and never returned to it. The cause at the time 
unknown was discovered on the 14th of said month when a 
vessel arrived with Government despatches which contained 
directions to seize the persons of certain notorious rebels. It 
was too late. They had received timely notice of their danger, 
and were fled." 

After the conquest of Canada in 1760, Gen. Gage was ap- 
pointed governor of Montreal, and at the departure of Amherst, 
in 1763, was commissioned commander-iu-chief of the British 
forces in America. Upon the recall of Hutchinson he was ap- 
pointed governor of Massachusetts, and arrived in Boston on 
the 13th of May, 1774.^ General Gage had the misfortune to 



' Gen. Gage upon bis arrival landed at Long wharf, and was escorted by 
the Independent Company of Cadets, nndcr Col. John Hancock, -wbicbwas the 
governor's body guard, to the Province house, which was prepared lor his 
reception. This was a large three-story brick building in Washington, nearly 
opposite the western end of Milk, street. It was fifty feet or more from the 
street, and had a court-yard in front enclosed with an iron fence, and witliin 
winch were four large English elms ; " Province Court" still marks this locality. 

Upon the arrival of the escort at the government house, the governor ob- 
served, as he passed the Hues, that the customary salute was not given. He 
sent for Colonel Hancock, and demanded an explanation of the omission. The 
colonel's reply, tliat it was through forgctfulness, and tliat no disrespect was 
intended, did not satisfy the governor, who deprived him of his commission. 

This anecdote was related to tlie writer by Edward Stowe, a member of the 
ocmpanv, and a clerk in the adjutant-general's oflicc. lie remained in Bos- 
ton during the siege. 

This occurrence broke up the company, and it remained disorganized until 
1787, when, through the inlluence of General Brooks, who drew the act, the 
legislature reorganized it. 

31' 



366 HISTORY. [1775. 

enter upon the duties of his ofiice at a time when, as a faithful 
servant of his sovereign, it became necessary for him to execute 
laws framed expressly for inflicting chastisement upon the peo- 
ple of the colony over which he was placed, and thus he became 
identified with the various oppressive measures which were 
adopted by the home government. Of a naturally amiable dis- 
position, his benevolence often outweighed his justice in the 
scale of duty ; and under other circumstances he might have 
been a favorite with the colony, while now his name is necessa- 
rily connected with oppression and hatred of freedom. Previous 
to this time, he had always won favor and esteem in the various 
positions he had occupied, and had rendered himself popular; 
but, in the words of a historian, "he was altogether unfit for a 
governor of Massachusetts." He entirely mistook the character 
of the Americans, and engaged, with five regiments of troops, to 
keep Boston quiet! In May, 1775, the provincial congress 
declared him unworthy of obedience, and disqualified him from 
serving as governor ; and from that time the exercise of his func- 
tions was confined to Boston. In October of the same year he 
went to England, sailing from Boston, and ex])ecting to return 
to America and resume the command ; but it was determined 
otherwise, and Gen. Howe was appointed in his place. After 
his return to England he commanded a division of the army 
encamped at Cox-heath until the close of the war. He died in 
April, 1787, near the seventy-sixth year of his age.i 

Gen. Gage was linked to this country by domestic ties, hav- 
ing married, at Mount Kemble, into one of the most respectable 
families of New Jersey, subsequently to Braddock's defeat, and 
while he was under the command of Lord Amherst. His wife 
was Margaret, daughter of Peter Kemble, Esq., President of the 
Council in New Jersey, and owner of the seat called Mount 
Kemble, three miles from Morristown. By this marriage he 
had six sons and five daughters. The wife of General Sum- 
ner, Mary Dickinson Kemble, is the grand-daughter of Peter 



* Allen's Biog. Dictionary, p. 371 ; Aj^pleton's Encyclopasdiaof Biog. p. 311 ; 
Lossing's Field-Book of the llevolution, Vol. I. p. 573; Drake (Hist. Boston, 
p. 750) dates his death 2d April, 1788. 



1775.] DEPREDATIONS OF THE BRITISH. 367 

Kemble, and the niece of Gen. Gage.^ It may also be men- 
tioned as a fact, perhaps a little singular, that she is also the 
grand-daughter of the American general, John Cadwaladcr, the 
confidential friend of Washington, who served his country with 
eminent distinction in the Revolutionary war, and whose grand- 
son. Gen. George Cadwaladcr, gained an honorable fame in 
the Mexican war, thus being connected with two officers of high 
rank, engaged in the same war and upon opposite sides. 

Returning from what, the author hopes, is an acceptable 
digression, the reader will resume the Island narrative. 

The occasional engagements with the outposts of the enemy 
and \\'1th foraging parties accustomed the provincial troops to 
face the British soldiers, and to become familiar with the dan- 
gers of war. These skirmishes were of great service in con- 
vincing the Americans that in fair conflict they were at least an 
equal match for the enemy ; that their zeal, courage, and deter- 
mined energy, were even superior to the British ; and that, with 
the consciousness of right on their side, the contest would be 
vigorously, and, in the end, successfully maintained. 

The islands in the harbor, stocked as they were with cattle, 
became the scenes of numerous skirmishes, and the alarms 
which were raised in the neighboring towns of predatory excur- 
sions for the seizure of cattle, kept the local militia in a state 
of continual vigilance. The depredations of the British were 
frequent, and were energetically made, and were as often and 
vigorously repulsed ; and as an additional measure of safety and 
precaution, companies were raised in several towns for the de- 
fence of the sea-coast, and preparations were made for the 
establishment of a naval force at the most exposed places. 

The most important of the engagements which took place 
between the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill was the 
series of conflicts on Noddle's and Ilog Islands, which con- 
tinued at intervals from the 27th to the 30th of May.^ These 
two islands, abounding in forage and stocked with cattle, were 



* N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, Vol. VIII. p. 128^. 

* Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. III. p. 15 and notes. 



368 HISTORY. [1775. 

frequently visited by the English, who went there for provisions. 
The provincials resolved to put a stop to this by removing the 
cattle, and taking away and destroying all the provender they 
could find. This purpose they carried into effect, not, however, 
without a vigorous opposition on the part of the royalists, Nod- 
dle's Island being the principal scene of action. A second 
time the provincials landed on the Island and took off a great 
number of cattle, and a few days later effected the same object 
on Deer, Pettick's, and other islands in the harbor. In reference 
to one of these excursions, Newell says, in his journal, under 
date of 12th July, 1775 : — 

" Two men-of-war made a heavy fire on Long island. The 
provincials in sixty-five whale-boats, and five hundred men, 
went last night and brought away thirty-one head of cattle, 
sheep, a quantity of hay, seized fourteen of the king's mowers, 
and the family belonging to the Island. Next day returned and 
fired the mansion-house and barn. A man-of-war was continu- 
ally firing upon them." ^ 

In all these actions the provincials displayed the most 
intrepid courage, and were acquiring greater confidence in 
themselves; while the British garrison learned severe lessons 
from their rebel opposers, and sufl'ered greatly from the scarcity 
of food.2 

The efforts put forth by the colonists to clear the islands of 
live-stock, forage, and of every thing which could be of use to 
the enemy, were made under the authority both of the provin- 
cial congress and of the committee of safety,^ both of which 
bodies took especial action on the subject; and if the expedi- 
tions to the islands did not originate with congress and the 
committee, they certainly were prosecuted to a successful issue 
under their authority, and through officers of their own appoint- 
ment. For instance, on the 14th of May, 1775, the committee 

* Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. Fourth Series. 

* Botta's Hist Am. Kev. Vol. I. p. 805. 

^ " The committee of safety, elected anew by congress at every session, were 
the real executive of Massachusetts. They were empowered generally to 
watch over the safety of the commonwealth, and advise congress of such 
measures as they thought beneficial and expressly commissioned." — Battle of 
Bunker Hill, by Samuel Swett, p. 1. 



1775.] DEPREDATIONS ON THE ISLANDS. 369 

of safety passed the following resolution : " Resolved^ as the 
opinion of this committee, that all the live-stock be taken from 
Noddle's Island, Hog island. Snake island, and from that part 
of Chelsea near the sea-coast, and be driven back ; and that the 
execution of this business be committed to the committees of 
correspondence and selectmen of the towns of Medford, Maiden, 
Chelsea, and Lynn, and that they be supplied with such a num- 
ber of men as they shall need from the regiment now at JMed- 
ford."i The troops at Medford were about a thousand in 
number, from New Hampshire, under Colonels Reed and 
Stark. 

On the 23d of May, a special committee of the provincial 
congress reported (in substance), that, on account of the frequent 
plundering and depredations on the islands and sea-coast of the 
province, by which hay, cattle, sheep, etc., were taken, to the 
injury of individuals and the public, it be recommended to the 
several towns and districts on the sea-coasts of the colony, and 
to all persons living on the islands on the coast, to remove their 
hay, cattle, sheep, etc., which were exposed to these ravages, so 
far into the country as to be out of the way of their "implaca- 
ble enemies;" and the committee also recommended that care 
be taken that this resolve be put into immediate and strict exe- 
cution, etc.2 This report was referred to the next provincial 
congress, which convened at Watertown on the 31st day of the 
same month. 

Upon the day following that upon wiiich the above report 
was made, namely, the 24th of May, the committee of safety, 
as if their attention had been turned from the islands in general 
to the important matters pertaining to one in particular, resolved 
" That it be recommended to congress, immediately, to take 
such order respecting the removal of the sheep and hay from 
Noddle's Island as they may judge proper, together with the 
stock on the adjacent islands." ^ 

Thus it appears that Noddle's Island received the esi)ccial 
attention of the colonial authorities, and that the expeditions 



Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Mass. p. 545. 
Ibid. p. 252. »Ibid. p. 557. 



370 HISTORY. [1775. 

to that and other islands were nor mere individual excur- 
sions, but were under the highest executive authority of the 
colony. 

The engagement on Noddle's Island demanding a fuller 
account than has yet been given to the public, the writer has 
taken pains to collect all the information possible concerning it; 
and from private manuscripts and papers in his possession he 
is able to present many details not before published, which show 
this battle to have been of much more importance than has 
generally been supposed, and which, in the writer's opinion, wdll 
justify future historians in calling this the second battle of the 
Revolution.^ Followed, as it so soon was, by the battle of 
Bunker Hill, which in itself and in its results so astonished the 
military world, its relative importance and position in the con- 
flict with the mother country have been underestimated or 
wholly lost sight of. 

xVs many of the authorities from which this narrative is 
gathered are new to the public, and as original Revolutionary 
documents possess great interest, it has been thought advisable, 
even at the risk of repetition, to quote some papers verbatim. 
Written at the time and by persons of different political views 



^ In giving this numerical order to the early battles of the Revolution, the 
author is not forgetful of the bold exploit at Piscataqua on the evening of the 
13th December, 17 74, nor of the encounter at Salem on the 26th February, 1775, 
which came near resulting in a battle. But these were only ebullitions of pub- 
lic sentiment similar to the destruction of the tea in Boston harbor, and were 
prior to the actual resort to arms, and therefore cannot be reckoned among the 
battles of the Revolutionary war, which commenced with that on the 19th of 
April at Lexington. Every thing previous to that memorable day was only 
preliminary to, and in preparation for, the long contest, which Avas then inaugu- 
rated in so eventful a manner. Of the encounter at Salem, Trumbull, in his 
McF'uigal, wrote, — 

" Through Salem straight without delay, 

The bold battalion took its way ; 

JSIarched o'er a bridge in open sight 

Of several Yankees armed for fight; 

'J'hen, without loss of time or men. 

Veered round for l?oston back again, 

And ibund so well their projects thrive 

That every soul got back alive ! " 



17 75.] NODDLE'S ISLAND GARRISONED. 371 

and various stations in life, they will interest the reader more if 
given literally, than if abbreviated or otherwise altered. 

On Saturday, the 27th of May, 1775, a small party of the 
American army at Cambridge received orders from Gen. Ward^ 
to drive off the live-stock from Hog and Noddle's Islands. 
Advantage was to be taken of the ebb tide, when the water 
would be fordable from Chelsea to Hog island, and from Hog 
island to Noddle's Island, it there being only about knee high. 
This detachment, composed of Massachusetts and New Hamp- 
shire men, and numbering from two to three hundred by some 
accounts,^ and six hundred by another,^ was led by Col. John 
Stark of New Hampshire, afterward General John Stark, of 
Bennington fame. 

Forty marines from the British fleet had been previously 
stationed on Noddle's Island as a garrison, and for the protec- 
tion of the live-stock. It is probable that these marines were 
from the squadron sent over to this country late in the autumn 
of 1774; for in the "Massachusetts Spy" of December 8th, 
1774, in the column of London news, is the following notice of 
the kind of service they were drilled for: — 

"October 15th. — We are authorized to assure the public 
that a squadron of men-of-war is ordered to be fitted out with 
the utmost expedition, in order to proceed to Boston ; and that 
the said squadron is to take a battalion of marines on board 
from the Chatham division. Those marines are intended to act 
as emergencies maij require, either on board ship or on shoreJ^ 

" October 16th. — A letter from Chatham, England, dated the 
12th instant, says : ' A detachment of marines, consisting of one 
hundred and fifty men, exclusive of officers, among whom is 
Major Pircian (Pitcairn?), is ordered to march from hence to 
Portsmouth to be embarked in the ships now fitting out at that 
port for Boston.' " 

^ There is no written order to this effect, -which gives reason to believe that 
at, and previous to, the battle of Bunker Hill, the "orders" ■were given ver- 
bally, and not in writing. 

- Handbill printed at Newport 1st June, 1 775, in the writer's possession ; also 
Col. Humphrey's Life of Gen. Putnam, p. 94. 

* Boston Gazette and Country Journal, June 5th, 1775 ; Gordon's Hist. Am. 
Rev. Vol. IL p. 24. 



372 HISTORY. [1775. 

These extracts render it probable that the marines sent to the 
Island were a part of this detachment, which was intended for 
both ship and shore service. 

Col. Stark with his detachment first crossed from Chelsea to 
Hog island, and took from it four hundred sheep, represented 
erroneously, we think, as stolen by General Gage and deposited 
there for safe-keeping.^ They then passed over to Noddle's 
Island to rescue the cattle there from their British keepers. The 
party had killed a few horses and " divers horned cattle," and 
taken away alive a few more, when a signal gun was fired from 
an armed schooner lying at anchor near Winnisimet ferry ways. 
The British admiral hoisted a red flag at mainmast-head, and 
sent the schooner, which mounted four six-pounders and twelve 
swivels, an armed sloop, and a large number of marines from 
the different men-of-war, up Chelsea creek, to cut off our re- 
turn to the main land. The barges conveying these marines 
were eleven in number, and all were mounted with swivels.^ 

A heavy fire was now opened from the sloop and schooner, 
under cover of which the marines advanced upon our men, who 
were busily engaged upon the Island in the prosecution of their 
object. In the mean time, General Gage sent over from the 
city a hundred regulars to reinforce the marines previously sta- 
tioned on the Island. The provincials, under this heavy fire, 
retreating to a ditch in the marsh, kept themselves undiscovered 
until they had opportunity to fire with effect upon the enemy, 
thus early adopting a practice, for which they were so celebrated 
during the war, of reserving their fire until sure of their aim, 
and which in this instance resulted in killing some and wound- 
ing others of the unsuspecting regulars. They then recrossed 
to Hog island, where they were joined by the remainder of the 
party from Chelsea, the regulars, who remained upon Noddle's 
Island, firing upon them at the same time very briskly by pla- 
toons. 

Having cleared Hog island of all the stock, and a sharp fire 
still continuing between them and the schooner, sloop, boats, 
and marines, the provincials drew up on Chelsea Neck, and sent 

^ New Hampshire Gazette and Historical Clironicle, June 2, 1775. 

* Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. II. p. 24 ; Boston Gazette, June 5, 1775. 



1775.] THE BATTLE. 373 

for a reinforcement. General Putnam, with three hundred 
men and two four-pounders, came to their aid, and, being the 
highest in rank, he took command of our united forces, which 
now amounted to about a thousand men. The gallant and 
patriotic Warren also, too ardent to remain at a distance, has- 
tened to the spot as a volunteer, and by words and deeds en- 
couraged the men.^ Putnam reached the ground about nine 
o'clock in the evening, and took in at a glance the true state of 
things. Perceiving Noddle's Island occupied by a large body of 
the enemy, and that a galling fire was kept up by the schooner, 
sloop, and boats, he with his customary coolness went down 
to the shore and hailed the schooner, which was within speaking 
distance, offering the men good quarters if they would surren- 
der. The schooner answered with two cannon shot, which was 
immediately replied to by two discharges from the cannon of 
the provincials. A heavy fire ensued from both sides. The 
armed sloop, and a great number of boats sent from the ships, 
came to the aid of the schooner, and at the same time a large 
reinforcement of marines, with two twelve-pounders, was sent 
to Noddle's Island. For two hours the engagement was severe, 
until the firing from the schooner ceased. The fire from the 
shore was so hot that her men found that they must perish on 
board their vessel, or make their escape from it. The love of 
life conquered, and they hastily took to their boats, leaving the 
schooner and all she contained as booty for the provincials. 
The barges attempted to tow her back to her station through 
the sharp fire of Putnam's men ; but, unable to endure the severe 
fire, they were compelled to quit her. The battle now becoming 
more general, continued through the whole night ; and during 
the action a large barn full of hay and an old farm-house on 
the Island were burned. 

The schooner drove ashore on the Winnisimet ferry-ways, 
and a party, consisting of Isaac Baldwin and twelve others of 
the provincials, after taking from her whatever was valuable, 
rolled bundles of hay under her stern, and set her on fire and 



* Gordon's Hist. Am. War, Vol. II. p. 24 ; Frothingham's Siege of Boston, 
p. 109 ; Swett's Hist. Battle of Bunker Hill, p. 9. 

32 



374 HISTORY. [1775. 

burned her up. The reason for burning the schooner, of course, 
was the fact, that, the harbor being in the possession of the Brit- 
ish, they would not be able to keep the vessel in their own 
hands. 

The provincials took from the schooner "4 double fortified 
four-pounders, 12 swivels, chief of her rigging and sails, many 
clothes, some money, &c., which the sailors and marines left 
behind." ^ The account honestly adds, " they having quitted in 
great haste ! " Doubtless they did. The committee of safety 
took possession of the contents of the schooner, as appears 
from the following extract from the journal of that committee : 
" May 30, 1775. Elisha Lettinwell was directed to proceed 
with two teams to Chelsea, and bring up from thence the can- 
non and other stores saved from the schooner which has been 
burned by our people, and to lodge said stores in this town 
(Cambridge) ."2 And again, on a later date (June 21), we find 
in the same journal, '■'■Ordered^ That Mr. James Munroe, an 
armorer in the provincial service, take into his keeping a quan- 
tity of old iron, saved out of the cutter burned at Winnesimit 
ferry, he to be accountable to the committee for the same." ^ 

The sloop still continued her fire, which was vigorously re- 
plied to from the shore, and a heavy cannonade was commenced 
upon the provincials with the twelve-pounders from a hill upon 
Noddle's Island called West Head, near to, and directly oppo- 
site, the Winnisimet ferry-ways. But Putnam, inspired with 
the same dauntless courage with which he entered the den of 
the wolf, heading his men, and wading up to his middle in mud 
and water,* poured so hot a fire upon the sloop, that, very much 
crippled and with many of her men killed, she was obliged to be 
towed off by the boats. It is a striking illustration of the cour- 
age and impetuosity of Putnam, that he and his brave follow- 
ers attacked and crippled this sloop with small arms; that, leav- 
ing their cannon, they waded within musket distance, and there 



* Hand Bill printed at Newport, June 1st, 1775. 

- Journal of Each Provincial Congress of Mass. 1774-5, p. 5G1. 
« Ibid. p. 57.3. 

* New Ilampsliire Gazette, June 2d, 1775 ; JSwett's Hist. Battle of Bunker 
Hill, p. 9, note. 



1775.] THE BATTLE. 375 

fought the heavy armed vessel, heedless of the great disparity 
in weapons and of their dangerous position. Putnam's spirit 
animated the provincials, and, foremost in the fight himself, he 
was nobly sustained by his brave followers. The spirited words 
of the poet will almost literally apply to the dauntless bravery 
of Putnam in this engagement. 

" There the old-fashioned colonel galloped through the -white infernal 

Powder cloud ; 
And his broad sword was swinging, and his brazen throat was ringing 

Trumpet loud ; 
There the blue bullets flew, 
And the trooper jackets redden at the touch of the leaden 

Kifle breath ; 
And rounder, rounder, rounder, roared the iron six-pounder. 

Hurling death." 

Soon after the disabling of the sloop, the firing ceased, ex- 
cepting a few scattering shots between the marines on Noddle's 
Island and the party at Chelsea. During the whole of the fol- 
lowing forenoon, however, the Somerset man-of-war, of sixty- 
eight guns and 520 men, was continually firing upon the people 
on the Chelsea side, who had gathered together in great num- 
bers to see what had occurred upon the Island. It is remarkable, 
that, in this long and well contested engagement, not a man 
belonging to the provincial army was killed, and but three or 
four were wounded, and one of these by the bursting of his 
own gun ; while the loss of the enemy in killed and wounded 
was very severe. In reference to this battle, a living writer ob- 
serves : " On the 13th of May, all the troops at Cambridge 
marched, under the command of Putnam, to Charlestown, and 
defied the enemy under the very muzzles," and on the 27th of 
May, " the very important action was fought, and the victory 
achieved, under the command of Putnam." ^ 

The celebrated poem by John Trumbull, entitled IM'Flngal, 



" Though (jage, whom proclamations call 
Your Gov'rnor and Vice Admiral, 



* ^Mio was the commander at Bunker Hill. Bv Samuel Swett. 



376 HISTORY. [1775. 

"Whose power gubernatorial still 

Extenils as far as Bunker's Ilill, 

"Whose admiralty reaches, clever, 

Near half a mile up Mistic river, 

"Whose naval force yet keeps the seas, 

Can run away whene'er he 'd please. 

Nay, stern with rage, grim Putnam boiling, 

Plundered both Hogg and Noddle Island ; 

Scared troops of Tories into town, 

Burned all their hay and houses down. 

And menaced Gage, unless he'd flee. 

To drive him headlong to the sea ; 

As once, to faithless Jews a sign, 

The De'el, turned hog-reeve, did the swine." ^ 

There probably is not an instance during the whole war, 
where, under the circumstances, the provincials displayed more 
determined courage than in this engagement; and the enemy 
here learned to their great surprise a severe lesson, being 
made sensibly to feel that their rebel opponents were " foemen 
worthy of their steel," and in determined bravery and impetu- 
osity were vastly their superiors. Says one writer, " upon the 
first approach of our men at Noddle's Island, the regular troops 
all took to their heels, and ran as if the Devil drove them ! " ^ 

The different reports of the battle give various estimates of 
the number of the enemy killed and wounded. The account of 
it by General Gage is similar in character to his report of the 
battle of Lexington and Concord ; the following extract from 
the London Gazette (No. 11,579) gives its purport: — 

" Whitehall, Jul// 18, 1775. — Lieutenant-General Gage in his 
Letters to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated June 12, 1775, gives 
an Account, That the Town of Boston continued to be sur- 
rounded by a large Body of Rebel Provincials, and that all 
Communication with the Country was cut off; that the Rebels 
had been burning Houses and driving Sheep off an Island that 
has easy Communication with main land, which drew on a 
Skirmish with some marines who drove the Rebels away; but 
that an armed Schooner, that had been sent between the Island 



* Trumbull's Poetical "Works, Vol. I. pp. G4, 65. 

* New Hampshire Gazette and Historical Chronicle, June 2, 1775. 



1775.] THE LOSS OF THE ENEMY. 377 

and the main land, having got on shore at High Water, there 
was no possibility of saving her, for as the Tide fell, she was 
left quite dry, and burned by the Rebels. Two men were 
killed and a few wounded." 

As an oflteet to this obvious underestimate of the British 
general, we quote a paragraph from that reliable historian, 
Gordon. Says he : " The regulars were said to have suftercd 
very much, not to have had less than two hundred killed and 
wounded. The loss \vas probably gi*eatly exaggerated ; that, 
however, had a good effect on the provincials. The affair was 
a matter of no small triumph to them, and they felt upon the 
occasion more courageous than ever." ' 

" The New Hampshire Gazette and Historical Chronicle " 
(Friday, June 2, 1775) contains nearly the same estimate, as 
follows: " Tis said in the above Engagement, between 2 and 
300 Marines and Regulars w^ere killed and wounded ; and that 
a Place was dug in Boston 25 feet square to bury their Dead ; 
and that they had between 20 6c 30 Barges full of Marines and 
Sailors." 

A handbill, in the possession of the writer, printed at New- 
port, June 1, 1775, says, " The loss of the enemy amounted to 
at least 20 killed and 50 wounded." 

The " Boston Gazette and Country Journal " of Monday, 
June 19, 1775, contains the following statement : — 

" Neiv York, June 12. — A Gentleman that left Boston about 
six Days ago, asserts for Fact, that he saw landed on the Long 
Wharf at that Place, out of one boat alone, no less than 64 
dead men that had been killed by the Provincials at the late 
Attack at Noddle's and Hog Islands, as mentioned in our 
last." This same item is in " The New England Chronicle 
or the Essex Gazette," Vol 7, No. 360. 

These difTerent estimates, after making allowance for all 
exaggeration, render it evident that the loss of the enemy was 
severe, remarkably so considering that not a man among the 
provincials was killed. Tt is not strange that the pious colo- 



Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. H. p. 2J. 

32* 



378 mSTORY. [1775 

nists attributed their preservation to " the miraculous interposi- 
tion of Divine Providence." ^ 

The news of the engagement reached congress on the very- 
day it was choosing general officers, and so influenced the vote 
that Putnam was unanimously chosen one of the Major-Gen- 
erals.2 

There is a letter written by a soldier in the camp, Captain 
William Turner Miller, of Rhode Island, relative to this engage- 
ment, which is interesting as an original document. 

" Rhode Island Camp in Roxbury, " 
May 29th, 1775. 

" Dear wife we were yesterday and the Night before last un- 
der arms which was Occasioned by An Engagement Colonel 
putnam With about 250 Men had with a Thousand Regulars 
the Engagement began at about half after nine Oclock on 
Saturday Night and Lasted till Day Light when Coll putnam 
Returned to the Head Quarters at Salem having Burnt an 
Armed Schooner and Taken 16 pieces of Small Cannon Kill'd 
13 of the Horses that Lately arrived from England said to be 
for the Light Horse and Taken 17 More Co' putnam had not a 
Man Killed and only three Men Wounded How many of the 
Regulars were Killed we Cannot Learn only that there were 
Discovered in the action three Regulars Killed and it is thought 
Numbers more were Slain the place of Action was at Chelsey 
near winnysimmit ferry Sixteen Miles from this place (by Land) 
when we first Heard the firings which was very Brisk I 
mustered my forces which were about 240 at the first Alarm 
Not Knowing but it was a General Attack and sent off Ex- 
presses forward toward the Enemy Sent out Several Companies 
to Reconoiter who went forward until they were Informed where 
the fire was and were Sattisfied their Help was not wanted 
(some went Down Head Quarters) & in the morning the Fire 
Renewing I Marched Down with all My Men but a few who I 
Left behind to Guard the Incampment and Magazine went to 

1 Boston Gazette, June 5, 1775. 

* Frothingham's Siege of Boston, pp. 109, 110. 



1775.] THE AMERICAN FIELD-PIECES. 379 

Head Quarters for Orders to go forward were within Sight of 
the Ennemies fire but the General thinking it Best for Me to 
Return and Refresh my Men and hold my People in Readiness 
and Soon after my Return Co" Hitchcock Co'^ Cornel Arrived 
Here and Took the Chief Command and toward Night Major 
Sherburn Arrived Here Since which Several Companies are 
Arrived we heard a Number of Cannon fired toward Chelsey 
Last Evening but have not Learn what they haVe Done we are 
I should be glad if you would Send me Some Linning Such 
as Shirts &:c when you have them Ready if you want to Send 
any thing to me Such as Shoes or any thing Else you will 
please to have them Bundled up and a paper pasted on the 
Bundle, and a Letter Wrote Ready 

" I am your Loving Husband 

"William T. Miller." i 

The numbers of the respective parties are inverted in this 
letter, and some trivial mistakes made, easily to be accounted 
for by the hurry and excitement of the time ; but the letter, 
taken as a whole, corroborates the other accounts of the battle, 
and shows it to have been one of importance. A brief account 
in Newell's Journal serves to strengthen the statements before 

made. " May 27th Our people set fire to hay and a barn on 

Noddle's Island. A number of marines went over. Our peo- 
ple retreated over to Hog island, the troops following and being 
decoyed by our people down to the water, who then fired and 
the action continued all night (though very dark) also a Man 
of War Schooner firing their cannon continually upon them 
which towards morning catch't aground upon Winisimet ferry 
ways. Our people boarded her and finally burned her."^ 

As there is no mention of field-pieces being used by the colo- 
nists in the battles of Lexington and Concord, it is believed 
that they were fired by the Americans in this battle for the first 
time in the war. The field artillery of the American army, at 
the opening of the war, consisted of four pieces ; two of these, 
the " Hancock " and " Adams," used in the battle of Bunker 



* Genealogical Register, Vol. I. 2d Series, p. 136. 
» Mass. Hist Coll. Vol. I. 4th Series. 



380 HISTORY. [1775. 

Hill, are kept in the to)i of Bunker Hill Monument. The follow- 
ing is the inscription upon the two guns : — 

"SACRED TO LIBERTY. 

" This is one of four cannons which constituted the whole 
train of field artillery possessed by the British colonies of North 
America at the commencement of the war, on the 19th of April, 
1775. This cannon and its fellow, belonging to a number of 
citizens of Boston, were used in many engagements during the 
war. The other two, the property of the government of Mas- 
sachusetts, were taken by the enemy. 

" By order of the United States in Congress assembled, May 
19th, 1788." 1 

A letter dated "Cambridge, June 1st, 1775," ^ remarks: 
" Perhaps history cannot furnish us with a more miraculous in- 
terposition of Divine Providence ; although our enemies kept a 
warm fire from their cannon and small arms, yet we have but 
three men wounded, neither of them supposed to be mortal 
[not the men, but the wounds!]. We still beg the most earnest 
and constant prayers of our 'pious friends, that our heads may 
always be covered in the day of battle. The Lord is a man of 
war; let salvation be ascribed to the Lord." 

The same sentiment is expressed by Timothy Newell, one of 
the selectmen of Boston, who kept a journal of daily events in 
1775 and 1776. He remarks : — 

" This action seems without a parallel, that notwithstanding 
several hundred of the king's troops were engaged all night, and 
it is said one hundred were wounded and fell, not the least hurt 
hapj)ened except to three of our people, who were commanded 
by General Putnam. The Lord manifestly appears on our 
side, and blessed be his glorious name forever." ^ 

We look back with admiration upon the colonists entering 
with such zeal, courage, and persistent efforts, into the contest 
with the mother country; and in respect to this particular 



• Lossing's Fiekl-Book of the Revolution, Vol. I. p. 559. 
" Boston Gazette and Country Journal, June 5th, 1775. 
' Mass. Hist. Coll. \o\. I. 4th Scries, NeweU's Journal. 



1775.] EESULTS OF THE BATTLE. 381 

battle, when we think of the condition of the respective parties, 
— the unorganized, half equipped provincials, and the regular 
army and proud fleet of the enemy, — when we see our gallant 
men beset by land and sea, and, instead of flying, waiting 
bravely for reinforcements, and waiting, too, under a heavy fire 
from the enemy, — and then unflinchingly doing battle the 
whole night through like veterans in the service, — we may well 
wonder at their self-sacrificing, virtuous courage, and thank the 
same God in whom they trusted, and in whose fear they fought, 
that their efforts were finally crowned with success ; and while 
we keep in mind the greater battles of that long and arduous 
struggle, let us never forget the brave men who fought the 
battle of Noddle's Island. Immediately preceded by the 
skirmish at Lexington and Concord, which excited the people 
in a manner never before known in the country, and soon fol- 
lowed by the more important battle of Bunker Hill, it perhaps 
is not surprising that the engagement on Noddle's Island has 
not hitherto received from historians that notice it so manifestly 
deserves. But in view of the facts which have now been pre- 
sented, and which have been collected with considerable labor, 
are we not justified in calling this the second battle of the 
Revolution ? 

Emboldened by their success in this engagement, and having 
learned by experience that they could successfully cope with the 
regular troops of the British army, a few days afterward the 
provincials prosecuted their labors upon Noddle's Island with 
renewed zeal and energy. The same number of the Boston 
Gazette from which we last quoted, says : — 

»< We have to inform our friends that since the above attempt 
(referring to the engagement just described) to remove the live- 
stock from the islands, it has been actually done ; five or six 
hundred sheep and lambs, upwards of 20 head of cattle, and a 
number of horses, have been removed to the mainland." 

Another paper, from which we have already made extracts,^ 
alludes to these subsequent expeditions, and also to the burn- 
ing of some of the buildings. After speaking of the engage- 
ment, it says : — 

" In addition to the above, we hear that on Monday After- 

^ New Hampshire Gazette and Historical Chronicle, June 2, 1775. 



382 HISTORY. [1775. 

noon, Five o'clock, 200 of the Provincials went down to Nod- 
dle's Inland again, and took off 216 sheep more, 17 Horses, and 
several Head of Cattle, and set all the barns on fire, in which 
was a vast quantity of screwed hay." 

The journals of the provincial congress show clearly that 
some of the horses taken from Noddle's Island belonged, or 
were supposed to belong, to the enemy ; for the record has the 
following entries under date of 2d June : " Ordej'ed, That Capt. 
Parker, CajDt. Thatcher, Mr. Jewett, Col. Porter, and Mr. Sin- 
gletary be a committee to consider what is best to be done with 

the horses lately taken from Noddle's Island." " The 

committee appointed to consider what shall be done with the 
horses taken by our forces from Noddle's Island, which belong 
to our enemies, beg leave to report, that the same horses be de- 
livered to the committee of supplies, to be by them used and 
improved for the benefit of the colony, as they shall think fit, 
until further order from this or some future congress, or house 
of representatives."^ 

H. H. Williams, then tenant of the Island, in his claim for 
damages sustained during these skirmishes and excursions, men- 
tions " 53 Tons hay burnt in the Barns," " 20 Tons hay in stacks 
burnt." He also enumerates " 43 Elegant Horses," " 220 sheep 
used as provisions for the Army," etc., etc. 

Newell's journal doubtless alluded to the same expedition 
under date of the 30th of May. Says the writer : " The man- 
sion-house on Noddle's Island burnt by our people, the cattle, 
sheep, &:c. drove off. The Admiral sent a number of his peo- 
ple to take off some stores of the men-of-war which were in a 
warehouse there, which was not opposed by our people who lay 
near ; suppose when they had taken them on board a sloop 
(which lay at the wharf) our people fired two cannon out of a 
little patch of wood on the top of the hill, which made them all 
fly precipitately." 2 

This "hill" was probably Smith's hill, as it overlooked the 
wharf and faced the town. This is the only place where men- 
tion is made of the "stores of the Men of War;" still this in- 
cidental allusion renders it certain that the warehouse at the 

• Journals of Each Provincial Congress of IMass. 1774-5, p. 292. 
' See also Gordon's History Am. Rev, Vol. II. p. 25. 



1775.] SUBSEQUENT SKIRMISHES. 383 

wharf was used in the early part of the war as a place of de- 
posit by the British. 

The skirmishes on the Island still continued at intervals of a 
few days. Says the journal just quoted from : " i)th June ; Last 
night several Gondaloes (British) went to Noddle's Island for 
hay. Two hundred and thirty regulars went off soon after sun- 
rise to support them. Upon the appearance of our people they 
thought proper to retire, and arrived safe back here." 

This atiair is thus noticed in the " Boston Gazette," etc., of 
June 19th, 1775, in an extract from the Boston News-Letter, a 
tory paper, then conducted by Margaret Draper and Robert 
Boyle : — 

" Watertoioi, June 19. — On Friday last, the 9th Instant, a 
Detachment of two Captains, eight subalterns, and two hun- 
dred men of the Corps of Light Infantry, under the command 
of Capt. Souter of the Marines, landed at Noddle's Island near 
6 o'clock in the morning, for the purpose of bringing off Hay, 
which was effected without any loss. Advanced parties took 
possession of the Heights, and were most scandalously abused 
by the people from the opposite shore. The troops noticed 
them not, though fired at if they shewed their heads. The 
Detachment did not fire a shot." It is added in parenthesis, 
probably by the editor of the "Boston Gazette," etc., — "(An 
infamous Lie extracted from good Madam Draper's last Thurs- 
day's Gazette)." By the "infamous lie," the editor probably 
refers to the assertion that the British did not fire upon the pro- 
vincials. 

Upon the next day, the 10th of June, the Island was swept 
by fire of all the buildings remaining upon it; and in reference 
to it an original letter is here introduced, addressed to the 
author by John Marston, Esq. : — ^ 

" Boston, 12th Aug. 1833. 
"Dear Sir, — Agreeably to your request, I shall herewith 
annex my recollections of ' olden times,' relative to ' Noddle's 
Island.' 



^ John Marston was a most respectable stockbroker, and lived in Franklin 
Place. At the time this letter was written he was a hale man, sound in body 
and mind. 



884 HISTORY. [1775. 

" In 1769 to '71, I was a pupil at Dummer's school near 
Newbury,^ and had occasion to pass Winnisimmet Ferry several 
times in the course of that time. I remember that the Island 
was then very bare of trees, except about the house where JMr. 
Williams resided. 

" I remember that while passing Charlestown Ferry on the 
10th June, 1775, I saw all the houses and barns on Noddle's 
Island (which could be seen in that direction) in flames. A 
detachment of the American army had been sent the night pre- 
vious to drive off the cattle and sheep, which was very proper, 
but the burning the houses, etc. was not approbated by our 
people, as it was setting a very bad example, and may have led 
to the burning of Charlestown tliat day week. By examining 
the orderly book of Gen. Ward, you may discover whether 
there were any orders from Head-quarters to burn any dwellings, 
and whether the act was approved by him.^ 

" The marines from the ships of war landed on the Island 
and drove our people off. 

" Very respectfully, 

"John Marston. 

« Wm. H. Sumner, Esq." 

That this conflagration upon the 10th of June completed the 
destruction of all the buildings upon the Island is evident from 
an item in a newspaper of two days later date.^ 

" Saturday last the Provincial Troops set Fire to the Store 
on Noddle's Island, which was entirely consumed, no Building 
being now left standing on said Island." 

The reason why the provincials destroyed these buildings is 
to be found in the fact that the British, while engaged in their 
depredations on the Island, made use of them for a protection, 
and thus secured to themselves a great advantage over the col- 
onists. 

From the 27th of May to the 10th of June inclusive, the 



^ Byfield Academy. 

' The order book of Gen. Ward, Tvliioh was for some time in the writer's 
possession, and of which he has deposited a copy in the adjutant-general's 
office, has been examined ; it contains no orders to this effect. 

' Boston Gazette and Country Journal, June 12th, 1775. 



1775.] PROPERTY DESTROYED. 385 

Island was the scene of severe skirmishing, plundering, and 
conflagration, and, although unused to the dangers of war, the 
undisciplined provincials successfully coped with the British 
regulars, and evinced their true patriotism in burning their own 
property rather than suffer it to fall into the hands of the 
enemy. 

Of this whole transaction, Col. Humphrey says : " Thus 
ended this affair, in which several hundred sheep and some cat- 
tle were removed from under the muzzles of the enemy's 
cannon, and our men accustomed to stand fire by being for so 
many hours exposed to it, without any loss." ^ 

There can be no doubt that the results of the severe dis- 
cipline of this battle were made fully manifest in the battle of 
Bunker Hill, which soon followed. 

The Island, now stripped of all the stock and the buildings 
all burned, contained no object worthy the attention of General 
Gage. The owners and tenants suffered much from these ex- 
peditions. The loss from the burning of the buildings is thus 
estimated by Deacon Thomas Greenough, the husband of one of 
the three devisees of S. S. Yeamans, a former proprietor of 
the Island: — 

Three houses, at £100, £300 

Three barns, at £100, 300 

One large mansion-house, 900 

Two large barns, 230 

One large store, 200 

One barn, 100 

One stable, 30 

£2,060 

The proprietors of the Island never received any compensa- 
tion for this destruction of their property ; but H. H. Williams, 
who w^as a quartermaster-sergeant in the army at Cambridge, 
received as a present from General Washington, in partial re- 
muneration for his loss as tenant, a portion of the army bar- 
racks at Cambridge, with which to construct a shelter for his 
houseless family. 



^ Essay on the Life of the Hon, Maj. Gen. Putnam, p. 94, etc. 
33 



386 HISTORY. [1789. 

After the war, Mr. Williams presented to the legislature of 
Massachusetts a petition for remuneration for his losses, and 
" A schedule of House Furniture, Stock, Stores, Horses, &:c. &zc. 
that were Destroyed by a Detachment of the American Army ; 
or carried off by said Detachment for the use of the United States 
in the year 1775, belonging to Henry Howell Williams who then 
tenanted Noddle's Island in the Harbour of Boston," the accu- 
racy of which is sworn to by Mr. Williams and his wife. This 
claim was made upon the principle that governments are 
bound to compensate their citizens for losses sustained under 
the orders of their own officers, in war as well as in peace, while 
damages done by the depredations of the enemy must be en- 
dured by the individual sufferers. The " schedule " ^ comprises 
every article in the house, cellar, and out-buildings, and gives 
the contents of each room by itself. The whole amount of his 
property lost is therein estimated at £3,646 6s. 2d. In answer 
to the claim, the legislature voted to Mr. Williams the sum of 
.£2,000 in full for all damages. The resolution is as follows : — 

" Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
« In Senate, June 23, 1789. 
" Resolved, that the Treasurer of this Commonwealth be and 
he hereby is directed to issue his note in behalf of the Common- 
wealth in favor of Henry Howell Williams, for the sum of two 
thousand pounds and interest thereon from date of the same in 
full compensation of the damage he sustained from having his 
stock and other property taken from him or destroyed in conse- 
quence of orders given by the commanding officer of the Mas- 
sachusetts troops in the month of May, 1775, and that the same 
be charged to the United States. 

" Sent down for concurrence. Sam^ Phillips, jun"". Presid'. 
" In the House of Representatives, June 24, 1789. 

" Read and concurred. David Cobb, Speaker. 

" Approved, John Hancock. 

" True Copy Attest, John Ayery, jun"". Sec'y." 



^ This is now in the possession of the -n'riter, through the politeness of John 
Avery, Esq., of Lowell, its owner. 



1775.] IMPORTANCE OF THIS BATTLE. 387 

The " schedule," the title of which has been given, and the 
above quoted " Resolve," are valuable as furnishing additional 
proof that the conflagration and the destruction of property 
took place under the orders of the American commander. 

The records of the committee of safety state that " Henries 
Vomhavi, an Indian, having represented to this Committee that 
he had taken two horses at Noddles Island, one a little horse, 
which he is desirous of retaining as some recompense for his 
fatigue and risk in that action, in which, it is said, he behaved 
with great bravery : it is the opinion of this committee, that 
said Indian should be gratified in his request, which vi^ill be an 
encouragement to others in the service, provided, the honorable 
Congress should approve thereof." ^ Such instances, slight 
though they may be, show the readiness of the authorities to 
compensate for services rendered, when it was possible to do so. 

In view of the facts which have been collected respect- 
ing the conflicts, depredations, and conflagrations on Noddle's 
Island, extending at intervals from the 27th of May to the 
10th of June, the reader is left to judge whether the state- 
ment at the commencement of this narrative is not substan- 
tiated, namely, that the engagement upon the Island was an 
important one, deserving a fuller notice by historians than has 
before been given to it, and whether it does not deserve the 
name of a battle; and if so, whether it should not take its appro- 
l)riate place as the second battle of the Revolution. 

The writer appeals to the public for its verdict as to the im- 
portance and position which this battle should take in the his- 
tory of that war. Surely, if the number of combatants, the 
character of the officers engaged in it, the length of the conflict, 
the arms used, the bravery displayed, and the results effected, 
constitute a battle, then does this engagement on Noddle's 
Island deserve the name. It was no mere skirmish. On one 
side were a thousand ardent, liberty-loving Americans led by 
one of the bravest oflicers of the army, and equipped with 
small arms and field-pieces, while on the other was a large 
body of several hundred marines and regulars, provided with 



* Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Mass. p. 586. 



388 HISTORY. [1775. 

two twelve-pounders, and supported by a schooner which 
mounted four six-pounders and twelve swivels, a heavy-armed 
sloop, and eleven barges with swivels ; and between these con- 
tending forces the contest was bravely carried on during the 
whole night. Warren, Putnam, and Stark, a noble trio, were 
there. Warren had already met the enemy at West Cambridge 
on their retreat from Lexington, where he narrowly escaped 
with his life from a musket ball, which grazed his head. A 
leader in the struggle for liberty, anxious to be present wher- 
ever an enemy was to be found and gunpowder to be smelt, he 
was present on the night of the battle of Noddle's Island 
encouraging the men by word and deed. 

His daring and patriotic spirit urged him into the hottest of 
the fight, where his life was in imminent danger ; but the fatal 
shot which gave him a martyr's crown was reserved for the 
ever glorious battle of the 17th of June at Bunker Hill, where 
he fell in the midst of the conflict, uttering the most noble 
words which ever came from the lips of a dying patriot and 
hero : "I am a dead man : fight on, my brave fellows, for the 
salvation of your country." ^ The discerning wife of John 
Adams, in a letter written the day after that battle, thus feel- 
ingly alludes to his death : " I have just heard that our dear 
friend. Dr. Warren, is no more, but fell gloriously fighting for 
his country; saying better to die honorably in the field than 
ignominiously to hang upon the gallows. Great is our loss. 
He has distinguished himself in every engagement, by his 
courage and fortitude, by animating the soldiers, and leading 
them on by his own example." ^ A few days later, in a letter 
to the same individual, she says : " Not all the havoc and 
devastation they have made has wounded me like the death of 
Warren. We want him in the senate, we want him in his 
profession, we want him in the field. We mourn for the 
citizen, the senator, the physician, and the warrior." ^ 

The author can express the conclusions to which his own in- 
vestigations brought him in regard to the relative positions of 



' For many facts connected witli his death, the reader is referred to an 
article by the author, in tlie Genealogical and Historical Register, April and 
July, 1858. 

^ Mrs. Adams's Letters, Vol. I. p. 39. ^ lb. p. 49. 



1775.] THE EVACUATION. 389 

Putnam, "Warren, and Prescott, in no better way than by quot- 
ing a toast whicii he gave at a public celebration on the 4th of 
July, 1826: "Bunker Hill and its honored defenders: — Put- 
nam the commander, Warren the martyr, and Prescott the hero." 

Neither Stark nor Putnam was at Lexington or Concord ; but 
on Noddle's Island, Stark, who on the very day he received his 
commission as colonel enlisted eighf hundred men,^ success- 
fully executed the first orders he received from the commander- 
in-chief; and here the brave Putnam, whose title of commander 
in this engagement cannot be disputed, even by those who 
would deprive him of that rank at Bunker Hill, first engaged in 
actual conflict with the British. Fired with the same impet- 
uous zeal for which he was so distinguished in the French and 
Indian war, heedless of his own safety, and inspiring his men 
with his own dauntless bravery, he led on the contest, and 
successfully established the bravery and efficiency of the colo- 
nial troops. While the colonists suffered but little, three men 
only being wounded, the enemy's loss was severe, and Gen. 
Gage considered the engagement of sufficient consequence to 
announce it to the government, while the gallant conduct of 
Putnam gained him a commission from congress. 

Truly, if the skirmish at Lexington receives from historians 
the dignity of the name of a battle, how much more does that 
at Noddle's Island deserve the same honor; and if the former 
was the first, certainly the latter, in point of time and impor- 
tance, takes its proper position as the Second, Battle of the 
Revolution. 

The story of the occupation and evacuation of Boston by the 
British is too well known to be repeated here ; and we limit our 
narrative to a brief mention of facts as they are connected with 
the Island history. 

The opening of the year 1776 found the British forces in a 
hazardous condition. They were surrounded and harassed by 
a large army of indignant Americans, guided by the master- 



Allen's Biog. Diet. p. 7.54. (Boston, 1857.) 
33* 



390 HISTORY. [1776. 

spirit of the Revolution ; the hills which commanded the city 
and harbor were occupied by the indefatigable " rebels," who, 
as Howe said when viewing the works which rose as by magic 
on Dorchester Heights, did " more in one night than my whole 
army would have done in a month ; " and the enemy could no 
longer remain with safety in the city they had so long occu- 
pied. In addition to the. important positions already secured 
by the provincial troops, the British justly apprehended that the 
few remaining heights about the harbor would soon be in the 
possession of the Americans, and thus their fleet be exposed to 
certain destruction. Botta, an Italian writer, makes the judi- 
cious remark, that it was feared that they would occupy Noddle's 
Island, and establish batteries which, sweeping the surface of 
the water across the harbor, would have entirely interdicted the 
passage to the ships, and reduced the garrison to the necessity 
of yielding at discretion.^ That this fear was not groundless is 
evident from the fact, that, at the council of war on the 16th of 
February, 1776, Noddle's Island was one of the places selected 
for occupation in the proposed bombardment. 

The British fleet and army, being completely outmanoeuvred 
by Yankee shrewdness, and driven to extremities by a com- 
bination of adverse circumstances, evacuated Boston on the 
l8th of March, 1776. It was on a Sunday morning, and at an 
early hour, that the enemy, " satisfied that neither Hell, Hull, 
nor Halifax could afford worse shelter," evacuated the town, 
taking with them about fifteen hundred tories, who dared not 
remain behind and meet their enraged countrymen. The fleet, 
which consisted of one hundred and forty sail, was detained in 
the harbor for several days, and during this period some of the 
troops burned the block-house and barracks on Castle Island, 
and blew up and demolished the fortification s.^ 

The 18th of March was a memorable day for Boston, " Hos- 
tibus primo fugatis." ^ The city was once more free from a hos- 
tile army, and the inhabitants felt that their property and their 



' Botta's Hist. Am. Rev. "Vol. H. p. 44. 

» Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. H. p. 200 ; Barry's Mass. Vol. IH. p. 84. 
^ Motto ou the medal struck by congress in honor of Washington, 25th 
March, 177G. 



1776.] DEFENCES STRENGTHENED. 391 

city were now their own. But sadness followed the first spon- 
taneous outburst of rejoicing. The beautiful city' had been 
rendered a desolation ; the noble shade trees had been cut 
down; many of the finest houses had been defaced; churches 
had been disfigured ; the Old South had -been used for a riding 
school, and the arena heated by fires kindled with rare books 
and manuscripts from Prince's fine library, which had been 
kept in the steeple ; the parsonage house had been used for 
fuel ; the Old North Chapel had been demolished for the same 
purpose ; the famous old " Liberty Tree " had furnished the 
enemy with fourteen cords of wood ; the large wooden steeple 
of the West Church had been used for firewood ; Brattle street 
and Hollis street churches for barracks ; Faneuil Hall for a 
theatre; private property had been destroyed; and the whole 
city told a sad tale of the siege. It should be recorded, how- 
ever, to the credit of General Howe, that he exerted himself 
diligently during the few days previous to the evacuation to 
prevent the excesses committed by the troops, and the guilty 
were threatened with death if detected in robbing or firing a 
house.i Previous to this, the British general had declared his 
intention to burn the town if the troops were molested in their 
departure. But, in answer to a communication from the most 
influential citizens, he promised to spare it if allowed to leave 
quietly. Although no positive agreement of this nature was 
made, yet by means of a non-committal conference and corre- 
spondence, both parties tacitly consented to the arrangement.^ 

New York was supposed to be the destination of the British 
fleet; and immediately after its departure, Washington left 
Cambridge for that city with the greater part of the American 
army. He left a few troops for the protection of Boston under 
General Ward, who was ordered to repair the forts already con- 
structed, and to strengthen his defences to prevent the recap- 
ture of the town, and in all his proceedings to consult the civil 
authorities.^ Washington was requested by the general court 

* Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. II. p. 197; Barry's Ilist. Mass. Vol. III. p. 
83 and notes. 

* Lossing's Fleld-Book of Rev. Vol. I. p. 581. 

* Bradford's Hist. Mass. Chap. XIX.; Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. III. pp. 123, 



392 HISTORY. [1776. 

to leave six regiments for the defence of Boston and vicinity, 
under the apprehension that the British might return after the 
American troops were withdrawn ; but the necessities and sup- 
posed immediate danger of New York were so great that only 
three of his regiments could be spared, and consequently three 
more were subsequently raised by the general court, with six 
companies of artillery, for self-protection. 

It was the general opinion, that the evacuation of Boston 
was only a feint, and that the British would soon return. The 
people of Rhode Island thought that their maritime situation 
exposed them to imminent danger, while many of their citizens 
were absent on service, and in a long petition they prayed for a 
body of continental soldiers. So various were the applications 
for troops, and so numerous the calls for arms, that some de- 
cided action became necessary to prevent the little army and 
the deficient stock of public stores from being so divided and 
distributed as to be insufficient for the defence of any one 
place.^ 

In compliance with his instructions. General Ward immedi- 
ately commenced the necessary repairs, and on the 4th of May 
reported that the forts on Fort hill in Boston, Charlestown 
point, and Castle point, were almost completed, and mounted 
with heavy cannon. A fortification was in good progress on 
Noddle's Island, and a detachment of the army was at Castle 
island, repairing the batteries which the enemy had breached.^ 
The regiments which had been ordered by the general court 
were organized, and stationed on Noddle's Island, the castle, 
and at Nantasket, to prevent the landing of the British troops, 
or an approach to the town, should the enemy return. 

After the evacuation of the town, a portion of the British 
fleet, consisting of five vessels, still lingered in the harbor, and 
were soon afterward joined by seven transports filled with High- 
landers.^ The presence of these vessels naturally excited the 

124 ; Lossing (Field-Book Rev. Vol. I. p. 583) says that fee regiments were 
left for the protection of Boston, and the minuteness of his description would 
lead to the belief that he wrote from good authority. 

* Ramsay's Am. Rev. p. 2G-2 (Dublin ed. 1795). 

■ Barry's Hist. INIass. Vol. III. p. 124. 

' Lossing, Vol. I. p. 583 ; Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. II. p. 266. 



1776.] NODDLE'S ISLAND FORTIFIED. 393 

alarm of the inhabitants of Boston, who were under great 
apprehension of Howe's return. The American troops had 
principally gone to New York, and the people felt their defence- 
less condition, inasmuch as the fortifications then existing were 
wholly insufficient if an effort should be made to enter or fire 
the town. This feeling increased in Boston and the vicinity, 
and the sight of the armed vessels of the enemy, and the con- 
stant expectation of the arrival of others, made them more and 
more dissatisfied with their situation. With characteristic 
promptness of action, the danger was no sooner really perceived 
than measures were taken to put the harbor in a state of de- 
fence, and to be in readiness for the anticipated return of the 
enemy. 

This apprehension was not a groundless one ; for, subse- 
quently to this, it excited the serious attention of Washington 
and his generals, and all the admirable foresight and critical 
observation of the commander-in-chief were required to enable 
him to provide for the safety of the seaboard, as well as to 
carry out his plans to prevent the proposed junction of the two 
divisions of the British army, one of which, under Burgoyne, 
was already marching down from the north, in order to meet the 
other, with which it was to unite at or near Albany.^ 

Noddle's Island, from its situation in regard to the city and 
harbor, seemed to be peculiarly appropriate for the site of a fort ; 
it was selected as such without delay, and the work imme- 
diately commenced. The adaptation of the Island for such a 
purpose arises from the fact that it is so situated, that, properly 
fortified, its guns can sweep the whole upper harbor, and no 
fleet can remain long enough before the city, under a fire from 
the Island batteries, to do any considerable damage. This im- 
portant, indeed invaluable, consideration, determined the Island 
as the site of the fortress for the protection of the city and to 
drive the enemy's vessels from the harbor, and, under the sense 
of present danger, the work was commenced without delay. 

This was in the early part of May, 1776. Individuals sub- 
scribed towards this object ; many flocked in from the adjoining 
towns, and the whole community was awake to the importance 

' Irving's Washington (octavo ed.), Vol. III. pp. 120-7, etc. 



394 HISTORY. [1776. 

of the object. All classes of people united their efforts in erect- 
ing a fort on the heights of the Island. Both the clergy and 
laity volunteered their services, working with the pickaxe 
and shovel, and aiding until the work was finished, while the 
poorer class were compensated for their labors.^ One desire 
actuated all, — to protect their city from the enemy. During 
the whole of our contest with England, there is nothing which 
reflects brighter lustre -on our cause than the disinterested pa- 
triotism of the people. Private interests, property, prospects, 
indeed every thing, was willingly sacrificed pro bono publico^ 
and the people in every rank and station labored with equal 
zeal, with the pen, the sword, or the spade, in the study, the 
battle field, or in the trench, whether without pay or supported 
by government. The highest and purest motives guided their 
actions. The sword was taken up from necessity, and then 
used with the power which a just cause, a patriot's heart, and a 
valiant arm, will always wield. 

The community w^as wide awake to the importance of prompt 
and persistent action ; and the energy with which the work was 
carried on until finished, affords abundant evidence of the spirit 
of the times. Every measure was employed to call the atten- 
tion of the people to the subject. A notice, signed by Joseph 
Russell, clerk, appeared on the 6th of May, calling upon the 
subscribers for fortifying the harbor to meet, and the thanks of 
the citizens of Boston were expressed to the gentlemen from 
the country who had voluntarily assisted in the work.^ A sim- 
ilar notice appeared in the Chronicle on the 23d of the same 
month. The fortification on the Island was prosecuted with 
great zeal, and, with the volunteer labor from Boston and the 
neighboring towns which sympathized with the city, the work 
rayjidly progressed. The strongest motive, self-preservation, 
urged the people to work ; the vessels of the enemy were in 
full sight, and might any day be reinforced, and the siege re- 
newed. The spirit of the times is shown in the newspapers. 
Says one, "Almost every able-bodied citizen of this place has 
volunteered to work two days a week for six weeks on the for- 

' Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. II. p. 265, etc. 
' Boston Gazette, 6th of May, 1776. 



1776.] THE FORTRESS ON NODDLE'S ISLAND. 395 

tifications." ^ The same paper continues, " They began to fortify 
Noddle's Island last week, since which they have been joined 
by several of the neighboring towns." There seems to have 
been a general determination, not only within the limits of the 
city, but in the adjoining country, to protect Boston from any 
further attack ; and the readiness and zeal with which the people 
labored on the defences show the earnest interest felt in the 
issue at stake. The newspapers urged the inhabitants to the 
work, and kept the community informed of the progress made. 
A third notice appeared in the papers, calling upon those who 
had subscribed for fortifying Boston harbor to fulfil their sub- 
scription by personal appearance, or by providing substitutes. 
This notice also says, " It is thought four hundred men for three 
days will finish the grand fortress on Noddle's Island. A great 
number of gentlemen have agreed to go to-morrow and Satur- 
day next, and it is hoped that the inhabitants of the town who 
are able to work will appear on the floor of the Town house at 
one half past seven, to-morrow the 7th instant." ^ This notice 
(dated on the 5th of June) appears to have been made under 
direction of a committee of the general court. From all that 
can be learned, it is evident that this was an important and 
large fortification, and the incidental allusions in the different 
notices quoted, support this idea. The Island appears to have 
been the point universally selected as the one most suitable for 
the end in view ; and the number of men employed, and the 
length of time consumed in the work, show that no small for- 
tress rose from the heights. 

In some respects a fort should be like a fire-engine, " always 
ready, but never wanted," and this fortress was an instance in 
point. The British fleet did not return, and the inhabitants 
were not called upon to defend the city ; but now, relieved from 
acting upon the defensive, they immediately began to act upon 
the offensive. 

The numerous alarms in May and June, and the fears enter- 
tained of the return of the enemy, gave great uneasiness to the 



^ Chronicle, 9th May, 1776. 

* Continental Journal, 6th June, 1776. 



396 HISTORY. [1776. 

people along the sea-coast of Massachusetts ; and hence the gen 
eral court, then in session, on the 11th of June, determined, if 
possible, to drive all the enemy's vessels from the bay. Said John 
Adams, in a letter to Samuel Cooper (dated 30th May, 1776), " I 
shall never be happy until every unfriendly flag is driven out of 
sight, and the Light-house island, George's, and Lovell's islands, 
and the east end of Long island, are secured." ^ The fortifica- 
tions on Noddle's Island having been successfully built, and the 
city thus protected, Gen. Benjamin Lincoln proposed a plan for 
freeing the harbor of the British vessels. His scheme was sanc- 
tioned and accepted by the Massachusetts assembly, and put in 
execution on the 13th of June. Detachments from the regiments 
of Colonels Marshall and Whitney, and a " battalion of train," 
under Colonel Crafts, provided with cannon, ammunition, and 
provisions were mustered on Long wharf at the beat of drum, 
and there embarking in boats, they went down the harbor to 
Pettick's island and Hull, where they were joined by more 
troops and sea-coast companies, so as to make nearly six hun- 
dred men at each place. Militia from the towns along the 
harbor shore, with a detachment from the " train " and some 
field-pieces, took stations on Moon island, HoflPs Neck, and 
Point Alderton ; while a detachment, commanded by Colonel 
Whitcomb, from the regular troops under Gen. Ward, with two 
eighteen-pounders, a thirteen inch mortar, and intrenching tools, 
took post at Long island. The morning of the 14th nearly 
dawned before the various bodies of troops were all stationed. 
In a few hours, defences were thrown up on Long island and at 
Nantasket, and cannon were mounted, and began to play upon 
the ships, the first shot being fired from Long island. Commo- 
dore Banks, perceiving the perilous situation of his little fleet, 
made signals for weighing anchor, and after blowing up the 
light-house, a deed unworthy of humanity, set sail and went to 
sea, leaving Boston harbor and the vicinity entirely free from 
the enemy? 

Several English store ships, which arrived soon after, not 

^ Works of John Adams, Vol. IX. p. 381. 

» Gordon's Ilist. Am. Rev. Vol. II. p. 266 ; Ramsay's Am. Rev. pp. 234-5 ; 
Lossing, Vol. I. pp. 583 ; Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. III. pp. 127-8. 



1812.] FORTIFICATIONS IN 1812. 397 

being apprised of the evacuation of the port, sailed into the 
harbor and fell into our hands. In this way, Lieut-Col. Camp- 
bell and seven hundred men were made prisoners in June.i 

From this time until the close of the war in 1783, Boston, 
which had suffered so severely in the commencement of the 
contest, was comparatively free from military disturbances 
within her own limits. Through the whole war, however, she 
contributed her full share, and much more, to the general cause; 
and on every battle field north or south, some of her gallant 
sons have bled and died. The thirteen united colonies fur- 
nished for the regular service of the revolutionary army, besides 
militia, 231,779 men, an average of 17,830 each. Of these, 
Massachusetts furnished 67,907, or 29 per cent, of the whole ; 
35,968 more than any other state, and 50,077 more than, or 
nearly four times, her equal proportion. And she poured out 
her treasure for the outfit and support of her sons in the regular 
and militia service, and for the support of their families which 
they left behind, and for other public purposes, in nearly the 
same proportion, and with the same noble and liberal spirit as 
she did her physical force and her blood. 

May we who enjoy the blessings of that inheritance, acquired 
for us by the labors and sufferings of six generations of noble 
ancestors, perpetuate it in all its strength, beauty, and purity to 
those who shall follow us ! 



III. 

Fortifications in the tear of 1812. — The war with England 
in 1812 was emphatically a war of the democratic adminis- 
tration. The federal party 'was opposed to it. ^ In New 
England, and in Massachusetts particularly, the opposition 
was strong and open. The government found it difficult to 
fill their ranks with soldiers, and encountered a firm public 
opinion at every step. Caleb Strong was then the governor 
of Massachusetts ; ^ a man of sterling character, and possess- 

^ Lossing's Field-Book of tlie Eevolution, Vol. I. pp. 583, etc. ; Gordon's 
Hist. Am. War, Vol. II. p. 2G8. 
* He held the office of governor of Massachusetts from the year 1800 (bcin" 
3-4 



398 HISTORY. [1812. 

ing the confidence of the people,. he was a firm support on 
Avhich the federal party leaned in its opposition to the anti- 
constitutional measures of the administration. The grand 
object of the dominant party was to take Canada, thinking that 
in this way England could be most easily and most materially 
affected. It was thought by the democratic leaders to be utter 
nonsense to attempt to meet the enemy on the ocean, and that, 
to secure even a chance of success, the war should be carried 
on by land-forces; and consequently Canada was the main 
object in view. The New Englanders were opposed to this 
measure. The Canadians were their neighbors, and peaceful 
ones ; no ill feeling existed between the States and the prov- 
inces, intermarriages had taken place between them, and it was 
repugnant to their noblest feelings to fight against their un- 
ofl'ending neighbors, especially to carry the war into their own 
territory. It was contended also, that if war must be waged 
at, all, it should be with France, as she was the first transgressor. 
// When requisition was made upon Gov. Strong for troops 
from Massachusetts, he denied the right of the president on 
constitutional grounds, and upon this basis of action refused 
his assent, and stood aloof from the contest. 

The first requisition upon Gov. Strong by authority of the 
president was through General Dearborn, who had recently 
been appointed superintendent of the military district No. 1, 
which was composed of Massachusetts, of which Maine then 
formed a part, and Rhode Island. It was made on the 22d of 
June, 1812,1 ^nd was for a detachment of forty-one companies 
of artillery and infantry, eight of which were to be marched to 
Rhode Island, and the remainder stationed in diflerent parts of 
JMassachusetts. The governor maide no reply to this requisition, 
believing that the exigency had not occurred which, under the 
constitution, justified the president in calling the militia into 
the active service of the United States; and, following his own 



the immediate successor of Gov. Sumner) until 1807, and again from 1812 to 
1816, and his administration embraced years which ■will ever be memorable in 
the history of jNIassachusetts and of the country. 
> Letter Book, Vol. XI. p. 149, etc. 



1812.] COURSE OF GOVERNOR STRONG. 399 

convictions of duty, and with the approbation of high legal' 
authority, he did not answer the requisition.^ 

Gen. Dearborn's call was renewed (26th of June), and again 
the governor declined calling out the militia; but, under his 
own authority as commander-in-chief, he issued a general order 
on the 3d of July, requiring the militia to be in readiness to 
march at the shortest notice to any place of danger. A letter 
was also received by the governor from the secretary of war 
(27th July), urging him to order out the militia in compliance 
with the request of Gen. Dearborn ; but the governor declined. 

In a message to the legislature, the governor justified his 
course on the ground, that he " presumed, if this state was in 
danger, the regular troops would not have been ordered to the 
north-west frontiers; and, if they were so ordered, the militia 
were not liable to be called into service, and stationed in the 
forts of the United States to do garrison duty when no danger 
of invasion appeared." He continued: " I have been fully dis- 
posed to comply with the requirements of the constitution 
of the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, 
and sincerely regret that a request should have been made by 
an officer of the national government with which I could not 
constitutionally comply. But it ajipeared to me that this requi- 
sition was of that character; and I was under the same obliga- 
tion to maintain the rights of the state as to support the con- 
stitution of the United States." ^ 

Although Gov. Strong thus emphatically declined answering 
demands which he considered unconstitutional, he was ready 

* Bradford's Hist. Mass. A committee appointed to take into consideratiou 
the requisition were unable to perceive that any exigency existed which would 
render It advisable to comply, and advised that the opinion of the supreme 
court be asked on the questions, whether the commanders-in-chief of the 
states had a right to judge of the exigency ; and whether, when either of the 
exigencies specified in the constitution did exist, the militia could be lawfully 
commanded by any officer but of the' militia. An answer to these questions, 
signed by Theophilus Parsons, Samuel Sewall, and Isaac Parker, was returned, 
in which the opinion was given, that the commanders-in-chief were to decide of 
the exigency, and that the militia could bo lawfully commanded only by offi- 
cers of the mllltla.-^^ Council Records, Vol. XXVI. pp. 99, 106. 

^ Speech of Gov. Strong, ]\Iass. Resolves, 1812. See also his message of the 
28th May, 1813, which gives a summary of war proceedings, preliminary and 
actual 



400 HISTORY. [1812. 

to adopt every measure which the safety of the state demanded, 
and to accede to all requests from the national government 
which would be justified by his constitutional obligations. This 
is evinced in the fact, that, on the 5th of August, at the reouest 
of Gen. Dearborn, and by order of the president, he issued gen- 
eral orders to direct a portion of the militia detached under the 
orders of the 25th of April,i to march to Passamaquoddy for the 
defence of the ports and harbors on the eastern border of the 
state.2 



1 Orderly Book, Nov. 1811 to Feb. 1818, pp. 56, 57. 

^ The General Orders of the 5th of August arc quoted from the Orderly 
Book, Nov. 1811 to Feb. 1818, pp. 9G, 97, as they serve to illustrate the course 
pursued by the governor : — 

" Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

" General Orders. Head-Quarters, Boston, August 5, 1812. 

" By the General Order of the 3d of July last, Major-General Henry Sewall 
is appointed to command the Eastern Division of the Militia which was de- 
tached under the order of the 25th of April last, consisting of all the detached 
militia in the District of Maine. 

" The Commander-in-Chief having been requested by Major-General Henry 
Dearborn, by order of the President of the United States, to direct a part of 
the militia, detached under the said order of the 25th of April, to march to 
Passamaquoddy for the defence of the posts and harbors on the eastern bor- 
ders of the Commonwealth, and considering that that part of the State is in a 
peculiar manner in danger of invasion, and that disorderly* persons may 
attempt to disturb and annoy the peaceable inhabitants in that neighborhood, 
and endanger their lives and j^roperty, lias thought fit to order, and doth 
hereby order, that three full companies of Infantry of the Eastern Detached 
Division of Militia be designated by Major-General Sewall ; and after being 
completely armed and equipped, ordered to march as soon as possible to East- 
port, in the District of Maine, which is appointed the place of rendezvous. 

" The said three companies will form a battalion under the command of a 
detached ]\Iajor to be designated by Major-General Sewall, who will also de- 
signate an Adjutant and Quarter-Master, and order the whole to march with- 
out delay to the place of rendezvous. 

" The jNIajor commanding the battalion will see that provision is made for 
the subsistence of his troops, from the places from whence the companies march 
until their arrival to the place of rendezvous, in the manner prescribed by law, 
and for the transportation of their baggage. Major-General Sewall, in desig- 
nating the companies to march, will, as far as may be, take them from the 
nearest counties and districts, and from places the least exposed to the enemy. 

" The Major-Generals and the officers of the local militia from which any 
part of the said battalion may be drawn, will afford their aid in completing the 



1812.] MASSACHUSETTS LEFT UNDEFENDED. 401 

The course of conduct pursued by Gov. Strong was sus- 
tained by the whole voice of New England ; but it brought upon 
the State the immediate frown of the national government. 
Hull, who, in the words of a living writer, was subsequently 
made a "scape-goat to carry off the sins of the administration," 
had been sent to Detroit, and Dearborn to Niagara. In seeming 
vengeance upon the independent course of Governor Strong, 
the most of the soldiers were taken away from the forts along 
the coast of Massachusetts, so that they were wholly in 
an insecure condition. This act of the national govern- 
ment left the harbors and extended coast undefended. Still, 
the New Englanders thought, that, as they were well known to 
be opposed to the war, it would be bad policy for the enemy to 
drive them into the contest, and compel them to fight against 
their inclination. But this supposition was ultimately falsified. 
The Adams frigate (Capt. Morris) ran a gauntlet through the 



companies, and will see that the men arc armed and equipped as the law 
directs. The Commander-in-Chief expects that this order -will be obeyed by 
his fellow-citizens of the drafted militia with promptitude, and when marching 
to the place of their destination, as well as afterwards, that they will preserve 
good order, and render due obedience to the commands of their officers. He 
would remind them that they are not only called forth to defend the frontier 
against any invasion of a foreign enemy, but to prevent the depredations of 
any lawless banditti who may be disposed to rob and plunder, whether they 
belong to our own territories or those of the enemy. Although war is de- 
clared between the United States and Great Britain, it is to be carried on only 
by the order of the government. It is the duty of the inhabitants of the towns 
and villages bordering on the British line to endeavor to repel any invasion 
of our own territories, but they have no right to make incursions into the 
territories of the enemy. Lawless plunderei's, cither by sea or land, and as 
well in time of war as in peace, are pirates and robbers, and their depreda- 
tions ought, as far as may be, to be prevented or punished ; they only occasion 
distress and misery to the exposed inhabitants, and have no tendency to pro- 
duce an equitable peace, which is the only justifiable object of war. The offi- 
cers will be careful to inculcate upon their men the necessity of di&cipline, and 
a sacred regard to the rights of their fellow-citizens. The soldiers of a free 
government should view with abhorrence any attempt to assume power by the 
use of the sword, or to invade the rights of those whom it is their duty to pro- 
tect 

" By order of the Commander-in-Chief. 

William Donxison, Adjutant-General." 
34* 



402 HISTORY. [1814. 

British vessels which were " laying off and on " the coast, and, 
being pursued up the Penobscot, went as far as Bangor, where 
the militia defended her as well as they were able ; but, after a 
vigorous resistance, she was burned to the water's edge. The 
enemy now had the eastern ports of the State open to their 
men of war; and the fleet of Sir John Sherbrook of Halifax 
anchored in Castine Bay, from which any town upon the coast 
was easily accessible. The whole seaboard coast of the Penob- 
scot was declared to be in the possession of the enemy. A gen- 
eral 'alarm spread through the community. Each seaport town 
felt itself in danger, and a common interest demanded that 
some immediate action should be taken. From the course 
then recently pursued by the United States government, it 
seemed clear that no aid could be expected from that power ; 
and if the coast was to be defended, it must be by the State 
itself relying upon her own resources. The question was, 
Shall this be done ? and the pride and patriotism of the peo- 
ple echoed the affirmative the whole length of the seaboard. 

Boston, in which the dock-yard was situated, and where 
ships were then building, as the commercial and financial 
metropolis of New England, had the highest claim upon the 
State aid. Its forts were empty, and the harbor and the town 
were entirely exposed to the enemy. From the tops of the 
houses, ships of war could be seen cruising along the coast ; 
these could be joined by the fleet under Sir John Sherbrook, 
then laying at Castine, or the squadron which lay at Bermuda, 
and not a gun was manned to prevent their entrance. There 
seemed to be nothing to prevent a repetition of the blockade of 
1775 and 1776. Self-interest, state pride, indignation against 
the administration, as well as national honor, all called for 
prompt and vigorous action. Not that they favored the war ; 
nor that by this state of feeling and their subsequent actions 
they were at all inclined to endorse the policy of the adminis- 
tration ; but they were compelled to defend their own cities, 
harbors, and property from an enemy brought upon them by the 
national government contrary to their wishes. 

The town and the vicinity were in a high state of excitement. 
A public meeting of the citizens of Boston was held on the 30th 
of August, 1814. to take into consideration the perilous condi- 



1814.] NODDLE'S ISLAND TO BE FORTIFIED. 403 

tion of the town and harbor, and to take those measures of de- 
fence which every day and every hour showed to be of the 
utmost necessity. At this meeting, Harrison Gray Otis, James 
Lloyd, T. H. Perkins, and others were appointed a committee 
to draft resolutions and to present an address to the governor, 
representing the defenceless state of the town and the alarming 
state of public affairs. No time was lost. The committee, at 
a town meeting on the 3d of September, reported an address to 
the governor, avowing a readiness on the part of the citizens to 
aid by contributions, labor, and in all other ways in their power, 
in the defence of the state. The address and resolutions were 
unanimously adopted. Resolutions expressing the same senti- 
ments were passed at town meetings in Roxbury, Salem, and 
other towns. The newspapers of that day speak in the highest 
terms of the patriotic spirit manifested by the military forces 
and the citizens generally, and of the universal and earnest 
desire to cooperate with the governor in any measures he might 
adopt to protect the state ; their subsequent conduct nobly sus- 
tained these assertions. The zeal of the people was promptly 
met by the decisive action of the executive. Taking in at a 
glance the peculiar situation in which he was placed, he laid 
out his line of action, and put his plans into immediate execu- 
tion. Prompt measures were taken to defend the town, and the 
whole line of the sea-coast of Massachusetts and Maine.^ The 
governor and his officers put forth energetic plans for the de- 
fence of the capital and other seaport towns in Massachusetts. 

The location of a fortification which should defend the town of 
Boston, and at the same time command its harbor, was a point 
of the highest importance, but it was one easily decided. From 
the days of the first settlers of the bay, Noddle's Island had 
been considered as peculiarly well situated to protect the town 
in the event of war, and to drive shipping from the upper 
harbor. Indeed, with a well-manned fortification on Noddle's 
Island, it would be utterly impossible for ships to remain long 
enough in front of the town to set it on fire, or do any serious 
damage. By general consent the high ground on the Island, 
called Camp hill, was selected as the most suitable spot for the 

^ See Appendix F. 



404 HISTORY. [1814. 

fort, having a covered way to the battery upon the water. A 
modestly expressed opinion of Commodore Bainbridge shows 
that he held the same views. In a letter to Adjutant-General 
Brooks, dated on the 5th of September, after making inquiries 
respecting the measures adopted by the state government for 
defence, he says : " Without the least disposition to dictate, I 
would respectfully suggest the immediate embodying of a 

respectable body of militia, batteries on Dorchester 

Heights and Noddle's Island." i 

As early as the ICth of June, the governor and council had 
appointed the lion. David Cobb, John Brooks, and Timothy 
Pickering commissioners for the defence of the sea-coast. This 
board was, some time afterward, increased and organized as fol- 
lows : Hon. David Cobb, chairman ; Hon. John Brooks, Hon. 
Timothy Pickering, Hon. Israel Thorndike, Hon. Thomas H. 
Perkins ; Major Joseph H. Pierce was elected secretary .^ 

"While these preparations were being made for the defence 
of Boston by erecting a fort upon Noddle's Island, and for the 
security of the whole sea-coast of Massachusetts, the accounts 
which the adjutant-general received from the district of Maine 
(the whole of which was in a state of alarm from the proximity 
of the position in which the powerful fleet of the enemy, with 
troops on board, lay at Castine) were so confused and contra- 
dictory that he could not deduce from them the true state of 
affairs, and could not advise the governor what means should 
be adopted, or what number of troops should be stationed in 
the exposed places. He therefore proposed that an executive 
agent should be sent to that district, who should report the true 
condition of things. To this office the commander-in-chief ap- 
pointed Lieutenant-Colonel William H. Sumner, his first aid- 
de-camp, as from his military relation to him, and from their 
frequent conversations, he believed him to be better acquainted 
than any one else with his own views. In addition to this, the 
commissioners for sea-coast defence united in him, so far as it 
regarded the district of Maine, all the authority given to them 

* Twentieth Congress, 2d Session, House Doc. 3, p. 88. 
- This organization -was announced in the Ccntinel on the 21st of September, 
181-1. 



1814.] LIEUT.-COL. SUMNER, EXECUTIVE AGENT. 405 

by the legislature. He was accordingly invested by them with 
the powers of quartermaster-general and commissary-general. 
He was also authorized by the treasurer to borrow money from 
the banks on the credit of the State, and, if the means thus ob- 
tained should be insufficient, he was empowered to draw upon 
the treasury. His instructions from the governor were to repair 
forthwith to the district of Maine, and to provide every practi- 
cable means for the defence of that part of the State. 

In a protracted interview with the executive agent in the 
evening previous to his departure, Gov. Strong communicated 
to him his views and wishes on the subjects to which his atten- 
tion was directed, and explained the principles upon which his 
own course had been based, and by which his future conduct 
was to be guided. It is unnecessary to encumber the narrative 
with the details of the conversation between Governor Strong 
and his aid-de-camp, or with the proceedings of the executive 
agent in the different places in Maine where his services were 
demanded. Of the latter, it is proper to say that they met with 
the unqualified approval of the commander-in-chief and the 
other authorities of the government. His good conduct in the 
trying circumstances in which he was placed may have led to 
his appointment to the post of adjutant-general soon after the 
accession of Governor Brooks to the chair of state. Yet, as the 
defence of Noddle's Island and other important places in old 
Massachusetts was based upon the same principles as were con- 
tained in the instructions given to the executive agent in the 
district of Maine, it is important, for a right understanding of 
the conduct of Governor Strong during the war, that they 
should be somewhere narrated. The proceedings of the execu- 
tive agent, together with the conversation between the gov- 
ernor and his aid-de-camp, are therefore summarily recited in 
a separate article, which is inserted in Appendix F, and in 
which the reader will find facts, statements, and opinions that 
go far toward explaining the motives and conduct of Gov- 
ernor Strong during the war, which have often been miscon- 
strued. 

It having been decided to locate a fort, for the defence of 
Boston, upon Noddle's Island, the next step was to select a 
suitable engineer. At that time there were but few persons 



406 HISTORY. [1814. 

whose education was of such a character as to qualify them 
for the duties of civil engineering; and, in truth, mechanical 
genius was made to supply the deficiencies of an appropriate 
training. Loammi Baldwin was appointed, a graduate from 
Harvard College. While in college he had distinguished him- 
self among his fellow-students by his fertile ingenuity; among 
other things, he made with his knife a wooden clock, which 
was the wonder of the collegians. 

Entering immediately npon his duties, he issued his first 
official notice on the 10th of September. It was in these 
words : — 

" September 10 (1814). 

" All persons who intend oflfering their personal services as 
volunteers on the works under the direction of the subscriber, 
are desired to select persons as captains or committees to meet 
him at the Exchange Coffee House,^ No. 84, this evening and 
Monday evening at 7 o'clock, who may make arrangements 
with him in their behalf. 

" As a sufficient number of tools cannot possibly be provided 
from the quartermaster-general's department on so short a 
notice, the subscriber requests those who can conveniently pro- 
cure them for themselves, to carry shovels, etc. 

" All persons disposed to contract for the deUvery of stones 
for a well and ferry ways, a few thousand bricks, timber, planks, 
and boards, are requested to make immediate application to 

" Loammi Baldwin." 

There was a notice similar to this, dated on the 17th of Sep- 
tember, which stated that companies with tools were wanted to 
work on the fort. 

An editorial in the Centinel of the same date as Mr. Bald- 
win's first notice (10th), says that "notice has been given that 
the executive military committee have appointed Loammi 



• Tlie most imposing building of its time, having cost about $500,000. It 
was burnt tlie 3d of November, 1818, and rebuilt not long after. It was taken 
down in 1854, and an immense freestone structure erected upon the spot, 
which was finished in 1855, and called the City Exchange. 



1814.] ENTHUSIASM IN DEFENCE. 407 

Baldwin, Esq., superintending engineer for the construction of 
fortifications to be raised on Noddle's Island in this harbor; 
and that they will accept the voluntary services of the citizens 
in their construction." The editor then proceeds to give some 
instructions, by which the citizens might be guided. Volun- 
teers were to arrange themselves in companies, and to appoint 
their own captains, and to make returns of their numbers to 
the superintendent ; boats would be provided to transport the 
workmen to the Island ; persons willing to furnish wheelbar- 
rows, spades, shovels, pickaxes, iron bars, and other utensils, 
were requested to offer them immediately ; and pecuniary aid 
would be accepted from those who were indisposed to labor. 

In consequence of these notices, and actuated by the noblest 
feelings of patriotism, the inhabitants sent in their offers of ser- 
vices to the superintendent, who entered them on his books. 
The enthusiasm for labor w^as very great ; and the request was 
so promptly responded to by hundreds of laborers, that there 
was not at first sufficient work for them to do, and the engineer 
was obliged to state that further time was required to fix the 
sites of the works, and mark out the lines, before voluntary 
laborers in great numbers could be advantageously employed. 
This fact shows most conclusively the spirit of the people, and 
the earnestness with which they rallied for the defence of their 
country. The same forgetfulness of self-interest which was 
manifested in 1776 was as clearly shown now. Citizens of all 
classes and all denominations vied with each other in their 
patriotic offerings and labors, and the public journals from day 
to day speak of the promptness with which the community 
answered to the call for labor. So great w^as the press of volun- 
teers, that a systematic arrangement was adopted, by which the 
laborers w^ere classified, and particular days assigned for par- 
ticular classes. This plan succeeded admirably ; confusion was 
thus avoided, and the work advanced rapidly. It is appar- 
ent, from a clause in the Centinel, that the labor on the 
Island was commenced on the tenth of September. The paper 
of that date says : " We understand that one hundred and fifty 
of the INIechanic's Charitable Association, and others who have 
united wdth them, w'lW begin to work on the fort on Noddle's 
Island this morning (Sept. 10th, 1814), to embark at the ferry 



408 HISTORY. [1814. 

way at six o'clock. We learn that five hundred will be wanted 
on Monday, and an equal number every day until the works 
are completed. All volunteers are expected to find their own 
rations." To illustrate the system adopted, it may be stated, 
that from time to time the papers announced the days on which 
particular detachments were to work; for instance: "Twenty- 
five mechanics firom each ward in this town will labor on the 
fortifications on Noddle's Island. This day (Sept. 14) to 
embark from the ferry ways at half past sLx o'clock." ^ " Deal- 
ers in dry goods to work on the fortifications on the succeeding 
Friday" (Sept. 16).^ In this same paper is also a notice for 
meetings in the different wards to choose committees to collect 
contributions to defray the expenses for the defence of the town 
and the country. The Centinel of the 17th notifies " dealers 
in dry goods and in hardware to meet the next Thursday 
(20th) to do a day's work on Fort Strong." The fortification 
was already called Fort Strong, in compliment to the governor, 
although it was not officially so named till about the time of 
its completion. This paper also says : " Since our last, detach- 
ments of the mechanics and manufacturers, the victuallers, the 
Boston Light Infantry, the students of the university, the sons 
of Erin, and other patriotic volunteers, have labored with effect 
on the construction of the fort on Noddle's Island." The West 
India goods dealers were notified to meet and work on Wednes- 
day afternoon, the 21st. On the 24th, the stone and bricklayers 
who had volunteered were notified to meet and perfect arrange- 
ments. Indeed, there is scarcely a newspaper of that time 
which has not numerous notices to all classes and conditions 
of people, either calling meetings for the purpose of making 
arrangements, or specifying the days on which particular divis- 
ions should work. 

The lines were marked out, and the plans so far perfected, 
that, on the 21st, a "notice to the patriotic" was published, 
stating that the "superintendent of fortifications can find as 
much employment as any number of men can perform." Hun- 
dreds of men now flocked to the Island, and worked with a 
zeal worthy of their cause. The instance can scarcely be found 

1 Centinel of Sept 14Ui. ' Ibid. 



1814.] VOLUNTARY LABOR UPON THE FORT. 409 

where the population so universally engaged in the labor of a 
common defence, or where all classes and conditions of society- 
united so cordially in a public undertaking. Not only did Bos- 
tonians volunteer their services, but the adjoining towns sent in 
large delegations to the assistance of the city. On Sunday 
the 18th, six hundred men, principally from Medford, Maiden, 
West Cambridge, and other towns, worked on the fort; while 
" many from Boston volunteer every day." On the following 
Monday (19th), two hundred men from the navy-yard contrib- 
uted their labors ; Tuesday, the members of the Ancient and 
Honorable Artillery not on duty, the Winslow Blues, dry goods 
dealers, and others worked ; and, a few days, later we find the 
board of health, the printers, booksellers, and binders, the Spar- 
tan band, and detachments from the wards, laboring at the 
fort. It is difficult to conceive of greater promptness, activity, 
and determination, than was manifested at this time ; the 
impending danger admitted of no delay, and the value of time 
in a great emergency was fully appreciated. 

In a letter or report made by Major Joseph H. Pierce, the 
secretary of the commissioners for sea-coast defence, dated on 
the 18th of September, he says : — 

" Col. Thorndike and Col. Perkins, accompanied by Major- 
General Dearborn and suit, visited Fort Warren, Fort Inde- 
pendence, and Noddle's Island On the new fort now 

erecting on Noddle's Island, about six hundred workmen were 
actually under employ, and the works are progressing with a 
spirit suited to the exigency of the moment. The engineer, 
Loammi Baldwin, Esq., and the gentlemen who assist him, 
appear to take great interest in the success of their object, the 
evidence of which is very perceptible in the rapidity and per- 
fection with which the plans have hitherto been executed. A 
highly commendable zeal and spirit of patriotism pervade all 
classes of our fellow-citizens, in their volunteering their services 
to work on this, and the different fortifications about to be- 
erected in the vicinity of Boston." ^ 

On the 21st of September, Mr. Baldwin addressed a letter to 
the adjutant-general, saying that the works on Noddle's Island 

* 20th Congress, 2(1 Session, House Doc. 3, p. 151. 

35 



410 HISTORY. [1814. 

had been so far prosecuted that a guard stationed there would 
be of the first importance ; and that many inconveniences as to 
tools would be avoided by such a measure, as some were al- 
ready lost. He therefore requested that a guard might be placed 
at the fort, as soon as the arrangements could be made. This 
request was complied with ; and on the same day, Adjutant-Gen- 
eral Brooks sent an order to Major- General Crane to detach a 
company of light-infantry to guard the fort. Brigadier-General 
Welles the same day caused a company of light-infantry to 
be detached from his brigade, to perform guard duty on the 
Island for one week, unless sooner discharged.^ By the same 
general order from the adjutant-general, the quartermaster- 
general was directed to furnish the company with " tools, cook- 
ing utensils, fuel, straw, &c.," and the commanding officer to con- 
sult the engineer respecting the places for posting sentries, and 
" securing the entrenching tools." The fortifications were now 
well advanced, and a regular guard was stationed there, both 
to observe the movements of the enemy and to protect the 
works and the great amount of implements necessarily used in 
their construction. The labor was prosecuted unremittingly. 
On the 24th of September it was announced that the forti- 
fications rapidly approached completion. The Gazette of the 
3d of October says : " Fort Strong progresses rapidly. On 
Saturday, the citizens of Concord and Lincoln, to the number 
of two hundred, performed labor on it ; the punctuality of the 
patriotic husbandmen deserved the highest praise of their fellow- 
citizens of the metropolis. The volunteers from Wards 1, 3, 
and 4, together with others, amounted yesterday (Oct. 2d) to 
500. A few more days' works, by the same number of men, 
Avill complete this important fortification." Difi'orent companies 
were stationed as a guard on the Island, at different times. 
Among the militia who performed duty there were the " Boston 
Fusileers," the " Rangers," and the " Boston Light-Infantry." 
In the Centinel of the 24th, the absent members of the Fusi- 
leers are ordered to report themselves to the commanding offi- 
cer at Fort Strong on that day. The Rangers were ordered to 
meet at the fort to do guard duty on the 28th ; and on the 12th 

^ Letter Book, p. 193 ; Order Book, p. 198. 



1814.] THE FORTIFICATIONS PROGRESSING. 411 

of October the Boston Light-Infantry received a similar notice. 
It is apparent from these facts, that a regular military guard was 
first stationed on the Island at Fort Strong on the 21st of Sep- 
tember, just eleven days after the works were commenced, and 
that it was regularly kept up from that time. But volunteer 
service was still needed, and Mr. Baldwin issued a notice in 
the Centinel of the 1st of October ^sailing for laborers ; and in 
this paper it was stated that " Major Nehemiah Freeman, and 
Geo. Sullivan, Esq., have the superintendence of the Fort at 
Noddle's Island." Volunteers from different wards were called 
for, and the same earnestness appears as at the outset. In ad- 
dition to the volunteer service, the soldiers were ordered to the 
works. Adjutant-General Brooks, on the 4th of October, under 
the governor's authority, gave orders to Brigadier-General 
Welles, for each regiment of his (Welles's) brigade to devote 
one of the two days required for their discipline to the prose- 
cution of the works on the Island, or on the other fortifications 
for the protection of Boston.^ On the 18th of October, the order 
of the 21st of the preceding month was so modified as to reduce 
the guard to one subaltern, two sergeants, two corporals, and 
twenty privates, to be relieved weekly.^ 

A notice from the selectmen of the town, dated on the 13th 
of October, says : " The selectmen of Boston take this public 
opportunity of expressing their grateful acknowledgments to all 
those persons who have given their voluntary assistance in labor 
on the several works now erecting for the defence of the town and 
harbor. The positions for these works have been selected, and 
the plans of them adopted, by the ablest engineers. By the spir- 
ited exertions of the people, the fortifications are in a state of 
great forwardness, and a continuance of the same patriotic 
efforts would complete them in a short time. The numerous 
and hardy yeomanry from the country are desired to continue 
their services at South Boston, and on the Dorchester shore ; 
and the inhabitants of Boston are again invited to take one 
more tour of duty to put the finishing hand to Fort Strong. It 
was expected that this fortress would have been completed in 
the past week, but the great extent of the fort and batteries 

* Letter Book, p. 205. ^ Order Book, p. 207. 



412 HISTORY. [1814. 

rendered it impossible." A day's work more was requested 
from each of the wards, and the request was promptly responded 
to, as is seen by the newspajiers. 

An extra session of the legislature was convened on the 5th 
of October, to take into consideration the condition of the State, 
and provide for its defence. Governor Strong, in a short and 
comprehensive message, g^ive a brief resume of his actions, 
and concluded with a clause which it is well to copy. He 
said : — 

" The situation of this State is peculiarly dangerous and per- 
plexing. We have been led by the terms of the constitution 
to rely on the government of the Union to provide for our de- 
fence. We have resigned to that government the resources of 
the State with the expectation that this object would not be 
neglected. But the government has declared war against the 
most powerful maritime nation, whose fleets can approach every 
section of our extended sea-coast, and we are disappointed in 
our expectations of national defence. But though we may be 
convinced that the war, in its commencement, was unnecessary 
and unjust, and has been prosecuted without any useful or 
practicable object against the inhabitants of Canada, while our 
sea-coast has been left almost defenceless ; and though in a war 
thus commenced we may have declined to afford our voluntary 
aid to offensive measures, yet, I presume there will be no doubts 
of our rights to defend our dwellings and possessions against 
any hostile attack, by which their destruction is menaced. 
Let us, then, relying on the support and direction of Providence, 
unite in such measures for our safety, as the times demand, and 
the principles of justice and the law of self-preservation will 
justify. To your wisdom and patriotism the interests of 
the State are confided, and the more valuable those interests 
are, the more solicitous you will be to guard and preserve 
them." 

These were the mildest terms in which the defenceless con- 
dition of the state could be described. The national adminis- 
tration was utterly opposed to a navy, and the soldiers had been 
taken from the forts on the coast, so that it was wholly defence- 
less. But contrary to the expectation of the government, and 
contrary to its hopes and intentions, the navy, small as it was, 



1814.] THE SPIRIT OF THE PEOPLE. 413 

fought itself into favor, achieved the most brilliant victories, and 
fully vindicated the success of our arms upon the waters, while 
the fact was notoriously apparent, that nearly every one of the 
land expeditions, which were the pets of the administration, 
w^as a signal failure. The government had turned its whole 
attention to land-service, and totally neglected the naval force ; 
the land-service failed of success, and the ships gained the 
nation a brilliant series of victories and an honorable peace. 
The spirit of the democratic party towards a naval establish- 
ment is well shown in a toast given a short time before the war. 
"An American Navy: Its canvass in the fields^ its cannon in 
the ore beds, its timber on the hills ; there let them remain ; " — 
while the spirit of the opposition is manifest in a toast, to the 
following effect : " The American Navy ; ' A light shining- in a 
dark place.^ " 

The war was unpopular, and, in New England especially, was 
considered as unjust ; but it was no time now for discussion. 
As was well said in one of the newspapers : " If we are de- 
fended, the State government and individual exertion must 
defend us, as the United States, who ought to do it, have aban- 
doned us to our fate. It is not a question now, whether the 
war was, or was not, conceived in weakness or wickedness; 
nor whether it has, or has not, been conducted in the most use- 
less or ruinous manner; we must settle such questions as these 
hereafter. The question is whether we will, or will not, defend 
our homes against those who come to possess or destroy them, 

at the point of the bayonet In this hour of gloom and 

peril, every man must consult his own heart, and his means of 
being useful. It is, and ever will be, gratefully remembered, 
how many of our worthy fellow-citizens have promptly left 
their business and their homes, and have come a long distance 
to dwell in camps, and risk their lives for the protection of the 
metropolis ; that the spirit of defence against invasion has em- 
bodied all classes of our vicinity, even those who could not be 
legally called upon to take arms. It must be taken into view 
also, that the preparations which voluntarily flow from this 
spirit, will, in all human probability, save us from the calami- 
ties and awful scenes which this town and its vicinity might 
35* 



414 HISTORY. [1814. 

have exhibited, if we had been as careless of our honor and 
safety as the United States have been.''^ 

Such sentiments as these gave an earnestness to the work of 
defence, and elicit our admiration of the determined zeal with 
which the people labored for the desired end. 

An actor in these scenes,^ in a note to the writer, says : — 

" When the war of 1812 took place, the general government 
left Boston defenceless, and the State government was obliged 
to take charge of the defences of the harbor, and the high land 
at Noddle's Island was selected as one point to be fortified. 
Loammi Baldwin laid down the lines, and gave the topographi- 
cal plans of the fort. It was of earthwork, and sodded. There 
was a water battery, with a covered way from it to the main 
fort. This work was done principally, if not wholly, by the 
voluntary labor of our citizens ; detachments of the military, of 
merchants, mechanics, sailors, etc., and sometimes whole parishes 
headed by their pastors. I remember the venerable Rev. Dr. 
Lothrop, with the deacons and elders of his church, each shoul- 
dering his shovel, and doing yeoman's service in digging, 
shovelling, and carrying sods in handbarrows.^ 

" The fort was finished, a few guns were mounted, drafts from 
the militia were made in turn to man it, and a right merry time 
we had of it there doing guard duty. The enemy's ships were 
in sight, standing into the bay, sending out their barges, and 
sometimes landing on the islands. I remember one night there 
was an alarm that the enemy's boats were approaching Chelsea 
point, and we were drawn down to the shore on the back part 
of the Island, well supplied with ball-cartridges. But they did 
not land, and we returned again to our quarters. It was sup- 
posed that they intended to destroy the navy-yard ; but had 
they attempted it, their warm reception would have been very 
diflferent from their reception at Washington." 



^ Boston Gazette, Sept. 26, 1814 ; also sec the same paper of Oct. 10th, for a 
valuable report to the legislature of Massachusetts on the governor's message. 

' George Darracott, Esq. 

* This fact is particularly mentioned in his funeral sermon by the Kev. Dr. 
Parkman, his successor. 



1814.] THE FORTRESS NAMED. 415 

In addition to the defences thus described in the above letter, 
the New England Guards were stationed at the navy-yard 
to guard the passage over Chelsea bridge, and to protect the 
ship of war then building at the yard under the direction of 
Commodore Bainbridge. 

The fortress had been called " Fort Strong " from the com- 
mencement, in compliment to the steadfast governor, yet it 
had not been publicly named. On the 26th of October, on the 
eve of its completion, the ceremony took place. The Centinel 
of that date says : " The ceremony of naming this excellent 
fortress will positively take place this day at 11 o'clock. The 
Executive Council will be received on the Island by the Wins- 
low Blues, and escorted into the Fort, where a salute will be 
fired by the New England Guards, and be repeated by Major 
Harris's battalion of Artillery." 

The ceremonies took place under the direction of Loammi 
Baldwin, the chief engineer, assisted by Colonel Geo. Sullivan 
and Major Freeman. His honor Lieutenant-Governor Phillips, 
the executive council, the general and brigade staff of the Massa- 
chusetts Guards, the general and field-officers of the Boston mi- 
litia, and others, embarked from Long wharf, and were received 
with plaudits at the gate of the fort. The Winslow Blues per- 
formed the garrison duties, and were drawn up in front of the 
governor's marquee, pitched in the centre of the fort. The lieu- 
tenant-governor advanced from the marquee, and made the fol- 
ing short address : — 

" Impressed with the strongest sensations of respect and 
esteem for the venerable Commander-in-Chief of the State of 
Massachusetts, I with pleasure comply with the request of my 
fellow-citizens, in raising this Flag, and in publicly proclaiming 
that this Fort will ever hereafter bear the name of Fort 
Strong." 

The flag was then hoisted amid the cheers of the spectators, 
and honored by a salute from the artillery of the National 
Guards ; which was echoed by two companies of artillery, 
posted at North Battery and India wharves. A collation was 
then partaken of, which was provided by Mr. Williams, the 
tenant of the Island. The ceremony was highly pleasing, the 
day uncommonly fine, and the spectators were numerous. Joy 



416 HISTORY. [1814. 

filled all hearts at the completion of the strong defence, and the 
people retired to their homes well satisfied with their labors and 
with the good results accom])lished. 

On the 29th of October, the selectmen announced that " the 
important j)ost of Fort Strong was completed." This fact was 
the occasion of great joy to the inhabitants, who for seven 
weeks had made every exertion and strained every nerve to 
protect their town, and now that the work was done, now that a 
large and strong fortress was completed, which was considered 
as amply sufficient to accomplish the end desired, they enjoyed 
a feeling of pleasant security and a comparative freedom from 
anxiety. The fort being done, but few men would be needed 
on the island so long as the enemy left them unmolested. 
Consequently, in the early part of the next month, and on the 
approach of winter (8th Nov.), the guard was reduced to one 
sergeant, two corporals, and ten privates, and so continued 
with immaterial change until the 28th of February, 1815 ; thus 
making the whole time the fort had a guard a little more than 
five months, or from the 21st of September, 1814, to the 28th of 
February, 1815.1 

At the session of the legislature in January, 1815, Governor 
Strong presented a message which ably vindicated the state 
policy, and a brief statement of the antecedents of the war may 
with propriety be extracted. He says : " Before war was de- 
clared, when we saw the tendency of the national measures, we 
expressed our most ardent desire that hostilities might be 
avoided. We could hardly conceive it possible, that, under the 
pretence of guarding our commerce, we should adopt a course 
by which it must be annihilated ; or that, to protect our sea- 
men, we should engage in a war that would lead to their 
destruction. We knew, that, whenever the war between France 
and England should terminate, the evils we complained of 



» Order Book, Adjt.-Gen. ; Order Book, and 20th Cong. 2nd Ses. House 
Dec. 3, p. 95 ; General Orders of Nov. 30tb, for furnishing a guard from 
3d brigade, 1st division, consisting of one sergeant, two corporals, and twelve 
privates, for Fort Strong, for two months, to be either volunteers or detailed 
for the service. General Orders, Jan. 30th, 1815, continue the guard at Fort 
Strong for thirty days, unless sooner discharged. 



1815.] PEACE DECLARED. 417 

Would cease ; and that our commerce, if unobstructed by inter- 
nal restraints, would be more profitable during the war with 
Europe, than after peace should be established. If in the ardu- 
ous conflict between Great Britain and France and their 
respective allies, the combatants did not always suspend their 
blows when we happened to go within reach of them, yet we 
could see no reason for our interference in the quarrel. But the 
government became impatient, and though there was appar- 
ently some embarrassment in deciding which of the belligerents 
should be attacked, and whether it would not be expedient to 
attack both at once, it was soon determined to select that peo- 
ple for our enemies with whom we were most nearly con- 
nected, whose commerce was most important to us, and who 
were able to do us the most mischief." 

This is not the place to discuss the merits or demerits of the 
policy which led to the war of 1812, and only so much has been 
said as seemed necessary to a tolerably clear understanding of 
the circumstances attending the construction of Fort Strong.^ 
The principles which guided the governor and influenced the 
people of the State are better shown in the extracts which 
have been given, than could otherwise be said in many pages. 

To those interested in the general subject, reference is made 
to the journals of that time, which are accessible in many of 
our libraries. 

The treaty of peace between England and the United States 
was ratified on the 17th of February, 1815 ; and on the 20th, 
the general orders directed that salutes be fired in Boston on 
the 22d, the anniversary of Washington's birthday, to celebrate 
the "joyful event of peace." ^ The same day was selected for 

^ 111 this connection, the author does not deem it out of place to remark, that 
he has in his possession a large amount of original and hitherto unpublished 
material relating to the administration of Governor Strong and the national 
government during the war of 1812, and many manuscript volumes of original 
letters, and matters of personal knowledge which his official relations to Gover- 
nor Strong and his own proceedings in tlie province of Maine enabled him to 
collect, and which these circumstances have made accessible to no one else. 
Should a favorable opportunity present itself, and the writer's health be spared, 
he may place these documents before the public, feeling assured that by them 
much light would be thrown upon Gov. Strong's administration, and his course 
of action vindicated from the aspersions which have been thrown upon it. 

» Order Book, p. 212. 



418 HISTORY. [1815. 

a general celebration. The legislature was in session, and it 
chose a committee, of which Josiah Quincy was chairman, to 
make arrangements for a " religious celebration.^^ The news- 
papers of the 20th contained nnmerons notices respecting the 
arrangements for the forthcoming celebration, signed by the 
committee of the legislature, the selectmen, and the officers of 
military companies. The 22d was ushered in by the ringing of 
bells and the firing of cannon. At 10 o'clock, the legislative, 
executive, and judicial departments formed a procession under 
the escort of the Independent Company of Cadets, and pro- 
ceeded to the Stone Chapel, where the religious ceremonies of 
the day were performed by the chaplains of the legislature, and 
a Te Deum Laudamus was sung. On the return to the State 
house, and under a salute from the forts and the common, a 
grand civic and military procession was arranged, and marched 
through the principal streets of the town, under the direction of 
Col. Daniel Messenger and Major B. P. Tilden and their aids. 
In the evening, all the public, and very many of the private, 
buildings were illuminated, fireworks were displayed, and every 
demonstration of joy was made which happy hearts could dic- 
tate. 

A treaty of peace is a cause for rejoicing ; and the New Eng- 
landers were especially thankful, as it relieved them from a con- 
test W'hich had been forced upon them by the measures of the 
national administration. They had kept aloof from the war 
until compelled to provide means for their own defence against 
an enemy unnecessarily brought upon them by their own gov- 
ernment. Then, in an incredibly short space of time, they 
erected large and numerous defences, and awaited the result 
with firmness. Peace was .now announced, and the people 
with joy left the sw^ord and musket for the plough and the 
w^orkshop ; and instead of 

" the clash of steel, 

The volley's roll, the rocket's blasting spire," 

they thought of 

" Nothing but peace, and gentle visitation," 

and each man sang, 

" The merry songs of peace to all his neighbors." 



1815.] FORT STRONG DISMANTLED. 419 

The expense of constracting Fort Strong was not very great, 
for the labor was mostly gratuitous. But there were some pe- 
cuniary disbursements which were with propriety charged to 
the national government. Mr. Baldwin's account of payments 
to the mechanics and laborers, between the 23d of September 
and the 14th of November, 1814, amounted to over $7,000. 
Thomas Williams, the tenant of the Island, estimated the 
damage done to his corn, potatoes, and other crops, at $175 ; 
and he also presented a bill of $250 " for stoning and furnish- 
ing the well at Fort Strong, laying a platform thereon, and 
levelling the dirt around the well." The proprietors of the 
Island presented a bill of $1,020 for damage done by the erec- 
tion of the fort and the water batteries. This damage was 
estimated by Artemas Ward, Aaron Dexter, and Josiah Quincy, 
who charged sixty dollars for their " time and trouble in esti- 
mating the damages done the proprietors of Noddle's Island 
by the agents of the Commonwealth, by digging up their soil, 
and erecting Fort Strong." We know of no state, during that 
war, which kept so minute and exact an account of its expen- 
ditures as Massachusetts ; and, did space permit, most particular 
details could be given of each man's labor, the implements used, 
and the various articles furnished. 

Were it not foreign to ovir direct narrative, much might be 
said here relative to the justice of the Massachusetts claim, in 
reference to which the author has a great deal of original mat- 
ter, which would place the whole subject in a plain and conclu- 
sive light. These documents he hopes, at some not far distant 
day, to present to the public. 

The war being finished, there was no further use for the fort. 
It was dismantled and abandoned, and around the place where 
then the long cannon showed a deadly front, and the sentries 
paced their measured grounds, now blossoming gardens and 
elegant private residences speak of peace and plenty. The 
well, dug at the time the fort was constructed, still remains, and 
" is under the side-walk, some seventy-five feet from the north- 
east corner of the square." ^ 



See article on Water, in Cliap. XVI. 



420 HISTORY. [1815. 

With the history of this fort, the military account of the 
Island closes ; and it is to be hoped that the chapter will never 
be reopened. Peace crowns the Island with a glorious renown. 
It has its victories ; and nowhere are they more nobly won than 
upon the spot where Fort Strong was a tower of defence to the 
city across the channel.^ 



' A few years later, an incident occurred, -whicli, if not of a military char- 
acter, is an event which requires to be noticed. The fewest Avords will best 
explain it. Francis B. White, a lieutenant of the Marine Corps, U. S. N., sent 
the following note to Lieutenant William Finch, of the Navy, then upon this 
station, under Commodore Bainbridge. 

" Charlestown, 17th Sept. 1819. 

" Sir, — An opportunity has never before occurred for demanding of you 
satisfaction for the many indignities you were pleased to offer me when ou 
board the Independence, in 1815. I cannot doubt that you will be prompt in 
rendering atonement for those indignities, which one gentleman can never ex- 
pect to offer to another with impunity, and I send to you my friend, Mr. God- 
frey, for the purpose of making such arrangements as are necessary to this 
end. - Respectfully yours, &c. 

" To Lieut Wm. Finch. F. B. White." 

The challenge was accepted ; and on the following Saturday, the 25th, about 
eight o'clock in the morning. Lieutenant Finch and Lieutenant White marked 
out the ground near the two elm trees then standing on the Island, now be- 
tween Meridian and Border streets, third section. AVhite fell, and died upon 
the spot. His body was taken to the navy-yard, from which it was buried 
under arms the next day. He was the only son of Major Moses White, of 
Rutland. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

THE PLANS FOR IMPROVEMENT WHICH RESULTED IN THE 
FORMATION OF THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 

The project of connecting Noddle's Island with the city 
proper, and of making it a valuable addition to the metropolis 
of New England, was early entertained by the writer, and to 
the accomplishment of this desirable end he directed his 
thoughts and endeavors for a long course of years. After the 
death of his father, and immediately upon reaching his major- 
ity, namely, on the 6th of July, 1801, he was appointed attor- 
ney for his mother, and took the charge of her property, a part 
of which consisted in a share of Noddle's Island ; from that 
early time he was ever devising plans to improve the estate. 
From his boyhood he had been conversant with its locality, 
and in after years he perceived the natural advantages which it 
possessed from its proximity to Boston, from the deep water 
upon its shore, deeper than in any other part of the upper 
harbor, and consequently the superior wharfage, and from its 
varied surface, and salubrious climate, and unequalled prospect, 
which would render it desirable for residences. This idea of 
improvement he cherished and kept uppermost in his thoughts, 
and labored for its realization until, after long-continued and 
varied exertions, he saw all accomplished that had been plan- 
ned, and all his early hopes fulfilled. 

In presenting to the public a history of these transactions, 
the writer is aware that he may subject himself to the charge 
of egotism, and yet he hopes to escape this remark, inasmuch 
as the necessity of a correct historical detail of the events to be 
recorded requires a frequent allusion to his own actions in 
them ; and, in order to avoid stiffness in the recital, he hopes 
36 



422 HISTORY. [1801. 

the circumstances will afTord sufTicient apology for speaking of 
himself as he would of a stranger. 

Various projects were devised for bringing the Island into 
public notice, and for connecting it with the city ; but the ear- 
liest plan which took a definite form, and seemed at the time 
feasible, was when a turnpike from Salem to Boston was under 
contemplation. This enterprise was started in 1795 or 1796, 
and it was some years before the act of the legislature was 
obtained. In June, 1801, General Sumner, who at that time 
had not reached his majority, addressed a letter to Moses 
Brown, Esq., of Beverly, chairman of the committee for the 
petitioners for the Salem turnpike, and in it he represented the 
advantages to be gained by locating the road over Noddle's 
Island. As this letter shows the early and earnest interest 
which the writer took in the prosperity of the Island, and the 
full knowledge he even then had of the circumstances connected 
with its situation and its relation to other towns, it may with 
propriety be here introduced : — 

"Boston, June 5, 1801. 

" Sir, — Having heard you observe that it was the object of 
the subscribers for building a turnpike-road from Boston to 
Salem, to pursue the most practicable route, in order to pre- 
vent any shortening hereafter from being made; I beg leave to 
suggest to you. Sir, in my opinion, that the circular route from 
Chelsea thro' Charlestown to Boston is about f of a mile far- 
ther than a direct course over Noddle's Island to Boston. The 
actual saving of distance, however, can only be obtained by 
admeasurement. The course suggested will be almost in a 
direct line, and from my knowledge of the land, I think that, 
on this route, it will not only be practicable to build a road, 
but I think the land is highly favorable. On the back part of 
the Island is a muddy creek, and the distance from the Island to 
Boston is not so great by one third, I presume, as it is from 
Chelsea to Moreton Point in Charlestown. The channel is 
within four rods of the Island, and is one fathom deeper than 
where the Charlestown Bridge stands, so that a heavy abutment 
may be made on the edge of the channel ; there is a sufficiency 
of stones on the Island for this purpose. On the Boston side 
there is a long bar of gravel which is formed by the current of 



1801.] THE SALEM TURNriKE. 423 

Charles river. The channel is narrow, and I have circuitously 
heard that Mr. Coxe is of opinion that there is no doubt of the 
stability of a bridge properly erected in this place. 

" There is no doubt but that the necessities of the town of 
Boston will some time require a connection with Noddle's 
Island with the town of which it is a part. This connection 
was some time since contemplated for the sake of speculation. 
Whatever the necessities of the town now are, I believe it is a 
desirable object with the selectmen, and with many influential 
characters in the town, to have this connection now take place. 
Should the turnpike proprietors prefer this route over the 
Island, they will unquestionably have the iveig-Id of Boston in 
their scale, and will save in distance at least ^ of a mile and the 
toll of Charlestoiun Bridge. 

" The objections to this plan are easily foreseen ; of their 
weight in compari^;on with the advantage gained, the Com- 
mittee who have attended to the subject are the best judges. 
Although the Charlestown Bridge will retain the travel to 
Andover, Haverhill, the back parts of Vermont and New 
Hampshire, to New Concord and Portsmouth by the upper 
road, they will use all their influence to oppose it. The repre- 
sentation from Charlestown will oppose it, on the ground that 
it will diminish the travel through the town. But why shall 
Salem, Marblehead, Beverly, Newburyport, Ipswich, and the 
District of Maine be obliged to take a turn through Charles- 
town streets to please Charlestown people ? The navigation 
of the town will in some degree be obstructed, no doubt ; but I 
think the gentlemen of the Committee cannot but have observed 
the decrease of Charlestown navigation since the erection of the 
West Boston Bridge ; it is seldom that an outward bound ves- 
sel enters at Charlestown, and seldom do they go there with 
more than half freight. All their wood and lumber they receive 
at their wharves. But we shall throw no greater obstruction 
in the way of Charlestown navigation than they did to the 
navigation of Cambridge and Watertown, and they cannot 
now come forward and inconsistently endeavor to diminish the 
weight of it ; ' we ivill build a very convenient draw.'' Land is 
likewise purchased for a navy-yard at Charlestown. Under the 
late administration, the establishment of a navy-yard would 



424 HISTORY. [1801. 

have been consequential. This, I conceive, will have no great 
weight under the present. But should any change of system 
take place, and the deadly hatred to a Naval Establishment be 
removed, the Committee by inquiry will be informed, that it 
was the resolution of the British Government previous to the 
Revolution, after an accurate survey of the Harbor by the 
King's Surveyor, to establish it at Noddle's Island. That the 
water is better there than at any other place in the harbor, and 
that the conveniences and cheapness with which it may be built 
there, in comparison with the place at Charlestown, will be 
more consistent with the Administration system of economy. 

"An idea which will not be publicly acknowledged, will be of 
great private importance to the advocates of this route, which 
will not operate in the case of the Petitioners for a bridge to 
Moreton's Point in Charlestown. They will be sure of the 
hearty cooperation of all those who are opposed to a Naval 
Establishment, and the gentlemen of the Committee are best 
acquainted with their power in the house. They will conceive 
the erection of a bridge to Noddle's Island will be sufficient to 
justify their friends in the Federal administration already pre- 
disposed to this object if they delay the establishment of a 
navy-yard at present. 

" The objections to the route over the Island being obviable, 
and the advantages resulting from it being so important, I think 
Sir, that the Committee will not readily relinquish this object or 
this favorable crisis for obtaining it, and run the risk of being 
cut off at some future time. 

" I have the honor to be, Sir, 

" Your most Obdt. and very humble Servt., 
" Wm. II. Sumner." 

The committee to whom this letter was addressed through 
Mr. Brown, the chairman, consisted, so far as is now recollected, 
of Moses Brown, Israel Thorndike, and Samuel Davis, of 
Beverly, Hersey Derby, of Salem, and one other, whose name 
is not now recalled. 

This letter was considered as placing the Island route in so 
favorable a light that it led to a survey for the turnpike across 
the Island, and the route was marked out on the plan of the 



1801.] SURVEY FOR TURNriKE. 425 

Island drawn by William Taylor, Esq., 21st of Oct., 1801, and 
there seemed no good reason why the project should not be 
carried out. This route commenced at the north battery, which 
was to be connected with the west end of Smith's hill by a 
bridge ; thence it ran from Smith's hill to Chelsea creek by the 
easterly end of Eagle hill, making an angle there, and after 
crossing the creek, in a direct line to the east end of Cheever's 
hill in Chelsea, where it met the route which the committee 
had before surveyed from Salem to Charlestown.^ 

All recollection of ever having written this letter had passed 
from the mind of the writer, until it was given him by a son of 
Mr. Brown, who had received it from his father, with some 
complimentary remarks upon it. 

At that time the democratic party, which was then dominant, 
was averse to a naval establishment. The president openly 
avowed his policy of substituting gunboats for a navy, on the 
ground that the latter would embroil us with foreign nations, 
while all that was necessary was to defend our own harbors, for 
which gunboats were sufficient. Thus there was no need of 
large ships, and consequently no use for navy-yards. The array 
was then the favorite of the administration, while the navy was 
the object of especial interest to the opposition. John Adams, 
the father of the navy, when president, was accused by his 
political antagonists of having wastefully expended vast sums 
in building large frigates, which the state of our foreign rela- 
tions did not require. Jefferson, who succeeded him, con- 
structed gunboats, to be used for the defence of our harbors, 
which he considered would be the only vise for a naval force. 



1 The Williams journal under date of the 2d April, 1801, after ]\Ir. II. H. 
Williams had removed to Chelsea, says : " Gentlemen from Salem called here 
[Chelsea] this morning; they had been surveying the land from Salem in a 
direct line to Dr. Dexter's farm, as they have in contemplation a road that 
way which will make the distance to Boston much shorter. Papa accompanied 
them through Chelsea ; " and again, 28th May : " General Waldo from Salem 
breakfasted here by appointment, with ^Ir. Taylor, to survey the distance from 
Salem to Boston, as they talk strongly of the bridge; they surveyed here from 
six o'clock till twelve, and then went to Charlestown." 

36* 



426 HISTORY. [1801. 

This system, for a time, received the public favor. Sloops and 
other vessels of war were sold, and the frigates laid up in ordi- 
nary as useless lumber ; hence the president was sarcastically 
called by his opponents, " Gunboat Jefferson." Had this sys- 
tem been continued there would have been no obstacle to the 
route over the Island which could not have been surmounted. 
In 1803, however, orders were issued to complete the dock-yard 
at Charlestown, and this was taken as evidence that the gov- 
ernment was about to change its policy. This gradually but 
eventually took place. The navy fought itself into favor in the 
war of 1812, which was emphatically a naval war, and it has 
ever since been the care and pride of the country. The turn- 
pike route over the Island was now given up, from the fact that 
the proposed bridge from Smith's head to the north battery 
would be too great an obstruction to the passage of ships of 
war to the navy-yard. 

Thus this plan for connecting the Island with the city failed 
on the very eve, as it were, of accomplishment. No feasible 
opportunity afterward presented itself to prosecute this desira- 
ble object until the project for the Eastern Railroad was started. 
The writer then turned his attention to uniting, as far as possi- 
ble, the different interests in the Island, with a view to impor- 
tant improvements upon it, and to secure the passage of the 
proposed railroad over it, in this manner securing the connec- 
tion of the Island with the city, and immeasurably enhancing 
the value of the estate. The difficulties and obstacles encoun- 
tered and eventually overcome in the proceedings preliminary 
to any actual operations upon the Island have been given in the 
letter to William C. Barstow, Esq., which, although written for 
another purpose, has been considered as containing facts which 
may, with propriety, be inserted as introductory to this his- 
tory. 

It has been stated,^ that in the division of the family estate 
after the death of Mrs. Sumner, her two sixths of the Island 
fell by lot to Mrs. Eliza Gerard of New York, wife of James 
W. Gerard, Esq., and sister of General Sumner. For a long 



* Ante, page 25. 



1828.] OBSTACLES TO IMPROVEMENT. 427 

time his mind had been directed to this part of the estate as 
peculiarly situated for valuable and lucrative improvement, as 
has been seen, and, as was natural under the circumstances, had 
hoped that the Island, or rather the Sumner share of it, would 
come into his possession. 

Although his legal interest in it ceased by this division, the 
two sixths of the Island having passed into the possession of 
Mrs. Gerard, he exerted himself to do for his sister what he 
would have done for himself, and immediately, with no motives 
of self-interest, made endeavors to improve it for her benefit. 
As, indeed, at this time there was no prospect that the Island, 
or any part of it, would ever come into his possession, and 
whatever improvements might be made upon it would benefit 
others, no other desire than that of increasing the value of his sis- 
ter's property could influence him in the efforts he made to bring 
about the desired end. This remark is made in order to antici- 
pate or prevent any idea that might be entertained that the 
original plan had its origin in selfish motives. Acting succes- 
sively in the capacities of guardian, attorney, and trustee of his 
sister, he energetically exerted himself to make the Island a 
source of greater income to her, with the same zeal as if it had 
been his own. With this object he endeavored to unite the 
Greenough interest in the Island (three sixths) with the Sumner 
interest (two sixths), to which he hoped to add the other one 
sixth, which had belonged to his uncle Hyslop, whose widow 
had married Mr. John Hayden, and by thus bringing the whole 
of the Island into one plan for improvement, and uniting all 
the interests, be the better enabled to accomplish his purposes. 
But now, when all things else seemed favorable, an unexpected 
obstacle put a quietus upon the whole plan. Mrs. Gerard was 
averse to any thing like speculation, which had involved the 
rest of her property; the Island was at this time bringing in 
a moderate income as a farm, and, although this income was 
comparatively small, she preferred it to incurring the risk of 
land experiments, and so great was her unwillingness to engage 
in the enterprise, that there seemed no probability that it would 
ever be accomplished. She expressed a readiness to sell one 
half of her interest, and retain the other half, in order to avail 
herself of any improvements which might subsequently be 



428 HISTORY. [1830. 

made; but at the same time she did not wish "to take any 
interest in any company to be formed, or to expend any 
money in the prospect of speculation." This feeling and de- 
cision, it will readily be seen, was an obstacle which must be 
overcome before any progress could be made, at least, so far as 
her interest was concerned. The writer was consequently 
unable to prosecute his purpose, and the project was aban- 
doned, much to his regret, as he was anticipating, even then, 
the results which afterward followed. 

In addition to this obstacle was another. Colonel Greenough, 
grandson of Mrs. Deacon Greenough, one of the devisees of the 
Island and the father of the gentleman who was lately solicitor 
of the East Boston Company, had formerly encouraged the 
expectation, that, when he had the control of it, he would unite 
his interest in the enterprise ; but, after his father's death, he 
declined any proposition to that effect, and preferred letting 
the Island estate remain in its then condition. From these 
sufficient causes it seemed probable that the cherished idea 
of increasing the value of Mrs. Gerard's property would fail of 
realization. Without a change in her opinions. General Sum- 
ner had no particular object in prosecuting the purpose ; for 
a time it was given up, and the Island was let for a farm 
as formerly, at a moderate rent, averaging, by calculation, 
§702.711 annually, of which Mrs. Gerard received one third. 

The course of events soon took a direction by which the 
writer became interested in his own right. On the 6th of 
August, 1830, Colonel Greenough suddenly died of apoplexy, 
and a few months afterward, the writer ascertained that it was 
the purpose of the administratrix and guardian of the children 
to dispose of the Greenough interest in the Island, which gave 
so small an income in comparison with the interest of the 
price for which it probably could be sold. General Sumner 
obtained a refusal of the Island at a certain price, and secured 
a written offer of the terms of sale ; he then opened the sub- 
ject to his friends, Hon. Stephen "White, a man of influence and 
a capitalist, who had recently removed from Salem to Boston, 
and Francis J. Oliver, Esq. of Boston, a man of distinction 
and enterprise, president of the American Insurance Company, 
over which Mr. J. I. Bowditch now presides, to secure their 



1832.] PROPOSALS OF SALE. 429 

cooperation. The reasons for this step were, that the writer 
thought the projected enterprise was too large for any indi- 
vidual with small pecuniary means to undertake, and by asso- 
ciating the above-named gentlemen with himself, he would 
unite the interests of Boston and Salem in the proposed im- 
provements, besides giving prominence to the project, and ob- 
taining assistance in carrying it into effect. 

In a letter to the writer dated the 12th January, 1832, Mrs. 
Greenough, administratrix of her husband's estate and guardian 
to his children, with the advice of her brother, James C. Doane, 
Esq., and her late husband's friend, William D. Sohier, Esq., who 
acted as her attorney in settling the estate, announced her will- 
ingness to sell to him her late husband's share of the Island at 
an hundred dollars an acre for the upland and marsh, or thirty- 
two thousand five hundred dollars for her half, payable one fifth 
part upon delivery of the deed, and the remainder secured by 
mortgage or otherwise, to her satisfaction, payable at some dis- 
tant day at five per cent, if the necessary power could be 
obtained, reserving the right to avail herself of the first satisfac- 
tory offer to that effect, and to withdraw the proposal upon six 
days' notice. Gen. Sumner accepted the proposition, and sub- 
sequently showed the letter to Messrs. White and Oliver. 
These gentlemen, perceiving the excellent opportunity for exten- 
sive and lucrative operations, and that Gen. Sumner had the 
control of one half, and from his relationship with the other 
parties would be likely to secure all, or nearly all, of the rest of 
the Island, and that the whole enterprise in its origin and pres- 
ent favorable prospects was in his hands, gladly associated with 
him on the terms which he offered, as is set forth at length in 
the indenture for that purpose between them. Accordingly they 
acceded to his proposals for the purchase of Mrs. Greenough's 
undivided half, and were the first and only persons to whom the 
offer was made. On the 25th of January a memorandum in 
wnriting was signed by the parties, specifying the terms of sale 
more particularly, and on the 26th a written agreement was en- 
tered into between Messrs. Sumner, White, and Oliver, to pur- 
chase the interest which the late Colonel (irccnough had in the 
Island, as soon as the widow and guardian could obtain leave 
of court for its ^ale. A petition to that effect was presented to 



430 HISTORY. [1832. 

the probate court, and granted ; but to place the power of sale 
beyond dispute, and in order to act under the highest authority, 
a petition was presented to the legislature, which passed the 
following resolve on the 10th of February, 1832 : — 

" Resolved, That Maria F. Greenough, the guardian of said 
minors, or, in case of her unwillingness to act in this behalf, 
any person or persons as shall be appointed as aforesaid, respec- 
tively are hereby fully authorized and empowered to sell and 
dispose of, by public sale or private contract, and for and in the 
names of said minors respectively to execute, acknowledge, and 
deliver any and all deed or deeds proper and sufTicient to grant 
and convey to the purchaser or purchasers thereof all the right, 
title, interest, and estate which David S. Greenough, John 
Greenough, James Greenough, Anne Greenough, and Jane D. 
Greenough, the minor children of said David S. Greenough, 
deceased, have of, in, and to one undivided moiety of a certain 
Island known by the name of Noddle's Island, and situated in 
the harbor of Boston. 

" Provided hoivever, That said minors' estate in said Island 
shall not be sold by private contract, unless a sale can thereby 
be effected at a price, which, including the consideration for the 
estate in dower belonging to the mother of said minors, shall 
equal one hundred dollars for each acre which a moiety of said 
Island contains. 

" And provided also, That before the power hereby granted 
shall be exercised, the person or persons assuming to act under 
and by virtue of this resolve, shall, before he, she, or they grant 
and convey the said estate and title of said minors to a pur- 
chaser" or purchasers, give a bond, with an adequate penalty, 
with a condition that he, she, or they shall and will faithfully 
lay out and keep in some public stock or funds, or in real 
securities at interest, all the net proceeds of such sale ; and 
will duly account for and pay over to said David, John, James, 
Anne, and Jane respectively, when and as they attain full age, 
his or her just share of such proceeds, with the accumulation (if 
any) caused by the addition of an excess of income beyond the 
expenditure required for the suitable education and mainte- 
nance of said minors during their respective minorities ; and 
shall also take, subscribe, and file in the probate office in said 



1832.] 



TERMS OF SALE. 



431 



county of Norfolk, the oaths which executors and adminis- 
trators are required by law to take, before making a sale of the 
real estate of their testators or intestates under a license from 
the Supreme Court, or a court of probate, except as to the 
mode of sale." 

It was further understood between the purchasers, Messrs. 
Sumner, White, and Oliver, that the widow's portion should be 
paid in cash in six months, and the notes for the children's 
share should be given, payable to each on their arrival at age, 
secured by a mortgage on the premises. W. D. Sohier, Esq., 
the attorney of the administratrix, furnished the following mem- 
orandum, in conformity with which the mortgage should be 
drawn : — 

"Boston, June, 1832. 

" Wm. H. Sumner, Esq. 

" Dear Sir, — I enclose you Reform for the notes to be given, 
and by that a mortgage may be prepared in conformity. 

" Respectfully yours, (Signed) W. D. S. 



6500 - 


-21st Nov. 1832, 


toM 


. F. G. I 

cSc F. J. 0. ; 


6500 




by W. H. S. 


, W. 


2600 - 


-21st Feb. 1836. 




W. II. S. ) 




1733i- 


. u u u 




W. f D. S. G. 


5200 


866§ 


" " " 




F.J. O-i 




2600 — 


-21st Feb. 1838. 




S.) 




1733i 


U (( (( 




W. y Jno. G. 


5200 


866§ 


U (( u 




oS 




Same as 
above. 


21st Feb. 1840. 




Do. [■ Anne 


5200 


Same as 
above. 


21st Feb. 1843. 




Do. [■ James 


5200 


Same as 
above. 


21st Feb. 1852. 




Do. 1 Jane D. 


5200 



32,500 



" I pray you speed the matter, as beside the delay already 
suffered, I wish to leave the city for the summer. Average 
time of last five notes, January, 1842." 

The note to Mrs. Greenough was signed by Messrs. Sumner, 
White, and Oliver. For the amount due the children, the as- 
sociated purchasers gave their several notes for their respective 
proportions of the purchase, and each of these notes was 
endorsed by the others. 



432 HISTORY. [1832. 

In accordance with the provisions of this resolve of the legis- 
lature, and in compliance with the requisitions of law, Mrs. 
Maria F. Greenough and her children, by a deed dated on the 
21st of February, 1832, conveyed to Stephen White, Francis 
J. Oliver, and William H. Sumner, all their right, title, and 
interest in Noddle's Island, being one half of it, for the consid- 
eration of $33,150, being at the rate of $100 an acre.i Of this 
moiety of the Island, Gen. Sumner, by agreement with White 
and Oliver, was to hold three sixths, equal to three twelfths of 
the whole Island ; Stephen White, two sixths, or two twelfths 
of the Island ; and Francis J. Oliver, one sixth, or one twelfth 
of the Island. 

An indenture was immediately entered into by the pur- 
chasers, in which the particulars of the sale and the mutual 
contract were set forth in detail. The conditions and provisions 
of this indenture can be best given by transferring it verbatim 
to our pages ; and it is the more important to do this, as here 
was the real foundation of the East Boston Company, and 
here the plans and purposes so long entertained by the writer 
began to take a definite form, and to foreshadow coming 
events. It is as follows : — 

" This indenture tripartite, made and concluded this twenty- 
first day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and thirty-two, by and between William H. 
Sumner of the first part, Stephen White of the second part, 
and Francis J. Oliver of the third part, and all of Boston, in 
the county of Suffolk, Esquires, witnesseth, 

" That whereas heretofore the parties agreed to purchase the 
right and interest which David S. Greenough, late of Roxbury, 
deceased, had in Noddle's Island in Boston, and which be- 
longed to his widow and minor children, upon the terms con- 
tained in a memorandum to that effect, dated the twenty-fifth 
day of January last, and signed by the said Sumner and Maria 
F. Greenough, widow of said David S. and guardian to the 
children aforesaid, and which was to be carried into effect as 
soon as the said widow and guardian could obtain leave for the 

» Suffolk Deeds, lib. 362, fol. 215. 



1832.] THE BASIS OF THE COMPANY. 433 

sale of the same : and whereas a license has been since ob- 
tained by her for that purpose from the general court, and a 
conveyance of a moiety of said Island has been made, to wit, 
three twelfths of said Island to said Sumner, two twelfths 
thereof to said White, and one twelfth to said Oliver, accord- 
ing to the request of said Sumner, 

" Now the parties hereto covenant and agree the one with 



the other of them in manner followino:, that is to 



s' 



'ay: 



" First. The aforesaid interest in said Island being one 
undivided half of the same, shall be estimated at three hundred 
and thirty-one and an half acres, including the mill-pond and 
creek, and shall be so held by them and their heirs and assigns 
respectively, and such persons as shall hereafter be admitted to 
become shareholders therein, according to William Taylor's 
survey of said Island, on record. 

'• Second. That the property of said parties in said Island 
shall be divided into six hundred and sixty shares, which shall 
be apportioned as aforesaid among the parties hereto associated 
as aforesaid. 

" Third. That if any other proprietor of the Island shall 
put into stock the whole or any portion of his interest therein, 
or if the parties themselves should purchase any such interest, 
or any part of any such proprietors' interest therein, the same 
shall be put into stock and shall be conveyed in such apt man- 
ner as to effect the object, and the number of shares shall be 
increased in the exact ratio of the number of additional half 
acres put in, and the person putting the same into this company 
or association shall thereby be entitled, on making and deliver- 
ing suitable conveyances, to become e^ member of the associa- 
tion and a proportionate owner of the stock : on condition, that 
such additional portions be subject to a fair and true proportion 
of the expenses which had been previously incurred by the 
parties hereto and their associates, in the same way and man- 
ner as if the person so joining the same company or association 
had been one of the original associates thereof. 

" Fourth. That they will use all their endeavors and exer- 
tions to procure the location of a railroad from Boston to 
Salem over the Island aforesaid, and to establish a ferry con- 
nected therewith between the Island and Boston ; and inas- 
37 



434 HISTORY. [1832. 

much as it may be foniid necessary or convenient, in order to 
carry into effect this object, to associate other persons in the 
purchase aforesaid, it is agreed, that whenever it shall be de- 
cided so to enlarge the number of associates, each of the pres- 
ent parties, and such as shall become associates with them, 
shall part with shares in said Island or purchase, in proportion 
to his interest therein. 

" Fifth. That all charges and expenses incurred, and power, 
and votes over the affairs of the company, shall be according to 
the number of shares held therein by each associate. 

" Sixth. That each of the parties hereto shall be responsible 
for his own proportion of the purchase and advances unto the 
other of them, but the said White and Oliver shall provide the 
cash payments for the said Sumner's part until one year after 
the said railroad shall be constructed and opened for public 
travel, if the same be so constructed and opened within the 
period of three years ; and if not, in four years from the date 
hereof; and the said Sumner shall stand charged with the cash 
advanced for the proportion he now holds therein, as well as 
his share of that which may hereafter be purchased by said 
Sumner, White, and Oliver, to add to the stock of the com- 
pany aforesaid : and at the period or periods aforesaid, said 
Sumner shall reimburse all advances and interest which may 
be made by the other parties hereto on his account. 

" Seventh. That in consequence of the parties having given 
a joint mortgage of their interest in said Island for the payment 
of the balance of the purchase-money by instalments, they 
shall severally be held responsible, and will from time to time 
pay each the several proportions required of them, according 
to the terms of this agreement. 

" Eighth. That the said White and Oliver, in consideration 
of the said Sumner's trouble, labor, and expense, in procuring 
the purchase of the land aforesaid, and admitting them to be- 
come his associates therein, shall and will, in the proportions 
aforesaid, at the times fixed as aforesaid for reimbursing their 
advances and interest, allow and pay to said Sumner one fifth 
part of the net gains or increase in the value of the property 
which they have purchased. 

" Ninth. And for the purpose of better managing their cs- 



1832.] THE BASIS OF THE COMPANY. 435 

tate and interest aforesaid, it is agreed that, in the application 
for the railroad or by some other mode, they will endeavor to 
procure an act of incorporation which shall enable them to 
hold, transfer, and enjoy their estate as personal property ; but 
if this cannot be effected, they will convey their estate to trus- 
tees or otherwise, so as to enable the associates to manage and 
dispose of shares therein as a joint-stock company, and the 
trustees shall thereby be holden to give to each proprietor a 
certificate in a form to be prescribed, stating his interest in the 
trust, and that he shall hold it according to the terms of this 
indenture, or any future articles of association, which certificate 
shall be recorded in a book to be kept for that purpose, and be 
complete evidence of such shareholder's right in the estate and 
property aforesaid ; and each certificate or share shall be trans- 
ferable by endorsement of said certificate, and by causing the 
same to be recorded in the company's book aforesaid, and upon 
such record being made, the assignee shall be entitled to vote as a 
member of the company, according to his interest and the terms 
of this indenture, or any future articles of association. And 
the business of the association shall be managed by a board of 
directors, who shall have full power to sell or dispose of any 
part of the company's interest in said Island, except the land 
necessary for the purposes of a railroad, streets, wharves, stores, 
ferry ways, and ferries, according to ihe votes of the proprietors, 
and shall pay over to the respective proprietors their proportion 
of the money received from any and every sale. And such 
trustees, under the direction of the proprietors or their board 
of directors, or other officers, as the case may be, shall cause 
partition to be made, and their shares to be set off from the 
other proprietors of the Island, and execute suitable convey- 
ances to any purchaser or purchasers without any further act or 
ceremony to pass the interest in the property sold to such pur- 
chaser or purchasers in fee-simple or otherwise, as may be 
agreed on and determined pursuant to the votes of the propri- 
etors, voting according to their respective interests in the prem- 
ises. 

"And lastly. The business and property of the parties afore- 
said, touching said Island, shall be conducted and managed as 
is above provided, until some other mode shall be agreed upon. 



436 HISTORY. [1832. 

" In witness whereof, the parties hereto have interchangeably 
set their hands and seals the day and year above written. 
" Signed, sealed, and delivered FrANCIS J. OLIVER, [l. S.] 

in presence of W. H. SuMNER, [l. S.] 

Henry R. Daland. Stephen White. [l. s.] 

" Suffolk, ss. Boston, July 21st, 1832. — Then the above- 
named Francis J. Oliver, William H. Sumner, and Stephen 
White severally acknowledged the foregoing instrument to be 
their respective free acts and deeds. 

" Before me, Wm. C. Aylwin, Justice of Peace." 

In order to confirm the sale under the resolve of the 10th of 
February, 1832, another petition was presented to the legisla- 
ture, and another resolve was passed, as follows : — 

" Resolve on the petition of Maria F. Greenough, Guardian, 
March 25th, 1833. 

" On the petition of Maria F. Greenough, as guardian of her 
five minor children, praying that her acts done under a resolve 
of the legislature, made and passed on or about the tenth day 
of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and thirty-two, may be confirmed ; and for the reasons 
therein set forth, 

^'■Resolved, That the sale and conveyance of said minors' 
right, title, and estate in and to one undivided moiety of a cer- 
tain island it) Boston harbor known by the name of Noddle's 
Island, made by said Maria, on or about the twenty-first day of 
February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and thirty-two, by a deed of that date, recorded with the Suf- 
folk deeds in lib. 362, fol. 215, be, and the same hereby are, con- 
firmed. 

" And said Maria is hereby empowered to make and execute, 
acknowledge and deliver such other and further conveyances to 
the grantees named in the deed aforesaid, as in the opinion of 
herself or counsel, shall be proper or necessary to pass and con- 
firm to them in fee-simple, the right, title, and interest of said 
minors in and to the premises mentioned in the deed aforesaid, 
free from all conditions." ^ 

' Resolves, 1832 to 1834, p. 439. 



1832.] FURTHER PURCHASES. 437 

In pursuance of this resolve, a confirmation of the deed 
given by Mrs. Maria F. Greenough and children to Stephen 
White, Francis J. Oliver, and William H. Sumner, on the 21st 
of February, 1832, was executed for the purpose of establishing 
the validity of the sale of the minors' interest, before a change 
of circumstances should make it difficult to show a strict com- 
pliance with the resolve of the 10th of February, 1832, given 
on a preceding page, and of allowing the purchasers to enjoy 
the premises without question in this respect ; subject, however, 
to the mortgage made by William H. Sumner et al. to Mrs. 
Greenough and her minor children, 21st February, 1832. 

This " confirmation " was dated on the 18th of April, 1833, 
and recorded 24th of April, lib. 367, fol. 295. 

It was in this manner that Stephen White and Francis J. 
Oliver, Esqrs. became associated with the original projector in 
his purchase of Mrs. Greenough's one half of the Island, the 
proportions of this half which each held being, William H. 
Sumner three sixths, Stephen White two sixths, and Francis J. 
Oliver one sixth. The eighth provision in the indenture, which 
stipulates that White and Oliver should each pay to General 
Sumner one fifth of the net gains or increase in the value of 
the property was fulfilled and payment made, as the parties 
settled their accounts from time to time. 

The purchase of one half of the Island was thus completed 
in a satisfactory manner. 

These same gentlemen next commenced negotiations with 
the other proprietors for the rest of the Island, and soon suc- 
ceeded in purchasing the one sixth owned by Mrs. Hayden, the 
former wife of David Hyslop. She was heir-at-law to her 
minor son, David Hyslop, who, as the only surviving child of 
David Hyslop, the former husband of Mrs. Hayden, died in the 
possession of one sixth of the Island estate. 

By a warranty deed, dated on the 8th of Sejitember, 1832, 
John Hayden and his wife Jane Hayden, in her right, conveyed 
to William H. Sumner, Stephen White, and Francis J. Oliver, 
for the consideration of $15,000, one sixth, or six thirty-sixths, 
of Noddle's Island ; three thirty-sixths to Gen. Sumner, two 
thirty-sixths to White, and one thirty-sixth to Oliver. 

Four sixths of the Island being now in their possession, these 
37* 



438 HISTORY. [1833. 

three persons concluded to associate with themselves men of 
capital and enterprise, procure an act of incorporation, and 
prosecute their object as a company systematically and with 
increased vigor. With this end in view, a proposition was 
made to Edward H. Robbins, Esq., for him and his associates, 
T. H. Perkins and others, to become jointly interested with the 
proprietors, and to take the active management of the concern. 
But he declined this offer, thinking that, on account of his con- 
nection with the Winnisimet Company, the interests of the two 
companies might come in conflict. Numerous individuals were 
then thought of, until, some time after, the same proposal was 
made to Mr. Samuel S. Lewis, who had been distinguished as the 
projector of Commercial wharf and street, and had carried 
out the undertaking through almost insurmountable obstacles. 
Mr. Lewis at first thought the enterprise was too heavy for him 
to engage in ; but on further consideration, and finding that he 
could secure the cooperation of D. D. Brodhead and Amos 
Binney, Jr., Esqrs., men of character and influence, he said, 
that if a company could be formed of forty men from the vari- 
ous classes of society, and who should be acceptable to the 
original proprietors, he would engage in the project. This was 
assented to, and the then owners offered to sell one half of that 
part of the Island already purchased, and also to sell to him or 
them, as the case might be, one half of what should hereafter 
be purchased of the Island at the same price it cost ; that is, 
they were to be let in on equal terms after all the risks had been 
run in the purchase previously made. This proposition, so gen- 
erous in its character, was agreed to by Mr. Lewis, who entered 
into the enterprise with great zeal, and interested other gentle- 
meh in the plans, who had a well-founded confidence in liim as 
a grand projector. 

On the 3d of January, 1833, William H. Sumner, Stephen 
White, and Francis J. Oliver conveyed by warranty deed to 
Samuel S. Lewis, Daniel D. Brodhead, and Amos Binney, Jr., 
for the consideration of $27,000, one undivided third part of 
the Island (being one half of what they then possessed), subject 
to a mortgage dated the 21st of February, 1832, for $32,500.1 

» Suffolk Deeds, 5th January, 1833, lib. 365, fol. 99. 



1832.] rURCHASE FROM MRS. GERARD. 439 

Meanwliile, negotiations had been going on for the purchase 
of Mrs. Gerard's two sixths of the Island, which had fallen to 
her by lot in the division of her mother's estate. It was some 
time before the object could be accomplished, for Mrs. Gerard 
was unwilling to unite in any speculation which, if it should 
prove to be unfortunate, might involve the rest of her property, 
especially as she and her husband were at too great a distance 
to have a personal knowledge of the operations which might be 
undertaken ; and thus the embryo company was embarrassed 
in the prosecution of its plans. 

But these difficulties gradually disappeared. In a letter 
dated January 20th, 1832, Mr. Gerard says, in reference to the 
Island : " If any company should be formed, you may sell one 
half of our interest, viz., one sixth of the Island, at a hundred 

and fifty dollars an acre We should like to secure 

to ourselves the privilege of putting our remaining half interest 
in the Island into the company, if, by a certain time, we should 
think proper to do so." 

The proposed plan of operations was now fast growing into 
favor, and even common foresight predicted its success. On 
the 25th of July, 1832, a proposition was made by J. W. Ge- 
rard, Esq., to Stephen White and Francis J. Oliver, Esquires, to 
sell a part of Mrs. Gerard's interest in the Island, and to put 
the residue in with the other proprietors as common stock. 

The conditions of this proposition were as follows : — 

" 1st. The Island to be estimated at 660 acres, including mill- 
pond and marsh, according to Wm. Taylor's survey for David 
S. Greenough, Esq., but 650 acres only of land to be paid for. 

" 2d. Mr. and Mrs. Gerard will not sell less than a quarter of 
their interest in the Island, nor more than half, the price not 
less than $150 an acre for what may be sold, as the Island 
now is, clear to Mr. Gerard of any charges thereon for im- 
provements or otherwise, which from this date are to be added 
to the price. 

"3d, The residue will be put in with the other proprietors as 
common stock in shares of half an acre each, — each share to 
be entitled to a vote. 

"4th. Improvements to be made, — towards which Mr. and 
Mrs. Gerard will agree to be assessed from time to time in the 



440 HISTORY. [1832. 

whole, on the part unsold to the following extent, and no more, 
viz. : If one half of their interest is sold, $5,000 ; if one quarter, 
$2,500, and so in proportion between those quantities. 

"5th. If one half of their interest is sold, and if assessments 
under an act of incorporation or otherwise to a greater extent 
than $30,000, on the whole Island shall be required, then Mr. 
and Mrs. Gerard may either consent to pay the same, or they 
may elect to have set off in severalty such proportion of the 
lands and properties of the company, as the stock then held by 
them may bear to the whole lands and properties of the com- 
pany, unless the company or the other proprietors should elect 
to buy out their stock, in which case they obligate themselves to 
sell out at its fair value, to be fixed by three disinterested men 
under oath, one to be chosen by each, and those two to name 
a third, provided such valuation is not less than at the rate of 
$150 an acre with interest, together with such sums as may 
have been assessed and paid thereon with interest, placing Mr. 
and Mrs. Gerard in as good a situation at least as if they now 
sold all their interest out at $150 an acre. 

" 6th. Whether this sale is made or not, Mr. and Mrs. Gerard 
authorize General Sumner to act in the sale or disposition of 
the water powers of the Island for such sums as he may think 
proper. 

" 7th. In case of no sale, Mr. and Mrs. Gerard agree as ten- 
ants in common to pay their proportion of expenses on one 
third of the Island for the application and establishment of a 
ferry and railroad, the erection of a house and repairs to wharf, 
etc., not to exceed for the whole Island, $6,000, under the fol- 
lowing restriction, namely, for their share of the expenses of the 
application for the ferry and railroad, they agree to pay in cash. 
The others to be paid for, out of the rents, and out of their 
share of the proceeds of any lots or water powers of the Island, 
which may be sold by all the proprietors jointly to third per- 
sons. 

" 8th. This offer of sale to be binding on Mr. and Mrs. Gerard 
for 3 months (three months) from this date if notice of accept- 
ance be given to him in writing within that time. 

" Mr. Gerard gives above the terms on which he is willing to 
sell part interest in Noddle's Island. He will be happy from 



1833.] THE FORTY SHAREHOLDERS. . 441 

time to time to unite with the other proprietors, in such other 
points within his power as may tend to bring the Island into 
notice, and add to its value." 

This astute proposition was dated on the 25th of July, 1832, 
and signed by J. W. Gerard, Esq. Subsequently the time of 
accepting it was extended to the 10th o| January, 1833. It 
will be borne in mind that the East Boston Company was not 
yet incorporated, but that this proposition has reference to such 
a company, and the conditions of transfer of one sixth of the 
Island for one sixth of the stock of a company when it should 
be formed ; so that this same proposition, by which one half of 
the Gerard interest was sold to Messrs. White and Oliver, held 
good in respect to the other half, for the corporation subse- 
quently formed. 

Gen. Sumner and Benjamin Welles, Esq., were trustees of 
Mrs. Gerard under her marriage settlement dated 2d October, 
1820. On the 4th of January, 1833, alterations of certain trusts 
were made, and authority given to the trustees to convey to 
Stephen White and Francis J. Oliver one undivided sixth part 
of Noddle's Island for the sum of $16,250 ;i and in pur;^uance 
of this authority the above-named trustees conveyed to Messrs. 
White and Oliver, on the 4th of January, 1833, one undivided 
sixth part of the Island for $16,250, reckoning its extent at 
660 acres, according to the survey of Wm. Taylor, 17th Oct., 
1801. Mr. and Mrs. Gerard joined in the deed.^ 

As Gen. Sumner was one of the trustees of Mrs. Gerard, 
and had an interest in the Island, he could not at the same 
time be grantor and grantee, and consequently the sale was 
made to Messrs White and Oliver, for the proprietors. 

It had been mutually agreed that Mr. Lewis should bring in 
the forty gentlemen who would engage in the prospective com- 
pany, and the shares, the number of which was fixed at 5,280,^ 

1 Recorded Jan. 1 7, 1833. Suffolk Deeds, lib. 365, fol. 1G7. 

« Recorded Jan. 17th, 1833, lib. 3G5, fol. 1G8. 

' The property was at first to be divided into as many shares as there were 
acres, 6G0 (leaving out the odd three acres) ; then the number was doubled, 
1,320, — being one share to every half acre. As the plan became more exten- 
sive, and embraced a greater number of individuals, this number of shares was 
quadrupled, equalling 5,280. 



443 



HISTORY. 



[1833. 



were to be divided aftiong them in proportion to the amount of 
money paid in by each person. These gentlemen were pre- 
sented and accepted, and the few who fell back from the 
agreement procured acceptable substitutes in their stead. 

The names of the subscribers to the 5,280 shares, with the 
number of shares each one took, are as follows : — 



Names. 


Shares . 


Names. 


Shares. 


Wm. II. Sumner 


. 1320 


Wm. B. Reynolds . 


40 


Sumner and Welles, Trustee 


3 of 


Benj. T. Read . 


. 40 


Mrs. Gerard . 


. 880 


Gri^rgs and Weld . 


20 


Stephen "White 


880 


Saml. 0. Mead . 


. 20 


F. J. Oliver 


. 440 


Jos. Ripley . 


20 


S. S. Lewis . 


242 


Stephen Lock . 


. 20 


D. D. Brodhead 


. 243 


Thos. Patten 


20 


Amos Binney 


243 


Guy C. Haynes 


. 20 


Eobert G. Shaw 


. 80 


Asa Lewis 


20 


Jno. Brown . 


80 


Wm. AVyman . 


. 20 


Jno. Binney 


. 80 


Benj. Lamson 


20 


Jos. W. Revere 


80 


Jno. Ilenshaw . 


. 20 


Jno. Heard, Jr. 


. 80 


Ammi C. Lombard 


80 


Jos. Mariner 


80 


Thomas M. Thompson 


. 20 


Jno. Kendrick & Co. 


. 40 


Edwin Adams 


20 


Gardner Greenleaf 


40 


James Bartlett . 


. 20 


Gridley J. F. Bryant . 


. 40 


Thos. IL Stevens 


12 



Whole number of shares 



5,280 



Of these gentlemen, Wm. B. Reynolds, Griggs and Weld, 
and Samuel O. Mead, declined taking the shares apportioned 
to them, while Gardner Greenleaf increased his to forty-four. 
Capt. Joseph Smith, Wm. S. Rogers, John G. Flagg, H. Cum- 
in isky, and Patrick McManus entered the company and took 
the remaining shares. 

During this time, the then owners of that part of the Island 
already purchased had been assiduously engaged in completing 
their arrangements, and, after mature deliberation, had asso- 
ciated with themselves the gentlemen named, of high standing 
and influence in their various professions. On the 2oth of 
March, 1833, Francis J. Oliver, Stephen White, Wm. H. Sum- 
ner, and their associates, were incorporated under the name of 
the East Boston Company. The act of incorporation was' ac- 
cepted on the 2d of April, and by-laws were adopted on the 5th 
of the same month. The directors were Wm. H. Sumner, 



1833.] THE COMPANY INCORPORATED. 443 

Stephen White, F. J. Oliver, Samuel S. Lewis, Daniel D. Brod- 
head, Amos Biuney, and Gardner Greenleaf ; and at a meeting 
of the directors held on the 3d, Wm. H. Sumner was chosen pres- 
ident of the company and of the board of directors. S. S. 
Lewis was chosen clerk of the directors, and clerk, treasurer, 
and superintendent of the company. 

On the 20th of April, 1833, a deed of bargain and sale of the 
five sixths of the Island and of all the flats now purchased was 
given to the newly formed East Boston Company, by Wm. H. 
Sumner, Stephen White, Francis J. Oliver, Samuel S. Lewis, 
Daniel D. Brodhead, and Amos Binney, in consideration of 
$70,000 to them paid by the East Boston Company.^ All that 
was wanting now to put the whole Island into the hands of the 
company was to accomplish the transfer of stock for the remain- 
ing one sixth, owned by Mrs. Gerard, according to the propo- 
sition already made, and this transfer was soon made. 

In Mr. Gerard's proposition, the remaining one sixth, it will 
be remembered, was offered, with the concurrence of Mrs. Ge- 
rard's trustees, Wm. H. Sumner and Benjamin Welles, Esquires, 
for one sixth of the stock of the company lo he formed. 

On the 5th of April, at a stockholder's meeting, " The presi- 
dent submitted the following preamble and votes in relation to 
Mrs. Gerard's interest in the lands in East Boston ; the same 
having been read and considered, on motion of Mr. White, it 
was thereupon Voted., unanimously. That the same be and they 
hereby are accepted and ordered recorded, namely : — 

" Whereas, on the 25th of July, A. d. 1832, proposals were 
made to Stephen White and Francis J. Oliver, Esquires, two 
of the original associates in the purchase of Noddle's Island, in 
behalf of Mrs. Eliza Gerard, wife of James W. Gerard, Esq., 
through the trustees under her marriage settlement, in respect 
to putting in with the other proprietors as common stock, the 
residue of her interest in the Island, being one sixth part thereof, 
on condition that if assessments under an ' act of incorporation 
to a greater extent than thirty thousand dollars on the whole 
Island shall be required, — then Mrs. Gerard may either con- 
sent to pay the assessments on her shares in the company's 

1 Suffolk Deeds, lib. 368, fol. 228. 



444 HISTORY. [1833. 

stock or elect to surrender the certificates thereof, and have set 
off in severalty such proportion of the land and property of the 
company as the amount of her stock may bear to the whole 
land and property of the company, unless the company should 
choose to buy out her shares, in which case she agreed to sell 
them at their fair value, — to be fixed by three disinterested 
men, under oath, one to be chosen by each party, and those two 
appraisers to appoint a third, provided the valuation should not 
be at a rate less than $150 an acre, with interest from said 
25th of July, together with such sums as may have been as- 
sessed and paid thereon with interest' And whereas said pro- 
posals are extended to this company, 

" Voted, That the said proposals be and are hereby accepted, 
and on the due execution and delivery of suitable conveyances 
to this company by the parties in interest and those authorized 
to convey the share of Mrs. Gerard in said Island, the terms of 
said proposals shall be binding on the company, and certificates 
of stock shall be issued to her trustees accordingly, — provided, 
however, that if under the conditions aforesaid an election shall 
be made to surrender the stock and have a partition made in 
severalty, the assignment thereof shall be by appraisers as 
above provided, and the share of Mrs. Gerard shall not be 
set off so as to affect or disturb any sale or contract of sale act- 
ually made by the corporation of any part of the Island or its 
flats. And the company shall convey to her trustee such share 
accordingly. 

" Voted, That this company become parties to indentures in 
order to receive a conveyance of the one sixth part of Noddle's 
Island, its flats and appurtenances from the trustees of Mrs. 
Gerard, and that the treasurer sign the same and affix the com- 
pany's seal to one part of said indentures, and acknowledge and 
deliver the same as the act of this company, and accept a de- 
livery of the counterpart thereof and take seizin and possession 
of the estate thereby conveyed. Also, 

" Voted, That the directors be and they hereby are authorized 
to receive on behalf and in the name of the company from the 
proprietors of the residue of the Island, proper and sufficient 
conveyances of their proportion of the same, its flats and appur- 
tenances, and to accept seizin and possession thereof, and to 



1833.] ARRANGEMENTS MATURING. 445 

cause the deeds of conveyance to be duly entered and recorded 
in the registry of this county." 

This last vote, it appears, refers to the procuring of the 
conveyances, and to making the title of the new company to 
the Island sure and complete. On April 9th, 1833, at a direc- 
tors' meeting, it was " Voted^ W. C. Aylwin and John R. Adan 
be employed to procure from the several proprietors of Noddle's 
Island, the necessary conveyances of said Island, flats, and priv- 
ileges, to the East Boston Company." It is worthy of note 
here, that in this place, and in others where the title to the Is- 
land is concerned, the right of the owners of the Island to the 
flats in fee-simple under a special grant of the governor and 
company of Massachusetts Bay on the 13th of May, 1640, is 
fully recognized and maintained. 

At a meeting of the stockholders on the 22d of April, it was 
" Voted unanimously. That as the property has not yet been 
conveyed to the company, and the certificates of stock have not 
issued, that portion of the ninth article of the by-laws of this 
company is hereby repealed, and that in lieu thereof the follow- 
ing be and the same is hereby adopted as part of the 9th arti- 
cle of the by-laws of this company, namely : — 

" Article 9th. The corporate stock of the company shall be 
divided into five thousand, two hundred and eighty shares, and 
certificates thereof shall be issued in the form adopted at the 
meeting on the 5th day of April last." 

This vote pertains to matters not particularly pertinent here, 
only so far as it shows that the company was not yet in full 
and complete possession of the Island. The bargains, however, 
and all the preliminary arrangements prior to actual operations, 
were rapidly coming to a conclusion. A letter from Mr. Ge- 
rard will be introduced, as it adds a few particulars to what has 
already been given, and accompanies the deed, which had been 
sent to New York to be acknowledged : — 

" New York, April 23, 1833. 

" Wm. H. Sumner and Benj. Welles, Esquires, 

" Gentlemen, — I enclose to you the deeds [which were] sent 
on to be acknowledged and executed by Mrs. Gerard and my- 
self, transferring our remaining sixth interest in Noddle's Island 
38 



446 HISTORY. [1833. 

to the East Boston Company in exchange for one sixth of its 
stock. I have also before me a copy of the by-laws of the com- 
pany, and the votes passed in relation to the transfer. There 
are some variations in the votes from the proposals made by us 
to Messrs. White and Oliver, but I accept the by-laws, and also 
the votes, with the following additional vote (to be inserted after 
the first vote), the necessity of which addition arises from the 
omission in the recital of the proposals of the words following, 
underscored in article 5th : ' or they may elect to have set off in 
severalty such pro})ortion of the lands and properties of the 
company as the stock then held by litem may bear to the whole 
lands and properties of the company, etc' My meaning (as 
plainly expressed in the above words underscored) was not to 
lose the privileges in the stock unsold by our selling portions of 
stock to pay assessments or otherwise. I remember stating very 
clearly that it would be necessary for us to make sales to pay 
assessments. But I do not mean to restrict myself from selling 
any more than the other proprietors, whenever I think it may 
be for our interest. The vote may perhaps be implied from the 
nature of the whole contract ; but it is better to leave nothing to 
conslniclion, but to have all important points expressed. 

" It might possibly be contended that the privileges followed 
the stock sold ; to guard against such a construction, I have 
expressly provided against it in the vote I send on. 

" There is another point on which I wish to reserve myself, 
that is, the contract of junction proposed to be made with the 
Winnisimet Company. We have only been informed gener- 
ally that such a junction is contemplated, but we know nothing 
of the terms and conditions of the union. I now beg leave to 
say that our executing the conveyance to the East Boston 
Company is not to be considered as implicating us to any other 
contracts, unless upon inspection of them we expressly approve 
of them. I need not say that we shall gladly comply with 
every reasonable wish, that may tend to the common benefit of 
the proprietors, but being distant from the scene of operations, 
we wish to express ourselves upon the points to be reserved. 

" We waive all minor points, and only reserve those which we 
may think essential to our interest. 

" If you wish a more formal assent of Mrs. Gerard and my- 



1833.] TFIE TITLE COMPLETE. 447 

self to the by-laws and votes, if you will have it reduced to 
form, we will execute it. The certificates of stock you will 
please take as trustees expressed on the face of the certificates 
and in the books of the company; that will dispense with the 
necessity of your executing a declaration of trust. 

" J. W. Gerard." 

Immediately, that is, on the 2d of May, indentures were en- 
tered into between William H. Sumner and Benjamin Welles 
of the first part, the East Boston Company of the second part, 
and James W. Gerard and wife of the third part, to the 
effect, that, in consideration of the certificates of eight hun- 
dred and eighty shares in the stock of the East Boston 
Company received by the trustees of Mrs. Gerard, they convey 
to the East Boston Company her remaining one sixth of the 
Island, according to the survey of William Taylor, in 1801, to- 
gether with the remaining one undivided sixth of all the flats 
and appurtenances.^ 

Mr. Gerard's letter was read at a meeting of the stockholders 
of the company held on the 13th of May, and the vote proposed 
by him adopted. The vote is in these words: — 

" Voted, That in case Mrs. Gerard or her trustees shall sell any 
of her said shares of stock to be issued to her on the transfer of 
her sixth part of the Island, then the shares sold shall lose the 
privileges attached to them by the previous vote of this com- 
pany, but the privileges shall remain joro rata for the stock re- 
tained by her or her trustees." 

Thus were accomplished the sale and transfer of Mrs. Gerard's 
two sixths interest in Noddle's Island, one sixth having been 
sold to Messrs. White and Oliver for the proprietors, and one 
sixth transferred to the company for one sixth part of its stock, 
being eight hundred and eighty shares out of five thousand two 
hundred and eighty, the whole number. The certificates of 
stock were taken by Messrs. Sumner and Welles as trustees for 
Mrs. Gerard.2 

1 Suffolk Deeds, lib. 369, fol. 15. 

' The letter from Jlr. Gerard quoted above mentions a proposed union of the 
East Boston Company with the proprietors of the Winnislmet lands and ferry. 
This is explained more fully on an advance page. After due consideration the 



448 HISTORY. [1833. 

The long desired end was now accomplished. The whole 
Island was now owned by, and under the control of, the 
newly incorporated company, and there were no hinderances 
to the extensive improvements so long contemplated. 

To proceed safely and surely was the guiding principle of the 
company, and every precaution was adopted to remove all possi- 
bility of doubt respecting the completeness of their title in all 
future time. With this end in view, although conveyances had 
been made by and to the parties concerned, a deed was given 
by General Sumner on the 5th of August, 1833, and upon the 
same day by Mr. and Mrs. Gerard, of all their interest in the 
Island. 

Consequently, at a directors' meeting held upon the day fol- 
lowing the date of these deeds, Stephen White, from the com- 
mittee of inquiry on the title, reported that Messrs. Adan and 
Bovvditch, their counsel, to whom the subject had been com- 
mitted for investigation, " are of opinion that the title is com- 
plete." Thus the whole question of the title was settled, and the 
company had full and peaceable possession of the whole Island, 
flats and appurtenances. 

These particulars of the different conveyances are thus 
minutely detailed, in order that every person may be furnished 
wdth answers to any inquiries which may be instituted, and also 
to show the numerous difRculties encountered, and the length 
of time required to make the title complete. 



plans -wliicli had been entertained of uniting the two interests were given up as 
inexpedient. 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 

The history of East Boston, as forming an important part of 
the city proper, may be said to begin with the formation of the 
East Boston Company. This company was incorporated by 
the legislature of Massachusetts on the 25th of March, 1833, 
for the purpose of improving Noddle's Island, with the powers 
and requirements contained in the act concerning corporations 
passed Sth March, 1833.1 

In the earlier stages of the bill incorporating the company, it 
bore the name of the North Boston Company. But during its 
progress through the house. Lot Pool, Esq., an intelligent and 
influential member from Charlestown, moved to amend by sub- 
stituting East for North ; and gave as a reason, that he wished 
the latter name to be reserved for Charlestown when her annex- 
ation should take place. His motion prevailed ; and the East, 
instead of the North, Boston Company was incorporated. 

The property at this time consisted of Noddle's Island, con- 
taining, by William Taylor's survey in 1801, six hundred and 
sixty-three acres of upland and marsh, surrounded by several 
hundred acres of flats, which had been declared as belonging to 
it by the special act of 13th May, 1640, in these words : " It is 
declared that the flats round about Nodles Hand do belong to 
Nodles Hand to the ordinary lowe water marke."^ 

The Island lay directly opposite to the commercial part of 
Boston, from which it was separated by a distance of one hun- 



* For the act of incorporation and by-laws, and a list of tlic officers of the 
company, see Appendix G. 

" Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 291. Also see ante, p. 56. 

38* 



450 HISTORY. [1833. 

dred and thirty-two rods, which distance, however, has since 
been diminished by the extension of the wharves. The Island 
and the city of Boston were originally reputed to be of about 
equal size, each being supposed to contain about one thousand 
acres. This estimate of the Island was too large, or else over 
three hundred acres of it have, since that time, been washed 
and worn away by the action of the sea ; probably there is truth 
in each of these suppositions, for there is no record of any 
actual survey prior to 1801, when it was surveyed for Mr. 
Greenough, the then proprietor, and it is a well-known fact, that 
islands of no inconsiderable size have entirely disappeared from 
the harbor since the settlers first came to Massachusetts bay. 

It is easy to perceive the causes which have been operat- 
ing to preserve, and indeed extend, the area of the Boston 
peninsula, and at the same time to diminish the Island to the 
extent of several hundred acres. Boston was early an impor- 
tant settlement; and the enterprising inhabitants, not content 
with preserving intact the original boundaries, extended wharves 
far into the water, and thus were continually increasing their 
territory, and protecting it from the action of the sea. Noddle's 
Island, on the contrary, inhabited by a few individuals only, 
could not preserve its natural limits, much less increase them. 
To be sure, the proprietors expended a considerable portion of 
the rent for sea-walls in front of their gardens and buildings, 
but these were of necessity on too small a scale to be of any 
other important benefit ; and as Brewster's and other islands and 
headlands gradually yielded to the winds and waves, Noddle's 
Island was left exposed to the full force of the east and north- 
east storms, and to the perpetual wear of the ocean. The 
Island, being of diluvial formation, offers but little resistance to 
the severe storms which sweep our coast. The wasting awa^ 
of acre after acre of valuable upland on the exposed sides of the 
Island, and the consequent formation of an immense area of 
flats, would seem incredible to those who are ignorant of the 
locality, and of the force of the action of the sea. To these 
causes are to be attributed that vast extent of flats upon the 
north-east side of the Island, occupying ground formerly covered, 
at least to a great extent, by upland. This is apparent to even 



1833.] THE NUMBER OF SHARES. 451 

a casual observer ; and such facts as that Bird's island is entirely 
washed away, and that Nix's Mate, now a mere jDoint of rock, 
was not long ago a pasturage ground, besides other instances 
equally striking, are strong proofs of similar operations at Nod- 
dle's Island. During the formation of these flats, as the waters 
ebbed and flowed over them, and the waves dashed up the 
shore and carried back loads of soil and gravel, channels were 
formed in the soft earth, large and deep, or small and shallow, 
as the circumstances at the time decided. The position of 
these channels naturally varied at different times ; their di- 
rection being entirely dependent upon various contingencies. 
The flux and reflux of the waters, the situation of the detritus 
taken from the upland at different times and places, the direc- 
tion from which the storms came, — these and other causes 
were continually altering the channels, so that, as lines of boun- 
dary, they were literally as " shifting as the sands of the sea- 
shore," deceptive, and worse than worthless. Consequently the 
"line of lowe water marke" should be run without reference to 
these variable channels, for this would simply be marking the 
boundary over what was upland when the special act relative 
to the flats was made. This mistaken view the harbor com- 
missioners have adopted, and have run their line over land be- 
longing indisputably to the owners of the Island. 

To trace the beginning and growth of the improvements upon 
the Island will, for the first few years, be but the history of the 
operations of the company, as it was the prime mover in, and 
was identified with, the commercial and manufacturing enter- 
prises which give to East Boston its character and importance. 
We will therefore follow on in the track of the company's 
operations, reserving special enterprises for future chapters; 
and, although brief allusions will of necessity be made to 
various plans and undertakings, particular descriptions of each 
will be found under distinct heads. These details, although 
presented in a somewhat disconnected manner, are important 
as illustrative of the early history of the Island improvements. 

The land, comprising 660 acres (the odd three acres being 
thrown out of the calculation), \vas originally put into a com- 



452 HISTORY. [1833. 

mon stock and divided into 1.320 shares, each share represent- 
ing an half acre. When lands were sold, the proceeds were to 
be passed to the credit of the company, constituting the fund 
from which its expenses were paid and its dividends were 
made. It was soon thought best, however, to increase the 
number of shares, and, by a vote of the stockholders on the 
22d of April, 1833, the by-laws were so amended as to divide 
the corporate stock into 5,280 shares. As the circle of the 
company's operations increased more and more, and embraced 
a greater number of individuals, alterations in the number of 
shares were made from time to time, and, for convenience of 
reference, are here given in connection : — 

Original number of shares in the company 1,320 

1833, April 22, shares quadrupled 5,280 

1836, May 2, shares doubled 5,280 

10,560 

1839, June 14, shares created .... 10,000) ,^.^^ 
" " 27, " " - .... 5G0| ^^'^^^ 

21,120 

1840, Dec. 31, cancelled 560 

20,560 

1841, May 3, created 10,000; issued 9,108 

29,668 
1843, April 18, cancelled 3,037 

26,631 
1846, Dee. 26, cancelled 6,631 

The result of these different changes was that the number of 
shares was permanently fixed at 20,000. 

In order to make the Island immediately productive to some 
extent, the company rented it for farming purposes, excepting 
Camp and Smith's hills, and the marshes immediately adjoin- 
ing, reserving the right of viewing, leasing, selling, or making 
improvements in any part of it. It also voted to provide 
accommodations for the occupant, on what was called the 
"Middle Farna," using, as far as possible, the buildings then 
upon it.i 



' E. B. C. Records, Apr. 9, 1833. 



1833.] THE FIRST EXECUTIVE COiMIinTTEE. 453 

By way of inducing Mr. Thomas "Williams, the tenant, to 
continue his residence upon the Island, and in consideration of 
the assistance rendered by him in various ways at the commence- 
ment of the company, which, from his thorough acquaintance 
with the Island, he could do better than any one else, the com- 
pany voted to give him an acre of land on the " middle farm," 
its location to be determined by an executive committee to be 
subsequently appointed, on condition that he would erect a 
house upon it for his residence. 

The committee was chosen on the 12th of April. It consisted 
of three persons, to be renewed every month, whose duty it was 
to lay out streets, appraise lots, advise with the superintendent 
as to the course of action when he was in doubt, and thus save 
frequent meetings of the directors. William H. Sumner, F. J. 
Oliver, and Amos Binney composed the first committee. IVIr. 
Williams saved them the trouble of locating the acre of land by 
declining the offer. Gen. Sumner endeavored to convince him 
that in a few years the acre would be of greatly increased value. 
But Mr. Williams laughed at the idea, and "wondered if any 
one was foolish enough to think he would accept of an acre of 
land on Noddle's Island, and be obliged to erect a house upon 
it ! " It seemed perfectly visionary to him to think that the 
Island property was so soon to be of such value as to make 
this piece of land a most lucrative possession ; and this same 
feeling, without doubt, was entertained by many others. 

This company commenced, as many other companies do, by 
borrowing. Its property was large and available, and it had a 
good credit with the business community. This credit was a 
natural consequence of the character and standing of the gen- 
tlemen engaged in the enterprise. The first loan authorized by 
the company was on the 2d of May, 1833, and was to the 
amount of $6,000. Upon this same day, Mr. Williams was 
requested to surrender the old mansion-house on the Island 
occupied by him, as it would be needed by the company in a 
fortnight for the accommodation of their workmen. This house, 
which was then the only one upon the Island, was partly built 
of the old army barracks at Cambridge, which Gen. Washing- 
ton gave to Mr. H. H. Williams, when the camp broke up, in 
partial compensation for the destruction of the buildings on the 



454 HISTORY. [1833. 

Island in 1775 by the American troops to prevent their falling 
into the hands of the British. The timber was moved from 
Cambridge to the Island, and the house was erected, as has 
been already narrated, about where Sumner and Lewis streets 
now join, over the cellar of the house formerly occupied by 
Jdhn Yeamans. It was a one-story house with a gable end, and 
a picture of it was adopted for the seal of the East Boston Com- 
pany. For a time it was used as a boarding-house for the 
workmen engaged in building the Maverick House, but in 1834 
was torn down to give place for laying out the hotel on Mave- 
rick square. The whole Island was now needed by the com- 
pany, in order to carry out the extensive improvements contem- 
plated. 

Public officers of Boston first set foot on Noddle's Island, in 
their official capacity, on the 4th of May, 1833. Upon that day 
the Hon. Charles Wells, the mayor, the aldermen, and the direc- 
tors of the company, visited it to select portions of land, not ex- 
ceeding four acres in the whole, to be set apart by the company, 
free of expense to the city, for the purpose of providing suitable 
sites for school and engine-houses, burial-grounds, and other 
public purposes. This was in accordance with the fourth sec- 
tion of the act of incorporation.^ 

The gentlemen having transacted their business, partook of a 
collation, at which the wants of the physical and intellectual 
man were abundantly gratified, and where pleasing anticipations 
were indulged with reference to the future condition of the 
Island that day taken under the wing of the city protection. 
After the collation, the mayor, with some of the aldermen and 
directors, took a walk towards Camp hill. All were in good 
spirits, and enjoyed the sea-view and the fine breeze, which 

* The section is as follows : " Be it further enacted, That said corporation 
shall set apart on said Island, in such place or places thereon as the mayor and 
aldermen of the city of Boston may designate, a portion of land, not exceed- 
ing in the whole four acres, free of expense to the city, for the purpose of pro- 
viding proper sites for engine-houses, school-houses, burial-grounds, and for 
other public purposes ; provided, that no lots, except the lots for burial-grounds, 
shall contain more than ten thousand feet, without the consent of this corpora- 
tion ; and provided further, that said mayor and aldermen shall designate the 
land so to be taken within six weeks from the passing of this act." 



1833.] VISIT OF CITY OFFICIALS. 455 

already had a summer mildness. One of the gentlemen re- 
marked, as they were looking at the prospect, and talking of 
the Island and its future destiny, " Here is where we are to 
have our principal street." His honor the mayor was at that 
moment quietly enjoying his cigar, and peacefully digesting his 
dinner under the influence of the invigorating air and the narcotic 
weed, when one of the aldermen, tapping him on the shoulder, 
said, " It is against the law to smoke in the streets of the city 
of Boston." The mayor, loth to give up his cigar, and at the 
same time determined to obey the law, observed, " Really, sir, 
if you will show me where the streets are, I will step out of 
them and finish my cigar." The reply was, " Come over in a 
few days, and we will show you the boundaries of the streets 
and squares." They returned to the city in the miniature pad- 
dle-boat " Experiment," a boat of four -man power, and capable 
of carrying twelve or fifteen persons, which Gen. Sumner had 
purchased at Newport a few months previous and placed it at 
the foot of Long wharf, for the purpose of transporting the pro- 
prietors and other persons to and from the Island. The boat 
was a novelty in Boston harbor, and attracted much notice 
from its original mode of propulsion ; and to persons inquiring 
about the strange craft, the answer was, " that is the Noddle's 
Island boat." It paddled its course well until it was superseded 
by the steamboat " Tom Thumb." 

Previous to the passing of the act of incorporation, there had 
been some mutual overtures for uniting the then rival interests 
of the -purchasers of the Winnisimet lands and ferry and the 
proprietors of Noddle's Island. It was thought that such an 
union would be for the benefit of the parties, saving the expense 
of two distinct organizations, of two ferries, etc., and give 
increased vigor and strength to the plans. J. W. Gerard, Esq., 
of New York, so far as his interest went, declined uniting with 
the Winnisimet Company.^ On the 30th of May, a letter was 
received from Mr. W. H. Gardner, on the part of the proprie- 
tors of the Winnisimet Company, which was considered as 
notifying the intention of the proprietors to decline the execu- 
tion of the contract made with the company on the 20th of 

* See his letter on page 445. 



456 HISTORY. [1833. 

March. From other papers, it appears that the negotiations 
between the two companies had reached the point of an agree- 
ment through their respective committees, but were broken 
off chiefly from a difference of opinion as to the appointment 
of commissioners for the appraisal of the property of the two 
companies, with the view of uniting them under the same 
management. The Winnisimet Company appeared the most 
willing to adhere to the terms of the agreement, and delayed 
applying for a distinct charter until the East Boston Company 
raised objections. The companies from that time went on sep- 
arately.^ 

Scarcely a month had elapsed since the formation of the 
company, when arrangements were made preliminary to the 
first sale of land on the Island. A primary object to be attained 
in this sale was to secure purchasers whose position in com- 
munity would give character to the enterprise, and who would 
erect such buildings as would induce others to settle at East 
Boston. Consequently, Camp hill, then the most desirable 
location, was selected, having a beautiful prospect overlook- 
ing the city, the harbor, and the adjacent country; and the 
following paper was drawn up and signed: — 

" The subscribers being desirous of forming an association 
for the purchase of certain lots of land situated in the city of 
Boston, on the heights of Noddle's Island, to be called Bel- 
mont, and numbered from one to fifty-eight on a plan which is 
hereto annexed, for the purpose of laying out and embellishing 
the same, and erecting pleasant summer residences thereon, the 
following rules have been adopted in furtherance of their views, 
namely, — 

" The said lots shall be purchased of the East Boston Com- 
pany at the rate of ten cents per superficial square foot. 

" The right of choice of said lots shall be sold at auction 
among the subscribers, the highest bidder to have the first 
choice, and so on. 



* The Winnisimet Company was incorporated on the 27th of Marcli, 1833, 
two (lays after tlie East Boston Company ; capital, $500,000. F. B. Fay, T. II. 
Perkins, W. II. Gardner, and W. A. Gragg, petitioners. 



1833.] FIRST SALE OF LOTS. 457 

" The amount received for the choice of lots, over and above 
ten cents per foot, shall be divided among the subscribers in 
proportion to the number of feet of land by them respectively 
taken. 

" Such of the subscribers as shall not purchase a right of 
choice shall make their selection from the remaining lots, in 
such manner as a majority may agi'ee. 

" The sale and choice of said lots shall take place on the 
fifteenth day of May next, or as soon thereafter as the superin- 
tendent shall direct. 

" The hour and place of said sale shall be appointed by the 
superintendent of the East Boston Company, and the whole 
business shall be under his care. 

" Now, therefore, we the subscribers, in consideration of five 
dollars to each of us paid by the East Boston Company, a cor- 
poration established by law, the receipt of which we hereby 
acknowledge, do each for himself, and not the one for the other 
or others of us, hereby promise and agree to and with the said 
East Boston Company in manner following, that is to say : 

" That we will severally pay, in the manner and on the terms 
and conditions hereinafter mentioned, the amount of considera- 
tion, whenever the same shall have been ascertained and deter- 
mined, for the land hereto subscribed for by us respectively, and 
at the aforesaid rate of ten cents for each and every square foot 
thereof; and that we will pay for the same agreeably to the 
following terms of sale, to wit : 

" Twenty per centum in cash on the delivery of the deed ; 

" Fifteen per centum in one year, with interest ; 

" Fifteen per centum in two years, with interest annually ; 

" The balance in ten years, w^th interest annually; the whole 
to be secured by note and mortgage. Or if a purchaser shall, 
within twenty days after the sale of the lots as aforesaid, give 
a bond to the company to erect a dwelling-house within two 
years, the balance due at the time of the completion of the 
house may remain on interest for a further time, if required, not 
exceeding ten years from the sale. 

" Purchasers in every case to have the right of paying the 
whole amount in cash on delivery of the deed. 

" The streets on the hill, as described on the plan, to be laid 
39 



458 



IIISTOIIY. 



[1833. 



out and graded at the expense of the corporation during the 
present season. 

" The hill in no part to be reduced in height more than six 
feet from its present elevation, and the grading of it, and of the 
streets, to be under the direction of S. P. Fuller, city surveyor. 

" No factory or mechanical trade to be carried on within the 
limits of the lots now offered, unless it shall be within fifty feet 
of the lower street on the south side of the hill. 



Francis J. Oliver . 


2 lots. 


B. T. Reed . 


. 1 lot. 


Stephen AVhite . 


3 


'' 


Grenvillc T. Wintlirop 


1 " 


Daniel Webster 




lot. 


John Brown . 


. 1 " 


James W. Paige 






Robert G. Shaw 


1 " 


Samuel S. Lewis . 






Levi R. Lincoln 


1 " 


Amos Binney 






Joseph Ripley . 


1 " 


Edwin Adams 






Benjamin Lamson 


1 " 


Daniel D. Brodliead . 






Scth E. Benson . 


1 " 


Ammi C. Lombard 






C. E. Bowers 


1 " 


William H. Sumner . 






George Darracott 


1 " 


Benjamin Welles, bv Wi\- } 






Peter Dunbar 


. 1 " 


liam IL Sumucr ) 




Samuel A. Allen 


1 " 


J. C. Tobbets 






John Ilenshaw 


. 1 " 


Jos. Marrincr 






Gardiner Greenleaf . 


1 " 



Toti\l 



30 lots. 



Our national birthday, the 4th of July, was appropriately 
celebrated at East Boston this year by the Washington So- 
ciety, a political organization. They were carried over from 
the city and taken back at night in the steamer Connecticut, 
Capt. Porter, and under the extended shade of the willow trees 
on the hill north-west of Maverick square, the company, num- 
bering five hundred persons, sat down to a public dinner. The 
day passed off pleasantly; the excellent dinner, the appropriate 
speeches and sentiments, and the content and enjoyment of all, 
made the ceremonies agreeable, and the celebration — the first 
public one upon the Island — was a happy inauguration of all 
which have followed. 

The work of " filling up " or " making land," which has 
increased the area of the city so much, was early commenced 
at East Boston. This was rendered necessary from the char- 
acter of much of the land, which otherwise would prevent the 



1833.] LOCATION OF STREETS. 459 

laying out of straight streets, and the extension of wharves into 
the channel. H. Cummisky and P. McManus made a contract 
with the company to fill in and make the street and wharf from 
JMavcrick square to the ferry, by removing earth from the 
garden and the hill north-west of Maverick square. This work 
was commenced on the 9th of July. 

It has been mentioned, that a loan was authorized by the 
company on the 23d of May. Up to the 6th of August, no 
application had been made ; by a vote on that day, the direc- 
tors as individuals were directed to endorse the treasurer's 
notes for such sums as might be necessary to carry into effect 
the votes of the corporation, and the company would hold the 
endorsers harmless from any danger which might result from 
such a mode of procedure ; in this way, individual credit 
effected what a corporate body could not. 

One of the first and most important subjects demanding the 
attention and action of the company was the location of streets. 
The narrow and crooked streets of Boston were a continual 
and sufficient warning to the proprietors to lay out wide and 
straight streets on the Island before houses and stores were 
built, for in this way only could regularity and convenience be 
secured. The old parts of New York and Boston are most per- 
plexing instances of building according to individual fancy, 
without the slightest regard to appearance, system, or the pro- 
spective growth and consequent demands of a large city. A 
systematic arrangement of streets, squares, and lots on the 
Island would secure immediate advantages, and make provision 
for future wants, while at the same time such a course would 
eventually be the most profitable one for the company. On the 
6th of August, an examination of the southern part of the 
Island was made with reference to the location of streets. Bel- 
mont square, and sundry streets, had been named prior to this 
(May oOrh). The very day previous, Mr. Guy C. Ilaynes had 
raised his house at the corner of Webster and Cottage streets, 
now lot No. 94. Mr. Haynes had selected this spot in June, 
and on the 29th of that month raised his barn, into which he 
moved his furniture on the 25th of July. This was some 
months before the company were prepared to give their deeds. 
On the 3d of September, and when the house was about half 



460 



HISTORY, 



[1833. 



finished, Mr. Haynes moved into it from Boston. His family 
then consisted of himself, his wife, and her sister, and was the 
first family which moved to the Island after the incorporation of 
the East Boston Company. This house was the first one built 




Ecsulonce of Guy C. Ilayncs, lirst lldu-o I'ltctcJ in E.i.-t Boston, August 



in East Boston, and is still occupied by Mr. Haynes.^ His 
appreciation of the future prospects of the Island was in strik- 
ing contrast to the views held by Mr. "Williams. Mr. Williams, 
as we have seen, who had been for many years a resident 
upon the Island, refused to accept the gift of an acre of land on 
condition that he would erect a house upon it for his residence ; 
while Mr. Haynes, with a speculative turn of mind, not only 
purchased a lot and erected a house, but made early application 
for the purchase of East Wood Island, so called, consisting of 
about eighteen acres ! This proposal, which eventually would 
have proved a most lucrative one to Mr. Haynes, was not 
accepted by the company, as it did not sell land by the acre. 

On the 13th of September, Mr. Fuller's plan of streets was 
adopted, and it was voted that reference should be had to this 
plan in the deeds made by the corporation.^ The streets were 



^ The author acknowledj^es his indebtedness to Mr. Haynes, who has kindly 
furnished him with the aeeompanying picture of the house. 

^ For a description of this and other plans of East Boston, sec particular de- 
tails near the close of this chapter. 



1833.] LOCATION OF STREETS. 461 

laid out wide and straight, regardless of the expense required to 
secure regularity and uniformity by crossing low grounds and 
filling up the marshes. 

To those who looked only at present requirements, this 
appeared to be a needless outlay of money. So it seemed 
when Sumner Street was laid out over the creek. Mr. Wil- 
liams came to General Sumner, and with great solicitude 
inquired if he knew what Mr. Saunders the surveyor was 
doing. Upon being asked to what he referred, he answered, 
" He is laying out the street from the house to Camp hill, 
lengthwise of the creek ; the fdling up of which will involve the 
expenditure of a great sum of money, which may be saved by 
a curve over the beach." The general answered that it was 
done in a straight line in accordance with the wishes of his 
associates, -who thought, that, although the street would be made 
at great cost, the future benefits would more than compensate 
for it ; and that, by making straight and wide streets, disregard- 
ing small obstacles, the money would be well spent, for the lots 
would bring greater prices. Mr. Williams listened in astonish- 
ment to hear that this seeming extravagance was authorized, 
and said, " Why, General Sumner ! you do n't tell me that you 
agreed to it I " Upon being answered in the affirmative, Mr. 
Williams replied, " Well ! I always thought you knew some- 
thing before I " 

By the plan adopted, the streets were located in straight lines 
and of generous width, and their regularity and excellent adap- 
tation to business, and an increasing population, add very much 
to the beauty of the Island and the value of the property. 

At this time the subject of land transportation by steam 
power was the principal topic of conversation. Public curiosity 
was excited in reference to the newly invented means of con- 
veyance, and every one took a deep interest in an experiment 
which, if practically successful, would be of inestimable im- 
portance to the travelling and business community, and revolu- 
tionize the whole system of intercourse and trade. Propulsion 
by steam power had already been successfully tried in England, 
while the laying of iron rails for loaded cars drawn by horses 
had been in use there since the iron railway at Whitehaven in 
1738 ; and as early as 1801 the Surrey iron railway for horses 
39* 



462 HISTORY. [1833. 

was sanctioned by act of parliament. The first locomotive 
which was successful was constructed in 1824, and attained a 
speed of six miles an hour. The Stockton and Darlington road, 
opened in England in 1825, and the Liverpool and Manchester 
(Eng.), finished in 1829, fully demonstrated the feasibility of 
this mode of transportation, and thinking men inquired why 
the experiment could not be as easily and as successfully tried 
in this country. Indeed, already at Quincy, rail-cars ran from 
the granite quarries to tide water upon a road built in 1827, 
and thus the whole subject had been brought nearer home, and 
in its most practical light. The public mind was awake to the 
importance of the enterprise, and scientific and practical men 
turned their attention to this new motive power with that inter- 
est which eveiy valuable invention secures. Various projects 
were suggested, and plans proposed ; and of these the ingenious 
but unfeasible plan invented by Col. Henry Sargent demands 
a notice here, as he made the Island the site of his experiment. 
His invention was called " the suspension railroad," and had 
cars to be propelled by steam power, but the running construc- 
tion differed from any road then proposed. Its peculiarity con- 
sisted in the use of one rail instead of two, and by this construc- 
tion with cars especially adapted for the purpose, the inventor 
claimed that the same results could be obtained as with the use 
of two rails, and at a great saving of expense. 

At this early period in the history of the East Boston Com- 
pany, the permanent establishment of a ferry to the city was a 
matter of vital importance to the interests of the Island ; and 
although the regular running of a boat was attended with con- 
siderable expense to the company, as the passengers were of 
necessity very few, the prosperity of the Island depended in a 
great measure upon its maintenance, — a sure means of inter- 
course with the city being required by the mechanics and labor- 
ers upon the Island. 

Taking advantage of this state of afiairs, Col. Sargent rightly 
conjectured that the company would favor any plan which 
would tend to increase the passengers over the ferry and make 
it at least a self-supporting concern, and that he would be per- 
mitted to locate his road upon the Island on very favorable terms. 
Consequently, with all the enthusiasm of an inventor, he laid his 



1833.] SUSPENSION RAILROAD. 463 

plans before the company, fully impressed with the value of his in- 
vention, and with the idea that when the road should commence 
operation, crowds of people would flock to the Island to witness 
and enjoy this novel and much talked of means of conveyance, 
especially his peculiar adaptation of the new motive power. 
Thus he argued the receipts of the ferry would be very much 
increased, and his invention would make the Island a centre of 
attraction to a multitude of people. Although the company 
had no great confidence in the ultimate success of the experi- 
ment, still, wishing to give encouragement to all plans which in 
any way, however indirect, would benefit their property, they 
permitted him to construct his rail upon their land, and in May, 
1833, appointed Messrs. White and Oliver a committee to con- 
fer with him on its location. The rail was erected in the sum- 
mer of 1834, and extended in nearly a northerly direction from 
Hotel square to Bennington street, across the marsh, and par- 
allel with Meridian street. The cars were constructed with 
seats for half a dozen persons each, and hung on both sides of 
the rail on which they ran, and from which they were sus- 
pended. The rail was supported by posts sunk in the marsh ; 
and the cars, which hung from both ends of a bar, which by 
means of w^heels ran upon the rail and at right angles to it, 
were kept in position by lateral wheels, and, from their appear- 
ance, w^ere waggishly and not inappropriately called " saddle 
bags." 

A small engine commenced running with a passenger car on 
the 22d of August, but although this was in the infancy of rail- 
roads, when the subject was the theme of general conversation, 
and indeed this was the first attempt in this vicinity to carry 
passengers by means of steam power, the experiment failed. 
The fare was quite low, but the passengers were few ; and after 
being a nine days' wonder, it was discontinued. The standing 
rail remained a year or two, and some of the posts are even 
now met with under ground in the building operations on the 
line of the road. 

Col. Sargent applied to the company for indemnity for his 
loss in this unfortunate enterprise, although he alone was re- 
sponsible for its plan and its expenses. He preferred a claim 
against them, and a committee was appointed to settle with 



464 HISTORY. [1833. 

him. They agreed that if he purchased a lot of land at a pub- 
lic sale which was to take place on the 2d of June, 1836, what- 
ever sum was allowed him in the adjustment of his claim 
against the company for his railroad should be received on ac- 
count of his purchase-money. It does not appear, however, 
that he ever made any such purchase, or ever received any in- 
demnity from the company. 

The sale of the choice of lots on Belmont (as specified in the 
subscription paper given on a previous page) took place on the 
25th of October, 1833. This first public sale was remarkably 
successful, amounting, according to the treasurer's report made 
on the 30th of October, to $54,000. The same report gives the 
amount of sales on other parts of the Island at $32,000, making 
$86,000 in the whole, or $6,000 more than the whole cost of 
the Island. The success of this sale shows that confidence was 
secured for the company, and in its satisfactory results well 
illustrated Campbell's oft-quoted line, that 

" Coming eveuts cast their shadow before." 

The sale of land on the Island was of course of the first im- 
portance to the company, and any proposals to purchase lots 
secured immediate attention. 

One day in September, 1833, as the directors were crossing 
in the ferry-boat from the Island to the city, Mr. -Lewis, the 
superintendent, informed them that he had received an offer for 
certain lots of land, and wished to know whether he should 
accept it. Interest was immediately awakened, and the inquiry 
was quickly made where the lots were situated, and how much 
had been offered. Mr. Lewis answered that the land was the 
block of six lots directly in front of the Maverick House, lying 
between Hotel Square and Sumner streets, — the same land on 
which the Maverick church was subsequently built, — and 
twenty cents a foot had been offered for the whole. Such an 
uniooked for price gave the highest satisfaction to the gentle- 
men, and showed them in the most gratifying light the future 
prospects of their enterprise. Before their first pleasing thoughts 
at the favorable proposal had passed away, to the surprise of 
all. General Sumner said, " Gentlemen, you shall not sell the 
lots for twenty cents, for 1 will give you twenty-five." He at 



1833.] SALE OF LOTS. 465 

the same time expressed his opinion that the land in question 
should not be sold, but be kept open, as the sale and subsequent 
improvements upon it would interrupt the view from the hotel, 
and make that less desirable as a place of fashionable resort, 
which should be one of their first objects ; that the location 
was such that it must constantly increase in value, and that 
true policy would dictate the keeping of the lots open until 
some future time ; yet, if the directors thought best to sell, 
he would give five cents per foot more than had been offered, 
and would keep the offer open until eleven o'clock on the fol- 
lowing morning; in the mean time he wished the directors to 
consult together upon the expediency of the sale, and let him 
know the decision at the appointed time. At this point in the 
conversation, F. J. Oliver remarked that he would share the 
purchase with General Sumner at that price. The question 
was left undecided until the next day, when the directors, think- 
ing the offer too good to be resisted, accepted General Sumner's 
proposition. Two reasons inffuenced him in giving this high 
price for the land ; one was that the lots were among the most 
valuable of any possessed by the company on the Island, and 
were so centrally situated that all improvements upon the Island, 
wherever made, would tend to increase their value, so that 
their purchase at even a high price would be a good specula- 
tion ; the other reason was, that, by an actual sale at a full price, 
the sale of other lots would be increased, and from the fact that 
those best acquainted with the Island property paid the highest 
prices, a confidence would be imparted to the community that 
the lands would be a remunerative purchase to those who early 
entered into the project. In accordance with the original prop- 
osition, Mv. Oliver shared in the purchase to the extent of one 
fourth. 

The Maverick House, the raising of which was completed on 
the 13th of this month, was set back of these lots, so as to leave 
a large open area in front, and in this way the prospect from 
the house was left unobstructed, and the value of the adjacent 
land was very much increased. After the hotel was opened 
and became a place of fashionable resort, the company saw 
that a mistake had been made in selling this property. Cen- 
trally located, in front of a large and elegant hotel, the land 



4G6 HISTORY. [1833. 

was a kind of exchange for the Island. The shade of the great 
willow tree in the centre, under which seats were conveniently- 
arranged, invited knots of persons, who discussed land specula- 
tion or politics, as the occasion dictated. The company did not 
wish to buy back the land, as the purchase-money was of more 
immediate use to them. But perceiving that buildings were be- 
ing erected around it, and that the Maverick House was thronged 
with fashionable visitors and boarders, they did not think it 
advisable to have the land closed up, and, in order to keep it 
open, on the 2d of November, leased it of JNIessrs. Sumner and 
Oliver for five years, with the condition that it should be used 
as a public area, and for that purpose only, and at the annual 
rent of $324, being the amount of interest on the purchase- 
money ($5,333.33). No taxes were levied on this land, as it lay- 
open for public use. To show that a proper estimate was 
placed on the prospective value of these lots, it may be stated 
that the proprietor of three fourths realized in the sale, after de- 
ducting the first cost and the interest upon it for twelve years, 
when the last sale was made, and incidental expenses, a net 
gain of $10,970, an advance almost without parallel in the his- 
tory of land speculation in this vicinity. 

On the 21st of November, Dr. John Jeffiries erected his house, 
the second one built in East Boston, and occupied it as a sum- 
mer residence in 1834. This house was on lot No. 64, at the 
south-eastern extremity of the Island. 

Within the limits of East Boston, and belonging to the com- 
pany, were included East and West Wood islands, containing 
about forty acres. Wishing to bring as much of the property 
as possible into a productive state, the superintendent was au- 
thorized, in December, to lease Wood island to Dr. Benjamin 
ShurtlefF, on such terms as he considered best for the company. 
Afterward, about ninety acres of flats were enclosed by a per- 
manent sea-wall, extending from Maverick street in section No. 
1 to West Wood island, a distance of three thousand feet. 

During this year the old barracks which remained in the fort 
in Belmont square ^ were removed to the third section, and 



' Fort Strong. For description, etc., see Chapter XIII., :Military History of 
tlie Island. 



1833.] THE FIRST YEAR'S OPERATIONS. 467 

fitted up for a house for Thomas Williams's farmer, Mr. 
Haley. 

The year 1833 was a busy one for the company ; surveys and 
plans were to be made, projects of various kinds to be considered, 
streets to be located, wharves to be built, a ferry to be estab- 
lished, buildings to be erected, loans to be made and debts to be 
paid, land to be sold, provision to be made for future demands, 
and, indeed, the whole system of operation was to be put in 
motion, by which sufficient inducements should be offered to 
secure the settlement and prosperity of the Island. It was im- 
portant to start right ; to avoid extravagance on the one hand, 
or a disastrous parsimony on the other, either of which would 
make shipwreck of the whole undertaking; to know the boun- 
dary line between sound enterprise and rashness, between pru- 
dence and treacherous caution ; to anticipate future prospects 
and wants, while providing for immediate necessities ; to secure, 
by prompt and vigorous action, an early realization of some of 
their designs ; and, in short, to pursue such a policy that the 
community would feel a confidence in the company, and public 
opinion favor the undertaking. 

To secure this, the first year's operations must be comprehen- 
sive and at the same time safe, and these two essential qualities 
seem to have been most happily combined; it would be difficult 
to find a corporation whose duties were so multiform that made 
so few mistakes. The close of 1833 found the East Boston 
Company in a prosperous condition. In many respects the 
most difficult point had been passed, a systematic plan of oper- 
ations had been commenced, and an energetic and executive 
management controlled the whole. 

During this year the company had been incorporated and or- 
ganized ; streets, squares, and lots had been laid out for dwell- 
ings, public purposes, mechanical establishments, and wharves ; 
two dwelling-houses had been built, and a large and elegant 
hotel commenced ; the East Boston Wharf Company had been 
incorporated, and had commenced operations ; a ferry had been 
established ; a petition had been prepared for a free bridge to 
Chelsea ; land had been sold to the amount of eighty thousand 
feet for the East Boston Timber Company (and, in seven 
months, land had been sold on the Island to the amount of 



468 HISTORY. [1834. 

$86,000) ; the subject of the Eastern Railroad had been raised 
and vigorously prosecuted, and a series of undertakings had 
been started, which would ultimately develop the capabilities and 
resources of the Island. Careful and prospective action and a 
generous outlay of money characterized this first year's work 
of the company, and a basis was thus laid the results of which 
will always be seen. 

The census of the Island for 1833 was as follows: — 



Guy C. Ilayncs, wife and sister 

Mr. Haley and wife ^ .... 

Chas. M. Taft, Lousckecper and daughter * 



Male. Female. 


1 


2 


1 


1 


1 


2 


3 


5 


persons. 





Total 

If the year 1833 was a busy one, the year 1834 was 
emphatically so for the company, and for others who had deter- 
mined to make the Island a place of business and profit. As 
the spring opened, various plans and enterprises began to take 
a definite form. An important measure, secured in the early 
part of this year, was an act of incorporation for the proprietors 
of the Chelsea Free Bridge ; ^ for, of necessity, the prosperity 
of the Island must in a great measure be dependent upon the 
facilities of communication between it and the main land. 
This bridge would open a new and valuable public thorough- 
fare, and by increasing the means of intercourse, would render 
the Island more desii'able as a place of residence or of busi- 
ness. 

In the spring a ferry landing was secured on the Boston side 
at Lewis's wharf; but it was not until September that a suitable 
place could be obtained on the East Boston side. This same 
month, in order to meet the demands of the rapidly increasing 
business, a new ferry-boat — the " Maverick " — was contracted 
for. The " East Boston," contracted for in October, 1833, was 



* Left in 1834. 
^ Left in 1835. 

* See " Chelsea Free Bridge," Chap. XVL The name is now altered by the 
city government to Chelsea Street Bridge. 



1834.] BUSINESS OPERATIONS. 469 

launched in August, 1834 ; the " Maverick " was launched in 
January, 1835. The Sugar Refinery was built in 1834, and 
continues its works of refinement to the present time, and with 
greatly increased capabilities. In the spring of this year also 
the Timber Company, in aid of the grand object of establish- 
ing a ship-building interest at the Island, went into operation ; 
other projects were started, and the Island was animate with 
planners and workers. Buildings went up with astonishing 
rapidity; wharves ran out into the sea; steamboats were built 
and launched; the first ship, the Niagara, was on the stocks, 
being built of timber brought from Grand island in Niagara 
river, by a company even younger than the East Boston Com- 
pany; streets were laid out, hills dug down, and valleys filled 
up; and everything showed that an experiment was being tried 
on a very large scale, and directed by enterprising men, among 
whom Mr. Lewis, the superintendent, was a man remarkable 
for energy and for skill as a projector. The result of so great 
an undertaking would be, for all engaged in it, either unparalleled 
success or a proportionate loss. 

On the 21st day of April of this year, a schooner, laden with 
plaster, discharged her cargo at East Boston, and thus was com- 
menced the line of vessels which, from that time to the present, 
has been filling the shore with merchandise. The first ship 
which discharged a cargo here was the " Seaman," in May, 
1830 ; she was a Charlestown packet, owned by Mr. A. C. 
Lombard, and brought a cargo of sugar to the refiner}''. 

The business operations of the company were now so 
extensive, and involved so many important points, that F. J. 
Oliver and S. S. Lewis were made a committee to consider 
the expediency of appointing a solicitor of the company. The 
committee reported favorably to such an appointment (26th 
August, 1834), and recommended John R. Adan, Esq., who 
was accordingly chosen the same day, for a year, at a salary of 
$400. Ilis duty, as specified in the records, was to prepare 
deeds, mortgages, and other legal papers and instruments, and 
to keep a copy of the deeds in the company's record book, to 
give his advice when called for by the officers of the company, 
and perform all other duties usually devolving upon th6 solic- 
itor of a corporation, except prosecuting or defending suits in 
40 



470 HISTORY. [1834. 

court, for which he was to charge an additional fee. As the 
duties of his office increased in proportion to the enlarged 
operations of the company, it was afterwards voted to raise his 
salary to $1,200 a year from the 26th of August, 1836. 

The early act3 of the company were characterized by liber- 
ality and public spirit, and in many instances demonstrated, 
that, contrary to the prevalent idea, corporations can have 
souls. The company had certain claims on the estate of 
Thomas Williams, deceased, the late tenant of the Island. 
Long before this, it had offered to him an acre of land on the 
Island in consideration of his services ; and now a committee, 
consisting of Messrs. Sumner and Oliver, were appointed to 
settle the claims against his estate " on principles of equity and 
liberality." 

Thus the liberality of the company w^as not limited to the 
living man, as if presupposing some benefit to be received, but 
was continued in the same generous manner to the estate of 
the tenant who for so many years had held the Island. On 
report of the committee, the company withdrew its claims on 
the representatives of Mr. Williams, in consideration of his ser- 
vices, and the rents then due were given to the estate. 

In September, 1834, a committee appointed for the purpose 
fixed the salary of the superintendent at $4,000 a year, and that 
of the treasurer at $1,500. Before the passage of this vote, the 
salary of these officers had been at the same rate as that fixed 
by the committee above named. 

The increasing population of East Boston, and the best 
interests of the Island, rendered it necessary that dwelling- 
houses should be built at East Boston, and thus secure a per- 
manent population. In order to accomplish this end, the com- 
pany voted (30th Oct., 1834) to allow a deduction of fifteen per 
cent, to the proprietors of lots on Belmont who should build 
good and substantial dwelling-houses on their lots before the 
first day of the following September, on condition that the 
members of the company who had already built houses on Bel- 
mont should consent to the vote. 

The liberal policy of the company, as manifested from the 
commencement, had a corresponding result. Manufacturing 
establishments were commenced on a lar^je scale ; numerous 



1834.] BUILDINGS ERECTED IN 1834. 471 

private dwellings were built ; and the active appearance which 
the Island presented afforded ample evidence of the energetic 
spirit which dictated and urged forward all the Island opera- 
tions. Upon recurring to the results of the labors in 1834, we 
are astonished at the amount which was accomplished. 

It is believed that the following is a correct list of all the 
buildings which were erected at East Boston in 1834, and of 
the families which moved to the place during that year. Such 
tables as this, and others that may follow, although not of 
particular interest to the general reader, or necessary to the 
narrative, yet, as giving facts and dates, will be more and more 
valuable as each year passes by : — 

May 23. John Pierce's house and stable ; corner of Sumner and Bremen 
streets : lots Nos. 9 and 10. 
" " Gardner Greenleaf's house, on the south-east side of Hotel square — 
a public-house. 
June 14. Ilosea Sargent's house on Webster street: lot No. 90. Cunard 
House. In the yard of this house was the well which supplied 
water for the troops in 1814, as is fully described in the articles on 
water, and the war of 1812. When the Island was used as a farm, 
this well was in the sheepfold, which was constructed from part of 
the old barracks. 
" 28. John n. Tomlinson erected the house on Sumner street, on lot No. 
80. 
Daniel Crowley; houses on IVIaverick street: lots Nos. 119 and 120. 
East Boston Sugar Refinery began to build a block of brick houses 

on Sumner street, connected Avitli their sugar house. 
Seth E. Benson finished his stone house on Webster street: lot No. 44. 
Benjamin Lamson; house on Webster street: lot No. 47. 
Jonas Bessom's house and two shops, on Bessom court : lot No. 87. 
Timothy Mclntire's house on Webster street: lot No. 89. 
" 22 and 23. Gen. AV. H. Sumner's house, on the " heater lot," corner of 
Webster and Sumner streets, on lot No. 31. 
Sept. 5. Brown & Bates' ship-carpenters' workshop, on Central square. 
" 8. Allen, Pigeon, and Poole erected on their wharf, on the south-west 

side of Sumner street, a mast and spar shop. 
" 1 7. Truman Flowers and Stephen Pearson, each a house in a block on 
Webster street: lot No. 91. 
Oct. 4. Bradford Chandler's house on Webster street. 
" 16. Asa Lewis' house, corner of Webster and Cottacje streets: lot No. 32. 
" " James Barber, a smith's shop, corner of Maverick and Border streets : 
lot No. 111. 



July 


5. 


" 


12. 


« 


23. 


Aug. 


, 9. 




15. 


« 


22. 



472 HISTORY. [1834. 

Dec. 9. William Walters raised a house on Princeton street, in section No. 3 
— since burned down. 
" 27. Malleable Iron Foundry; finished; commenced Nov. 10; on Merid- 
ian street, 3d section. 

Families which moved into East Boston, — 

1833, Sept. 3. Guy C. Ilaynes, corner of Webster and Cottage streets. 

1834, June 11. Dr. John JefTries* moved over for the summer. * 
" 16. Benson Clock. * f 

Aug. 18. John Pierce f moved into his house. 

" 25. George D. IIager*f opened public-house. 
Sept. 23. John 11. Tomlinson moved into his house. 
Oct. 15. Jonas Bessom. 

*,' " Timothy Mclntire. 
Dec. 13. Thomas C. Allen.* 

" " E. Richardson.* 

" 18. Seth E. Benson.* 

" " Daniel Crowley. 

" " Patrick McManus. 

The Island had scarcely begun to have resident inhabitants 
before death commenced its inroads, following close in the foot- 
steps of the settlers. The first death was that of Mr. Worcester, 
who fell from the Sugar-house on the 29th November, 1834, 
and died on the 30th. Several Irish children also died in 1833 
and 1834. 

The first child born at East Boston of American parents 
after the formation of the company was -Stephen, son of John 
H. Tomlinson, on the 27th of November, 1834. The first child, 
now living, who was born on the Island, was Thomas J. Lavery 
(a corruption of Labbaree), son of Matthew and Jane Lavery. 
He was born on the 17th of November, 1833, in a house, or 
shanty, which stood on Saratoga street. 

The building, which was in three divisions, was then occu- 
pied by three families : Mr. Lavery, Mary Trotten, the mother 
of the first child known with certainty to have been born at East 
Boston, and Mr. McNulty. 

A little anecdote may be told relative to this first child. Gen. 
Sumner was riding across the Island one fine morning in Au- 



* Removed from East Boston. f Since deceased. 



1835.] TRICES REGULATED. 473 

gust, 1833, and passing by the little shanty of Campbell (the 
father of the child), saw him outside his door, apparently idle. 
Gen. Sumner accosted him with, " What is the matter, Camp- 
bell? why are you not at woriv this fine day?" " I 've had a 
child born to-day, sir," said he. Recognizing this as the first 
child born at East Boston, the general replied, " Let me 
name it, Campbell, and I will give you a dollar." " O yes, 
your honor ; name it what you please ; I will call it what- 
ever you say," said the happy father, making extravagant 
manifestations of joy. " Call it Maverick, then, after the first 
grantee of the Island, whose name I wish to perpetuate." 
" Yes, your honor, his name shall be Maverick." The man 
took the promised dollar, and the general rode on. Thus the 
first child born at East Boston received the name of the first pro- 
prietor of that Island, after a lapse of two hundred years. The 
next week, as the writer was passing the house again, he saw 
Campbell standivig at the door as before. " What is the matter 
to-day, Campbell ? you look sober. Why are you not at work ? " 
" I've lost the little child your honor named ; Maverick is dead, 
sir." Thus did this effort to perpetuate the name of Maverick 
fail of its purpose. 

It will be interesting to some persons to know the prices of 
certain lots in 1835, and thus be able to compare them with the 
prices for the same lots at the present time (1858). 

In May, 1835. on niotion of the president. Gen. Sumner, the 
following votes were passed : — 

" That all future sales of land and wharf lots shall be regu- 
lated as follows, to wit: — 

" The lots on Belmont, on the south-west side of Sumner 
street, shall be sold at twelve and a half cents per foot, except 
corner lots, the price of which shall be fifteen cents per foot. 

" The lots on both sides of Sumner street, lying between 
Lisbon and Cottage streets, at fifteen cents per foot; corner lots 
at eighteen cents per foot. 

" The lots lying south-westerly of Maverick street, in section 
No. 2, at thirty-five cents per foot : corner lots at forty cents 
per foot. 

" The lots in section No. 3, at twelve and a half cents per 
40* 



474 ■ HISTORY. [1835. 

foot ; corners, and those fronting on the public square, at fifteen 
cents per foot. 

" The lots on Chelsea street (when laid out), at ten cents per 
foot ; corners at twelve and a half cents per foot. 

" The wharf lots, lying between the Marine railway, as pro- 
jected, and th'e wharf built by Locke and Ripley, at forty dol- 
lars a front foot, and are only to be sold to business men, under 
the advice of the executive committee. 

" The wharf lots between the Marine railway and Brown and 
Bates's lot (including the Marine railway lot), and the block of 
lots between Orleans and Lisbon streets, are not to be sold 
without the further action of the board of directors. 

" No wharf, building, lot, or other property, the prices of 
which are not fixed as above, shall be bargained for or sold 
without the approval of the executive committee. The super- 
intendent, however, is authorized to give deeds under contracts 
heretofore made." 

In the space of two years, the taxable property of East Bos- 
ton increased almost incredibly. For instance, in 1833, the tax 
valuation was $60,000, and in 1835, it was $806,000, an in- 
crease of $746,000. 

The East Boston Company was taxed for S600,000 

The Sugar Refinery u u a .... 55,000 

The Maverick House " " " 25,000 

East Boston AVharf Company " " .... 20,000 

Malleable Iron Company " " " 8,000 

Individuals a a u .... 98,000 



Total S806,000 

In 1833, the city received from taxes on East Boston property, 
$420 ; in 1835, $5,600 ; and in 1856, over $61,000, from a tax- 
able property rated at $8,000,000. 

The striking contrast between the old and the new can 
hardly be realized, and such facts as these figures give, show in 
a striking light the great change in the condition of the Island; 
and it may truly be said, that " Such a deal of wonder is 
broken out within this hour, that the ballad-makers cannot be 
able to express it." 



1835.] THE MAVERICK HOUSE. 475 

The 27th of May, 1835, formed an important epoch in the 
history of the Island: it was the day when the ferry-boats 
" East Boston " and " Maverick" commenced their regular trips 
between the Island and the city, and thus established a means 
of intercourse between the two places, which has not been in- 
terrupted from that day to the present. Upon this same day 
also the Maverick House was opened ; and in honor of these 
events, a public celebration was held under the auspices of the 
company. As many interesting events connected with the 
Island history cluster around this celebration and this hotel, it 
is proper that a full account of both should be given. We 
therefore present at some length a description of the house and 
the events of the festival, making free use of the reports printed 
in the newspapers at the time. 

Very soon after the formation of the East Boston Company, 
an association of mechanics, who had been brought into the 
company by Mr. Lewis, the energetic superintendent, foreseeing 
the rapid growth of the Island from its great advantages for 
commercial and manufacturing purposes, its proximity to Bos- 
ton, and the beauty and salubrity of the locality as a place of 
residence, and reposing confidence in the efficiency and skill of 
the officers of the company, formed the idea of building a hotel- 
for the accommodation of such families as they thought would 
be glad to obtain a healthful summer retreat in the vicinity of 
Boston. They conjectured, and correctly, as the event proved, 
that many business men with their families, who were in the 
habit of passing the summer season at Nahant and other places 
of resort, would, if suitable accommodations were provided, 
make the Island their retreat; and thus, while enjoying all the 
benefits to be derived from a " watering-place," have easy ac- 
cess to the city at all hours of the day and night. 

Accordingly, in April, 1833, Messrs. Stephen Locke, Guy C. 
Hayncs, Jos. Ripley, Gardner Grcenleaf, and Asa Lewis, who 
had previously entered into an agreement with the East Boston 
Company for the purchase of 43,000 feet of land on Hotel 
street and Hotel, now Maverick, square ; also obtained leave 
to use the old Williams house, barns, etc. without rent, 
on condition that it should be fitted up and kept as a board- 
ing-house while the hotel was in process of construction. 



476 HISTORY. [1834. 

Alterations fitting it for this purpose were commenced on the 
7th of April, under the direction of Mr. Ilaynes ; an office and 
dining-rooms were attached to the house; and on the 10th of 
June it was opened for boarders, under the superintendence of 
Charles M. Taft, assisted by Widow Kingman as housekeeper. 
After having served its intended purpose, the old house was 
taken down on the 4th of October, 1834, in order that Hotel 
square might be laid out. 

The directors of the company were so well satisfied that the 
hotel would yield a remunerative rent, that they voted to sub- 
scribe for fifteen shares in its stock, in order to identify their 
interests with those of the mechanics, and for their encourage- 
ment. 

The laborers commenced work on the 14th of June, and, so 
rapidly was the undertaking prosecuted, that, on the 13th of 
September, they finished putting on the roof; and in celebration 
of this event, the company, in the afternoon, gave the mechanics 
and laborers a collation, at which the success of the Maverick 
House was drank with three times three. 

At the commencement of 1834, Mr. Brodhead, one of the 
directors of the company, and president of the Hancock Bank, 
having represented that the proprietors of the hotel had found 
it necessary to procure a loan to finish their building and obtain 
furniture for it, and that it would be difficult for them to effect 
the loan at that time, suggested that it might be for the interest 
of the East Boston Company to furnish the funds to them on 
adequate security, and on the repayment of any expense which 
the company might incur in raising the money. In accordance 
with this suggestion, it was voted that the treasurer be author- 
ized to raise a sum not exceeding $10,000, and to loan the 
same to the proprietors of the hotel, taking, as security, an out- 
right conveyance of their house and other property, the com- 
pany to have the right to finish the hotel according to the plan, 
and to put in sufficient furniture for its occupation, at the expense 
of its proprietors. A committee, consisting of F. J. Oliver and 
S. S. Lewis, was appointed, on the 28th of April, 1834, to ex- 
amine the affairs of the Maverick House Company, with power 
and authority to advance such sums of money, on security of 
their property, as would enable them to complete their establish- 



1834.] THE MAVERICK HOUSE. 477 

mcnt. This committee reported, in the following August, that 
they had made the proposed investigations, and had satisfied 
themselves that it would be for the interests of the East Boston 
Company to make advances, in order to enable the projectors to 
complete the house. They therefore had directed the treasurer 
to make the necessary payments for that purpose. These 
were much greater than was anticipated ; and the com- 
pany, finding it burdensome to raise so much money, effected 
an arrangement by which the original proprietors of shares in 
the hotel relinquished them to the company, receiving in ex- 
change land in the 3d section, at ten cents a foot, to the amount 
of their par value. 

When the mechanics and others, owners of the hotel, made 
this exchange, it became necessary, or at least expedient, to 
connect these lots with Hotel square, in order to make easy 
access to the ferry, and increase their value. Consequently, 
Meridian street was laid out in a north and south line at great 
expense, over the marsh and low lands, and looking forward to 
its further extension by a bridge to Chelsea. This anticipation 
has since been realized ; and the straight and wide street, valu- 
able as a meridian line for a basis of angles and directions, 
forming an important avenue to connect different parts of the 
Island, and, by its extension, joining the Island to the main 
land by a public thoroughfare, compensates a thousand-fold for 
all the seeming extravagance in its location and construction. 

The house having thus become the property of the company, 
Mr. Lewis and Mr. Brodhead were appointed to engage a 
suitable person to furnish and keep it, and to make preparations 
for its opening in the following May ; and on the 3d of Decem- 
ber they were authorized to make the best arrangement they 
could with Major Jabez W. Barton. Previous to taking charge 
of the Maverick House, Mr. Barton had charge of the Lynn 
Mineral Spring Hotel, since the private residence of Richard S. 
Fay, Esq. 

Mr. Barton's first acquaintance with the East Boston Com- 
pany was in November, 1834, when the president and some of 
the directors visited his hotel to dine; after dinner he was sent 
for, and the proposition made to him to become the tenant of 
the Maverick House. The necessary arrangements were 



478 HISTORY. [1835. 

effected in a few days, and in the following month he com- 
menced making preparations for opening the house in the 
spring. 

The Maverick House, as finished in 1835, had a south-west 
front on Hotel street of eighty-five feet eight Inches, and a 
south-east front on Hotel, now Maverick, square, of ninety-four 
feet; it was six stories high, including the basement and attic, 
and contained more than eighty rooms. Its halls, parlors, din- 
ing-rooms, and chambers were furnished in an elegant manner, 
equalling any hotel in the United States. Connected with the 
house was a beautiful garden, extensive stables, and carriage- 
houses. There were also attached to it a large bathing- 
house, bowling-alleys, and all' the other usual appendages to a 
first class hotel. It had cost the company about one hundred 
thousand dollars exclusive of about an acre of land, and was 
an ornament to the Island and a credit to the builders.^ 

It has already been mentioned, that, on the day the ferry- 
boats "East Boston" and "Maverick" began their regular 
trips between the Island and the city, and the Maverick 
House was opened, a public celebration of these events took 
place under the auspices of the company. This was on the 
27th of May, the anniversary of the battle of Noddle's Island, 
the second battle of the Revolution, and was under the particu- 
lar direction of Messrs. Binney, Sumner, and Oliver. Tickets 
of invitation were sent by the directors of the company to all 
persons who it was thought would be interested in the projected 
festival, and on the appointed day, the invited guests, including 
the stockholders of the East Boston Company, all the public 
functionaries, distinguished men, officers of railroads, directors 
in public enterprises, and men of note in all departments of in- 
dustry, sat down to a sumptuous entertainment prepared by 
Major Barton. About seven hundred plates were laid for this 
occasion, and, the Maverick House not being large enough to 
accommodate so many, tables were set in the spacious build- 
ings built for, but not yet occupied as, stables. At 8 o'clock 



* The prcfise cost of the house, stables, bowling-alleys, bathing-houses, aud 
furniture, was $103,871.53. 



1835.] PUBLIC CELEBRATION. 479 

the guests took their seats at the tables, which were elegantly 
spread, and loaded with the delicacies of the season ; the apart- 
ments of the hotel and the dining-room were tastefully orna- 
mented with flags, and the air was filled with the fragrance of 
flowers. The conviviality of the occasion was much increased 
by the news which had that day been received of the reconcilia- 
tion between France and the United States, effected by the 
characteristic firmness of General Jackson, who had successfully 
insisted upon indemnity from the French government for 
spoliations upon our commerce. This was the great political 
event of the occasion, and Jackson's name was sounded in 
praise even by those who were politically opposed to him, and 
inscribed in large letters on canvass and conspicuously displayed 
were the words "France and America united. The Indemnity 
Bill passed April 18, 1835." The Boston Light Infantry, 
under Captain Weston, attended by the Brigade Band, were 
present by invitation, and performed escort duty on the 
occasion, adding much to the interest and brilliancy of the 
scene. 

After the cloth was removed. General Sumner, who presided 
at the tables, addressed the company in some interesting his- 
torical remarks at the announcement by the toast-master, 
Zebedee Cook, Esq., of a sentiment from the president of the 
East Boston Company. On motion of F. J. Oliver, Esq., 
General Sumner's address, by an unanimous vote, was ordered 
to be printed; it was copied into the Columbian Centinel (and 
also into the Bunker Hill Aurora), from which we extract it, 
not so much for the sake of the address, as for the facts 
it contains, and as descriptive of the spirit of the occa- 
sion. 

It is well to remark in this connection, that this address was 
delivered before the author had made the history of the Island 
a subject of the minute investigation, the results of which are 
set forth in these pages, and any trivial mistakes which it may 
contain are corrected in the main narrative. It was as fol- 
lows : — 

"Gentlemen, — I have been requested within a day or two 
by my brethren, the directors of the East Boston Company, to 



480 HISTORY. [1835. 

give some account of the Island which is the scene of the 
present celebration. It was supposed by them that a short 
history of the place might be interesting to those who attach to 
its future destiny some degree of importance, and of the per- 
sons who formerly occupied it, to their numerous successors. 
It would be quite unsuitable to the spirit of this occasion were 
I to detain you long with a dull recital of historical events. 
My notice of them will therefore be short, and merely intro- 
ductory to the sentiment I propose to ofl'er at its close. The 
antiquarian, I trust, however, will find something in them to 
allay his thirst of inquiry, and the epicurean whose taste may 
hereafter be indulged in the luxuries of the Maverick House, a 
reason for the name which has been given to it. 

" It was an ancient custom for those who undertook the erec- 
tion of a temple, or engaged in commencing any work whose 
structure or plan was designed to last for ages, in laying its 
foundation, to deposit coins, medals, and inscriptions under it, 
or in some other way to make known to future ages the period 
of its commencement and the plan of the projectors. This 
custom has been continued to the present period in Europe, and 
is not wholly unobserved on this side the Atlantic. Whether 
the substitute of a dinner, speeches, and toasts commemorative 
of such events, transmitted to posterity through the press, is 
not an improvement, I must leave to the decision of those who 
have often felt the soul-stirring influence of that eloquence 
which has so often charmed our festive boards. This mode of 
celebration frequently converts the moments of our highest 
hilarity into periods of the greatest mental improvement, and 
makes that which might otherwise have been a mere epicurean 
or bacchanalian festival, a means of softening the rigors of big- 
otry and the asperities of party. When these celebrations take 
place in times of prosperity, they increase the common interest 
for the advancement of the project ; and, when the sources of 
that prosperity are in peril, their influence is to produce in all 
who engage in them united, patriotic, and hearty efforts for the 
common weal. 

" It is only two years since a steam ferry-boat was permitted 
to cross the channel to the place from which I address you. 
The proprietors of this Island, on the 4th of July of that year, 



1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 481 

sainted those who assembled here for its celebration from a 
tent erected on the then commanding heights, which are now 
fast fading from the view, as the only place of sufficient accom- 
modation. On that day they convened to celebrate the greatest 
political event that history has recorded, or the imagination of 
poets indulged ; I mean the subjection of man to the moral 
government of his own will as a substitute for the physical 
restraints of others' rule. It was on the 4th of July that this 
country was declared to be politically free — free from the 
shackles of the British parliament and the monarchy ; relig- 
iously free — free from the power of popes and synods; mor- 
ally free — free to think, to act, and to suffer; physically free — 
above the power of England to subdue, or a world in arms to 
conquer. To the cause they then met to celebrate, the proprie- 
tors of this Island early made a great sacrifice. It is now 
within the recollection of a venerable gentleman,^ who, I hope, 
is present, but whose letter I have before me, of having seen, 
on the 10th of June, 1775, a week before Bunker Hill battle, 
the elegant establishment of Mr. Yeamans, and four other 
houses, with all their barns, out-houses, and buildings in 
flames ; the torch having been applied under order of Colonel 
Stark, the commander of the American troops, to prevent the 
enemy from taking possession of them. 

" The venerable mansion which was placed upon the old 
cellar, recently the only dwelling upon the Island, composed a 
part of the barracks of Washington's army, at Cambridge, in 
1775, and after the flight of the British from our harbor, when 
his encampment was broken up, was given to Mr. H. H. Wil- 
liams, the lessee, in remembrance of his patriotic services. 
These the immortal donor always knew how to recognize, more 
especially such as he had it not in his power to requite. From 
the long occupancy of it by himself and his true-hearted son, 
the Island was often familiarly called by their name, Williams' 
island. Washington's barracks, with which are associated so 
many interesting reminiscences, stood on this commanding 
position for half a century, witnessing the wonderful progress 
of improvement which your city has exhibited, and at last, in 

^ INIr. Marston. 

41 



482 HISTORY. [1835. 

submission to it, was itself obliged to give way for the exten- 
sive hotel erected near its site. This the skilful mechanics of 
Boston projected, and with the labor of their own hands have 
constructed, in a manner equally evincive of the purity of their 
taste, and of their full expectations of the rapid progress of the 
settlement which they chose for its location. But although, in 
the spirit of the age, the old mansion has been removed, as the 
circumstance of its first occupation, which has been related, has 
furnished the East Boston Company with the emblem of a cor- 
porate seal, its impression, we trust, will ever revive the recol- 
lection of the interesting events with which, in every patriot's 
mind, it must always be associated. 

" The first notice we find in the public records of Noddle's 
Island, is a vote of the government of the colony, in 1631 (July 
5th), 'that all the islands within the limits of this patent, viz. 
Conant's Island, Noddle's Island, Thompson's Island, together 
with all other Islands within the limits of our patent, shall be 
appropriated to public benefits and uses, to be let by the Gov- 
ernor and Assistants towards the support of the public charges, 
and that no person shall make any use of said Islands, by put- 
ting on cattle, felling wood, or raising slate, without leave of 
the Governor and Assistants.' Thompson's island was called 
after the first occupant of it, and Conant's, it is presumed, was 
also ; but why the Island we are upon was called Noddle's 
Island, neither history nor tradition informs us ; and it is past 
my noddle to conjecture. The only one which I can venture to 
make is (and this would not be allowed on a less sportive 
occasion), that, as one of the islands in the harbor was called 
Spectacle island, from its resemblance on the map to the great- 
est of all optical assistants, this might have derived its name 
from that marked protuberance of the human noddle upon which 
the spectacles are usually surmounted. - But whatever motive 
may have influenced our ancestors in giving it that appellation, 
those who have become interested will never have occasion to 
regret, I hope, that it entered into their noddles to purchase. 

" On 3d April, 1G32, it was ordered, 'that no person whatso- 
ever shall shoot at Foivl upon PuUen's Point or Noddle's Island ; 
but that the said places shall be reserved for John Perkins to 
catch Fowl with Nets' This was the first game law of the 



1835.] GENERAL SUIVINER'S ADDRESS. 483 

colony ; but whether the ducks or plover which frequent the Is- 
land were then caught here with nets, is more than I am able 
to inform you. It is, however, more probable that the wild pig- 
eons which frequent the first clearings in the woods were the 
fowl which Mr. Perkins had the exclusive privilege of netting. 
It does not appear on the face of the grant what consideration 
was paid for it, nor why Mr. Perkins should have had this ex- 
clusive privilege. I shall leave it to your own conjecture to 
determine whether, as the public always like a quid pro quo for 
all their grants, it is not more than probable that the grantee 
was the generous ancestor of a gentleman of the same name, 
who in our day has so distinguished himself by his munificent 
liberality. If so, the grant may be easily accounted for, as the 
public would have rested in security of receiving its considera- 
tion in the receipt of a full tithe of the earnings of his industry. 
However that may be, it appears that Mr. Perkins enjoyed his 
privilege but for a little time, as we find that on the first of 
April, 1633, ' Noddle's Island was granted to Mr. Samuel Ma- 
verick, to enjoy to him, his heirs and assigns forever, yielding 
and paying yearly at the General Court, to the Governor for the 
time being, either a fat Wether^ or a fat Hog; or forty shillings 
in money, and shall give leave to Boston and Charlestown to 
fetch wood continually as their need requires from the southern 
part of the said Island.' Mr. Maverick, at this time, was the 
liberal entertainer of the court and assistants. Josselyn says 
' he was the only hospitable man in all the country, giving en- 
tertainment to all comers gratis.' Mr. Maverick's grant had 
some relation to the facility with which he could furnish a good 
fat wether or a fat hog (it seems they went the whole hog in 
those days as well as these) for the governor's election dinner 
at the opening of the general court, although for one year, 1636, 
he paid his forty shillings into the treasury. The name given 
to the house, we hope, has no inapt allusion to the good things 
with which the pviblic may be hereafter supplied at the bounti- 
ful board of its present occupant, the prototype of his generous 
predecessor, who is characterized in Prince's Annals as ' a man 
of a very loving and courteous behavior, and vert/ ready to en- 
tertain strangers.'' 

" It is a little curious to observe, from the public records, how 



484 HISTORY. [1835. 

much every thing was made to give way, in the infancy of the 
colony, to the public necessities. Mr. Mavericiv's grant of the 
Ishmd was from the colonial government, who alone had au- 
thority over it ; yet we find on the town records, that the use of 
the land, for a tinfie, was given to others. 

" ' 9th February, 1634-5. At a general Meeting upon pub- 
lick Notice. 

'" Impryrnis, it is agreed by general consent, yt all the Inhab- 
itants shall plant eyther upon such ground as is alrcadie broken 
up, or inclosed on the Neck, or else upon the ground at Noddle's 
Island from Mr. Maverick^s Grants and that every able man fitt 
to plant shall have allowed him two acres to plant on, and for 
every able youth one acre, to be allotted out by Mr. Hutchinson, 
Mr. Cogan, Mr. Sampford, Mr. William Cheeseborough, and 
Mr. Brenton, or any three of them.' 

" On 7th December, 1636, the jurisdiction of the Island was 
laid to Boston ; and on the 6th May, 1640, it was declared that 
' all the Flatts round about Noddle's Island, do belong to Nod- 
dle's Island, to low water mark.' 

" While, therefore, our respected guests who are on the com- 
mittee of the state authorities for defining the limits to which 
the projected improvements in Boston harbor shall hereafter be 
confined, are looking out to see how the presumptive titles of 
others can be limited. Noddle's Island, whose flats, in the whole 
extent of them, are as much a matter of irrevocable grant as 
the upland on which you stand, most respectfully says to them, 
Noli me tangere. 

" It is to that condition of the grant which reserved to the 
inhabitants of Boston and Charlestown the liberty to cut wood 
upon the Island, that we are to attribute the present unshaded 
appearance of its surface. But the richness of the soil, and the 
few large trees which are now scattered over it, evince the cer- 
tainty with which the forests of the Island might be restored, 
if other destinies did not await it. 

" The unconditioned title to the Island was obtained by the 
payment of thirty pounds sterling to the governor, in 1682, by 
Colonel Shrimpton, its then proprietor. I see a smile on your 
countenances at the inconsiderableness of the sum which was 
paid for its purchase. It so appeared to me until upon an ac- 



1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 485 

curate cast of compound interest upon that sum to the present 
period, I found it would be equivalent to a purchase, at the pres- 
ent time, of 62,000,000. 

" It may not be an uninteresting digression for me to inform 
you that Lovell's Island was granted to Charlestown, provided 
they employ it for fishing by their townsmen, and hinder not 
others. Thompson's island was laid to Dorchester, Deer island, 
Hog island, and Spectacle island to Boston. Conant's (now 
Governor's) island was granted to the governor (Winthrop), he 
paying an aimual rent of a hogshead of wine that should be 
made thereon. Afterwards, at the governor's request, when his 
experiment of a grapery had failed we presume, the condition 
was changed from a butt of wine to two bushels of apples, one 
for the governor, and the other for the general court in the win- 
ter session. You will observe from the terms of the grant that 
the wary governor took care to free himself from rent until his 
grapes produced the wine, and until his orchard bore, for the 
apples were to be ' of the best apples there g-rowing-.^ As the 
governor secured one of these barrels to himself, and apples 
were very scarce in those days, it was fortunate that the general 
court consisted of but a few members ; for if there had been as 
many as at present, the representatives 'of the people would 
scarcely have had an apple apiece, unless they ate them at the 
governor's table. 

" Of the islands in the harbor we find but little mention, 
after their respective grants were made, until a fort was ordered 
to be built on one of them, by the towns on the bay ; and, to 
convey to our military friends here present some idea of the 
knowledge of our ancestors in engineering, I will mention the 
dimensions of the fortress, which was erected for the protection 
of the colony. It was required to be fifteen feet square and 
ten feet in thickness, and was to be garrisoned by twenty men. 
This fortress gave the name of Castle to the island on which it 
was situated. There are but few who now hear me that do 
not know that Castle island was ceded to the government of 
the United States in 1798, and the fortress upon it is now 
called Fort Independence. 

" This, though the first work of the kind which was built by 
public contribution, was not the first place on which guns were 
41* 



4S6 HISTORY. [1835. 

mounted (if indeed they were there) ; for Mr. Maverick, so early 
as 1630, built a small fort on Noddle's Island, with four great 
guns, to protect him from the Indians. This also overlooked 
the anchorage ground of the ships of the company lying in the 
Winnisimet channel, between Noddle's Island and Charles- 
town; and hence the terms of the grant of a ferry in July, 1638, 
from Boston to Winnisimet, Noddle's Island, and the ships. 
The ships lying in the course of the ferry to Winnisimet, the 
ferrymen were authorized to take toll in carrying passengers to 
the ships, as well as to the main and the island, opposite to 
which they were anchored. 

" We find mention of several Mavericks in the early history 
of our colony. There was a family at Dorchester of that name, 
Mr. Moses Maverick, who married Mr. AUerton's daughter, at 
Marblehead, where he obtained leave to sell a butt of wine a 
year. The like license was granted to Samuel. The Mave- 
ricks were among the first freemen admitted in the colony. 
John was admitted a freeman in 1631, Samuel and Elias in 
1632 ; and in that year we find that Mr. Maverick, Jr., who 
might have been Samuel's son Nathaniel, was appointed to 
settle the difference between two of the most important towns 
in the colony, Charlestown and Cambridge, then called the 
Neivtown. Mr. Maverick, Sen., was appointed to take deposi- 
tions. Hence we presume they were a family of talents, 
wealth, and influence. Of influence they must have been, or 
they could not have obtained licenses to sell wine, when the 
rest of the colony were prohibited from drinking '■strong tvater,^ 
— and of wealth, or they could not have purchased so heavy a 
stock as a whole butt at a time. 

" Mr. Samuel Maverick, under the protection of his great 
guns, and having liberty to sell wine when the drinking of 
strong water was prohibited, soon felt his independence of the 
colonial authority. His island was a place of resort for those 
who, like himself, lived freely, in despite of the puritanic man- 
ners of the times. We often find him, therefore, obnoxious to 
public censure. For though, in 1633, he received a grant of 
this Island upon which he lived, and the year following of the 
ferry to Winnisimet, yet he was such a high liver that the 
general court took him in hand in March, 1635, and ordered 



1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 487 

him, under the then enormous penalty of .£100, three times as 
much as was paid for the Island half a century afterwards, to 
move his family to Boston, and in the mean time, that he should 
not give entertainment to any strangers for more than a night 
at a time, without leave of one of the assistants. In 1639, we 
find he paid in £5 of his recognizance for the appearance of 
Edward Saunders ; and in 1641 he was found guilty of a con- 
federacy with Thomas Owen to break prison, and concealing 
him on his island, and fined ^100. In 1642, he was found 
guilty of laches in not paying his fine, and he was ordered to 
pay £30 presently, and X30 more in six months, g-ood pay. 
Having learned wisdom from experience, Mr. Maverick's rent 
was probably paid in kind after this, as we find in 1739 he was 
more in favor; for the record says, being bound in £20 for the 
good behavior of a person by the name of Hogs Flesh, and said 
bond being forfeited, upon his petition to the court, his engage- 
mient was remitted. As he so liberally dealt in that article for 
the benefit of the general court, I presume they got their pound 
of flesh before he was released from his fine. 

" The rulers of those days were very provident of their own 
interests, as will be seen by several grants of ferries, in which 
they reserved to the magistrates and deputies a free passage. 
This was not thought of in some of the early grants, but was 
corrected in the order of 1744, as far as it regarded those grants 
in which the ferriage was not reserved, by a direction that their 
own passages with their necessary attendants should be paid 
by the country. 

" The title to the Island passed from Mr. Maverick and his 
son Nathaniel to Capt. Geo. Briggs in July, 1650. In their 
conveyance, mention is made of the mill, mill-house, and bake- 
house. This is the earliest reference I can find to the mill, 
which undoubtedly stood on the old dam across the east bay, 
the foundation of which is now observable at low-water. This 
was probably the first mill which was built in the colony. The 
deed was in consideration of the payment of 40,000 lbs. of good 
white sugar; which, not being paid, it afterwards become ques- 
tionable whether the title passed. The jury being unable to 
agree, in an action which was brought by Col. John* Burch, as 
assignee of Capt. Briggs, the great and general court took it in 



488 HISTORY. [1835. 

hand, and decided ' that possession of the Island was to be 
delivered to Col. Burch upon the tender of £700 sterling, at 
the storehouse next the water's side, at the Bridge in Barba- 
does, in good merchantable si/g-ar, at prices current, as for Bills 
of Exchange, payable in London at 30 days' sight.' So it 
seems that the Island was considered as a sweet morsel, even 
in that early period of our history, and was then as readily con- 
vertible as now into bills of exchange at thirty days' sight. 
What remarkable changes have since taken place in the rela- 
tions of things I Instead of Noddle's Island land being paid for 
in sugar at a West India wharf, West India sugar is now 
brought here to pay for island lots. The next tender of sugar 
for land we shall hear of, instead of being at the storehovise 
next the water's side at the bridge in Barbadoes, will be at the 
storehouses of the magnificent Sugar Refinery next the water's 
side, on East Boston wharf. 

" From Col. Burch the title passed to Mr. Richard Newbold, 
and from him to Sir Thomas Temple, in 1668. 

" From the latter gentletnan, two years afterwards, or 165 
years ago, it was sold to Col. Samuel Shrimpton, the ancestor 
of two of its present proprietors. In Sir Thomas Temple's 
deed to Col. Shrimpton it is described as 'all that Island or 
Continent of land estimated to contain one thousand acres, &c.' 
If that was a correct estimate of the quantity the continent of 
East Boston then contained, it has lost by the action of the sea, 
in the last 165 years, about one third of its whole dimensions, 
and is now reduced down to a simple island of 663 acres. 

" Col. Shrimpton's name occurs very often on the records of 
the colony. He was a great land speculator, and was one out 
of six grantees of the town of Brookline, then called Boston 
Hog Pasture. He owned the land on which the State house 
stands, and Beacon Hill. His town house was in State street, 
where the Merchants' Bank stands ; his country house was on 
this continent, and stood over the cellar from which the late Mr. 
Williams's house was recently removed. 

" John Yeamans married Colonel Shrimpton's granddaughter, 
to whom the estate was devised. She died at the age of nine- 
teen, leaving one child and heir, Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, 
whose beautiful portrait, painted by a master-hand, is now be- 



1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 489 

fore you. He died in London, in 1769. Pie devised his estate 
to trustees for the use of his two sons, until one of them, or his 
issue, attained twenty-one years, or died without issue; and in 
default of said issue, to the use and behoof of his aunts, JNIary 
Chauncy (wife of the Rev. Dr. Chauncy), Sarah Grcenough, 
and Mehitable Hyslop. By the unexpected death of the two 
sons of Mr. Yeamans in London, the latter devise took effect ; 
and thus, through the intervention of that blind goddess, who 
does more good things with her eyes shut than all the rest of 
them with theirs open, this American Island has become the 
object of imptovement by American hands. 

" In connection with the history of the Yeamans owners, I 
cannot omit to name a very curious historical coincidence of 
design. John Yeamans, who lived on this Island, owned also 
a large farm in Chelsea, then called Rumney Marsh. It ap- 
pears in answer to his petition, that the very project of opening 
a road across this Island, and connecting it with the main by 
a free bridge, the accomplishment of which we have met to 
sanction, was brought forward by him in 1727, upwards of a 
century since. 

" The record says : ' The committee having considered the 
subject-matter of the petition of John Yeamans, Esq. and 
others, about a bridge to Noddle's Island, etc., together with the 
objections of several of the inhabitants of Rumney marsh, 
ap])reliend that the erecting a good substantial bridge from the 
main, at Winnisimet side, to Noddle's Island, will not be dis- 
advantageous to the town of Boston, provided the petitioner, 
John Yeamans, Esq. be obliged, at his own cost and charge, to 
make and keep in repair the aforesaid bridge forever, with con- 
venient highways to the same, fit for man and horse to pass and 
repass, as well to the bridge on Winnisimet side, where the road 
may be altered for accommodating the bridge, and so from 
thence through Noddle's Island to the place that may be as- 
signed for transporting passengers and goods from the I::rland to 
Boston.' 

" The foiresight of our ancestor thus furnishes an answer to 
the remark of wonder we hear so frequently, that the plan of 
connecting the Island with the city was never thought of before ; 
and his removal shortly after to Antigua, upon his appointment 



490 HISTORY. [1835. 

to tlie ofTicc of lirutcMiant-govcrnor of that island, from whence 
he never returned, gives the probaljlc reason why it was not 
then accomplished. 

" There has been but one effort to connect this Island with 
Boston made since that period ; that was to have been by a 
bridge to the north battery, which the Salem turnpike corpora- 
tion intended to have made an effort to obtain leave to erect 
the first year of the present century, in connection with their 
road, which they contemplated building across the Island, very 
nearly in the course of the one you see. The gentleman oppo- 
site to me, Mr. Derby, who, with Mr. Brown of Beverly, had 
the management of that concern, could give you a better ac- 
count of it than I can. If he were addressing you, he would 
say, that, at that time, the navigation employed above the south- 
western point of the Island, where the abutment of the bridge 
on this side would have been, was small, and a commissioner 
of the general government was engaged in surveying the Island 
with a view to its purchase for a navy-yard. So favorable was 
the impression the facts made in every respect, that hardly a 
doubt remained that this site would have been selected ; and it 
was only by a mistake in regard to climate (which it would be 
entering too much into detail to particularize) that his report 
was made in favor of Charlestown. Mr. Henry Howell Wil- 
liams told the committee, in my hearing, the opinion of Admi- 
ral Montague, who surveyed this harbor before the Revolution. 
It was related in the almost irreverent language of the sailor, — 
♦ The devil got into the government for placing the naval de- 
pot at Halifax. God Almighty made Noddle's Island on pur- 
pose for a dock-yard.' 

" The report of the commissioner in favor of Charlestown 
caused the directors of the turnpike to change their plan, and 
to construct their road in the more circuitous route, which is at 
present travelled. An unsuccessful attempt on the part of the 
late Mr. Binney, when he was navy agent, to purchase the point 
which is designated as the Marine railway on the plan, for the 
erection of a dry dock, left the whole Island free for the indul- 
gence of that individual enterprise which has since been be- 
stowed upon it. 

" I could refer you, if time would permit, to the provision 



1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 491 

made in the colonial history, to appropriations made for sup- 
plying the troops at the 'camp on Noddle's Island,' whence the 
name of Camp hill was given to that beautiful eminence over- 
looking the harbor, upon which Mr. Lamson has erected his 
elegant hous'e, and which was the place upon which you be- 
stowed your patriotic and voluntary labors in the erection of 
Fort Strong, for the defence of the harbor, in 1814. 

" There are many other reminiscences, the recital of which 
would add to the interest of your rambles through the fields of 
the Island, over a great part of which, if the Almighty blesses 
our country wath a continuance of its prosperity, soon, neither 
the lowing of the herds w^ill be heard on its hills, nor the fur- 
row of the ploughman traced on its plains. It wdll be but a 
few years only, until the pi jf^cl d wharves, docks, and build- 
ing-yards now erecting upon the flats before us are completed; 
when the proud swelling canvas of our navy will pass not by 
the city to the navy-yard but through its masted forest of mer- 
chant-ships on both sides of its channel. 

" The building of a city is not the work of a day. These 
are the beginnings. Its progress will be in correspondence with 
the public wants and its own facilities. Considering, then, the 
width of the streets and its healthy location ; its advantageous 
water lots, bounding on the deepest channel of the harbor; the 
extensive w^ater powers w^hich the flats, within its promontories, 
comprehend ; the beauty of its heights ; the Nahant-like salubrity 
of its atmosphere; the purity of its springs, and its proximity 
to a crowded city of wealth and enterprise ; the certainty of 
communication with it at all seasons of the year, and its imme- 
diate connection w^ith the extended sea-coast east, and the pop- 
ulous region of country north, a great portion of the travel of 
which will pass over it ; considering also the amount of capi- 
tal already employed by companies who have chosen this site 
as the place of their extended operations, and the favorable 
auspices attending the commencement of the undertaking, it 
cannot be doubted that East Boston will soon rise above the 
condition of a suburb, and become an integral part of the city. 

" Great destinies yet await our city. The enlargement of 
our tonnage, taken in connection with the extension of our 
manufactories; the opening of three great railroads, and the 



492 HISTORY. [1835. 

increase of steamboats to the eastern ports, connecting the 
great interests of the seaboard and the country in all direc- 
tions more immediately with the city ; the improvements 
which are making in the city itself, and on the exterior bounda- 
ries of the waters which surround it, at Winnisimet, at Charles- 
town, at Cambridge, at Roxbury and Dorchester, all of which 
compose a part of this commercial capital; the high price of 
labor, and the rapid rise in the value of real estate in the hands 
of every purchaser; the happy reconciliation which is this day 
announced between our government and our ancient ally ; all 
contribute to the public confidence in the long continuance of 
that general welfare which will give strength and prosperity to 
all classes of an intelligent, moral, enterprising, and happy com- 
munity. 

" These remarks hardly render it necessary that I should say 
that the subject of my toast is 

"TAe City of Boston, — Her growth, her institutions, her enterprise, and 
her resources. May her moral, keep pace with her local, improvements." 

After General Sumner's speech, several distinguished gentle- 
men offered remarks and sentiments, which were collected and 
published in the "Bunker Hill Aurora" of May 30, 1835, as 
follows : — 

"Attorney-General Austin made some remarks in allusion to 
the traditionary character of Maverick, who is represented as of 
a ' very loving and courteous disposition, giving entertainment 
to strangers gratis.' In his toast, Mr. Austin very happily ap- 
plied this remark to the East Boston Company, who, he thought, 
were not less loving, courteous, or hospitable in their entertain- 
ments than their ancient prototype. 

" The following song was sung by ]Mr. Andrews, enacting, as 
Mr. Cook said, the stockbroker : — 

"A STOCK SONG. 
"dedicated, witiiodt I'Eemission, to the iioxokable the board of 

imOKEKS. 

" "Would you grow rich, my boys, thus did fathers advise. 
First go early to bed and then early arise. 
But such old fashioned counsel our urchins now mock, 
They may lay 'till 'tis noon if they get up their stock. 

Derry Down. 



1835.] A STOCK SONG. 493 

*' Come listen, then, -while I develop the schemes 
That shall realize more than the wealth of your dreams, 
AVhile in mud — India rubber — soft iron — land — air, 
I the various ways to make money declare. 

Deny Down. 

" Would you have your wealth handy, just under your eye, 
Mill Pond and South Cove shares are what you should buy, 
Where the flats arc filled up, boys, their stock must be good, 
And like ducks you '11 grow fat, if you dabble in mud. 

Derry Down. 

" Or here 's the East Boston — for such schemes a model, 
They run up their stock, as thoy shake off their Noddle, 
With good name and great riches, they go like a clock, 
And your noddle you '11 shake, if you don't buy some stock. 

Derry Down. 

" If land speculations are not to your mind, 
In Roxhury Rubbers a fortune you '11 find. 
They rub out old scores — are worth more than they fetch, 
And, like India Rubber, do well on the stretch. 

Derry Down. 

" If under earth's surface your fortune you 'd make, 
The Malleable Iron 's * the stock you should take. 
They have ' secrets worth knowing,' make razors from hoes, 
And shave with a hoop all they take by the nose. 

Derry Down. 

"Would you grow rich in air — buy up Lauriai's balloon, 
And you and your stock may rise up — to the moon ; 
Of this stock you may boast — it alone has the leaven 
Of making you rich while you are going towards heaven. 

Derry Down. 

"If you will deal in stocks — know most money is made 
By him who looks after his own stock in trade; 
He who minds his own business will finally stand 
The best speculator there is in the laud. 

Derry Down. 

" Salem and Boston — united by the old rcay, brought nearer by the new way 
— may they stand by one another al-ways. 

" Mr. Saltonstall of Salem, said he was called upon uncx- 



Referring to the Malleable Iron Works on ^Meridian street. 

42 



494 HISTORY. [1835. 

pectcdly, and did not intrnd to make a speech. He made a 
few remarks (of which, for want of papers, we have no notes), 
in which he spoke of the improvements of the present day as 
but the natural result of the early efforts of our fathers. 

"He also spoke of the ancient anniversary celebrated this 
day, which, before it was abolished by our general court, was 
the oldest anniversary celebrated in the country. To-day com- 
pleted two hundred and fice years since the first general court 
was held on board the Lady Arabella, at Charlestown. His 
sentiment was as follows : — 

"Modern enterprise, modern improvement, modern institutions — the growth 
and expansion of the germ which was cherished and cultivated by the first set- 
tlers of Massachusetts. 

" The toast-master announced the following toast : — 

" The University — Our city schools send to it scholars fitted for its walls, 
and the city magistracy those best qualified for its highest honors. 

" To this sentiment President Quincy replied. He said he 
would not say this was not Noddle's Island, but he would say 
he could hardly realize it. He had known Noddle's Island as a 
place to look at, but never to go to — a place where horses 
were kept in winter — from whence milk was brought in the 
summer — a place for sportsmen and sea-fowl — and where 
one family might possibly live, provided the name of that 
family was Williams. Now, said he, we are here, as it were in 
the city itself, with houses and large establishments and every 
sign of prosperity. Suppose a man had gone to sleep two 
years ago and should wake up on this Island. He would be in 
the condition of Giles Jolter (he thought his name was) who 
went to sleep in his cart with the oxen attached to it ; when he 
woke up, the oxen were gone. Says he, ' either I am Giles 
Jolter, or I am not ; if I am Giles Jolter I have lost a yoke of 
oxen ; if I am not Giles Jolter, I have found a cart.' So 
would the citizen say, if this is Boston, she has found an island. 
]\L-. Quincy said he had made a speech, but he did not intend 
to do it, and did not see how he had done it. [Gen. Sumner 
remarked, ' We go neck or nothing here, sir.'] The band, to 
hold along the joke, played the ' College Hornpipe.' 

" Gen. Sumner remarked that many of the streets which have 



1835.] TOASTS AND REMARKS. 495 

been laid out on the Island have been called after distinguished 
gentlemen of the present day, and among them was, — 

"Webster Street — Which surmounts the highest hill and gives the best 
prospect of the country. 

" By President Quincy, — 

" Daniel Webster — IMay he soon stand in its highest place, and give the best 
prospects to his country. 

" Hon. S. C. Phillips of Salem being called upon, said he had 
been anticipated in what he might have to say by his friend 
(Mr. Salstonstall), who had, he believed, expressed the senti- 
ment of the whole population of Essex county. He said they 
now felt the nearer they were to Boston and the closer their 
connection with it, the more certain was their growth, prosperity, 
and welfare. Boston is the true metropolis of the Common- 
wealth — they could not wish to reverse the decrees of nature 
in this respect — they would not rob her of the honor if they 
could do it. He gave, — 

" Boston and Salem — Brought nearer together by such improvements as we 
have this day witnessed ; may they become closely united by mutual interests, 
reciprocal good- will, and a common public spirit. 

" General Sumner said a volunteer had been sent him from 
some old mouser of the public records, which he feared would 
not be understood unless he informed them that Mr. Maverick 
had a grist-mill on the Island, which he supposed was the first 
that was built, and supplied the whole colony. 

" Maverick's Mill — Those who expect to get a good grist, must put corn in 
the hopper. 

" Rev. Mr. Colman was announced by the toast-master as 
hailing from Franklin county. Mr. Colman said he hailed from 
Boston, and was born in State street. To show the great im- 
provements which have taken place in Boston in his day, he 
said he remembered when every building in State street was 
occupied by a private family. ,He fell overboard, and was 
barely saved from drowning, after having sunk the third time, 
where Henry Rice's store now stands, in Liberty square. He 
said it was nothing to boast of, to be sure, but nevertheless, he 
was the first individual who had the smallpox in Boston. He 



V. 



496 HISTORY. [1835. 

was carried to the pest-house, on what is now called Mt. Vernon. 
[We know an individual in this town, who was born in Pud- 
ding lane, now Devonshire street, who is fifty-eight years of age, 
and who had the smallpox in Boston when six months old. 
We think this must have been a prior case to Mr. Colman's.] 
Mr. Colman said, that formerly, all the buildings in Boston 
were three stories high or less. To show how recently four- 
story buildings were introduced, he himself laid some of the 
bricks of the first four-story building erected in Boston, — this 
was the store occupied so many years by T. K. Jones 6c Co. in 
Kilby street. 

" Hon. A. H. Everett made some remarks in reference to the 
Malleable Iron Company and corporations in general. He held 
in his hand one of the German silver spoons (manufactured by 
Mr. Boyden of New Jersey, whose establishment has been pur- 
chased by the Malleable Iron Company), some of which are 
used at the table. He spoke in high terms of Mr. Boyden's 
enterprise and skill as a Boston mechanic, and concluded with 
the following sentiment: — 

^^ Boston Mechanics — They know how to strike while the iron is hot. 

" Mr. George Darracott made some remarks concerning work- 
ingmen. He considered ])rofessional men, who worked with 
their heads, as hard-working men as others. He said they were 
always ready, whenever called upon or occasion required, to 
render their useful services to the mechanics of Boston. He 
spoke in high terms of Hon. Thomas H. Perkins, — his liber- 
ality, enterprise, and public spirit, — and gave as a senti- 
ment, — 

" The health, prosperity, and safe return of the Hon. Thomas H. Perkins. 

" General Sumner cheerfully responded to that sentiment, and 
said, for himself, he would give to Mr. Perkins the ancient privi- 
lege of his ancestor, that of ' catching fowle in nets on Noddle's 
Island.' 

" Mr. Henry Williams addressed the company in his usual 
frank and emphatic manner, and passed many eloquent enco- 
miums on Uriah Cotting, to whom this city was indebted for 
more improvements than any other man; for India wharf. 
Broad street, India street, Central wharf, New Cornhill, and 



1835.] TOASTS AND REMARKS. 497 

the Mill-dam, — (General Samner said he deserved a statue) — 
Yes, sir, a statue at the head of State street. Mr. Williams 
said he did not know as he had any right to sjieak here. 
(General Sumner said that the name of William.s, by President 
Quiney's authority, gave him a prescriptive right to do any 
thing he pleased here.) It's true, sir, my name is Williams, and 
so was his. (General Sumner said ' he was Old Harry, and you 
are Young Harry, that's the difference.') He spoke of Aaron 
Cooley, another Yankee boy, to whose enterprise and spirit is 
due the completion of the celebrated Fairmount Waterworks 
at Philadelphia. Cooley belonged to Longmeadow, and was 
an apprentice boy of Jonathan Dwight. On the completion of 
the Fairmount Waterworks, — in the midst of the hilarity of 
that occasion, — speaking of the dam he had projected and 
thrown diagonally across the Schuylkill, he said in his enthu- 
siasm, ' If they would find money, he would build a dam across 
the Atlantic' He spoke also of the enterprise of Samuel S. 
Lewis, and concluded with this sentiment, — 
" The true spirit of Yankee enterprise. 

" Mr. Henry Rice followed him, and gave a short sketch of 
Uriah Cotting. He was a poor orphan, brought up by his 
uncle, and, at eighteen years of age, put all his property into a 
pocket handkerchief, and had twenty cents in his pocket. Mr. 
Rice gave some interesting historical reminiscences, and gave, 
as a toast, — 

" Tlic memory of Uriah Cottinjr. 

" By William Ilayden, Esq., city auditor, — 

"France — The land of our ancient ally, the birthplace of our Lafayette; 
she has proved that she can be just, in despite of idle appeals to her chivalry. 

" By John Henshaw, Esq., — 

" The people of Salem and Boston — They have tried all ways to get together 
but the railway, and after all, that is the best way. 

" Mr. E. Ilersey Derby, of Salem, gave some interesting 
reminiscences. He related that on one occasion, travelling from 
Salem to Boston with his mother, who was unwilling to cross 
the ferry, he reached Cambridge in season to dine, and got into 
Boston at nine o'clock at night. [The route by land, of course, 
A2' 



498 HISTORY. [1835. 

at that time, was through Maiden, Medford, Cambridge, Brook- 
line, and Roxbury.] General Sumner said he hoped his antipa- 
thies to ferries were not so great as his mother's. 
" By E. Hersey Derby, of Salem, — 

" The Salem Turnpike and the East Boston Road — Their interests being 
similar, may their success be equal. 

" General Sumner said, we had had so many interesting tales 
of mothers and grandmothers, he wished, for the sake of those 
who feared the ferry would not be kept open in severe winters, 
that Mr. Henry J. Oliver was present to tell them a story about 
his grandmother's milk. ' Here I am, sir,' said Mr. Oliver, ' It 
was not my grandmother's but my mother's milk. My recollec- 
tion about hers is better than of my grandmother's. The story 
I sni)pose I am called on to relate is, what I said before the 
committee of the general court to show how little danger there 
was that the passage between the city and Island would be ob- 
structed, that my mother had her milk of Mr. Williams, from 
Noddle's Island, for forty-three years, and never missed it but 
three mornings in the whole time.' 

" By Henry J. Oliver, Esq., — 

"East Boston Comjwny — They have made the crooked paths straight, and 
the rough places smooth. 

"By Mr. Motley, of Boston, — 

'•In 1630, the Mary and John brought over Rev. John Warham, John 
Maverick, and many godly families; they had some difficulty with Captain 
Squeb, wlio, like a merciless man, put them on shore at Nantasket, instead of 
Noddle's Island. 

"The Judiciary — The sheet-anchor of the Constitution, and independent 
judges the cables which hold it fast. 

" Mr. Gerard of New York being called, said he did not mean 
to make a speech, but he did mean to give a toast. But even 
in this he had fairly 'boxed the compass,' and his friends about 
him had driven him from every point. First, he said, he was 
going to toast — Old France — nice honor, good pay, — but he 
had been preceded by his friend opposite. Then he was going 
to toast the University, but had been driven from that also. 
He should not venture upon a political toast — those were dan- 
gerous — he did not know whether he was surrounded by Jack- 



1835.] TOASTS AND REMARKS. 499 

son men or whig?, and as for himself, he was neither whig nor 
tovy, but what they called a scratch. He should not toast the 
East Boston Company — they had been toasted enough, as much 
as they deserve, and they deserved much, and whether they were 
offended or not he should not toast them. He said he saw gen- 
tlemen around him whom he well knew, — men of talent and 
reputation, known and honored at the South, and whose names 
belonged to the whole country. He saw smiles on their faces, 
generosity in their hearts, eloquence came from their lips, and a 
welcome from their speaking eyes. He would not give a politi- 
cal toast, he said, for fear he might offend some one, and on 
this occasion he would not cause an angry expression on a sin- 
gle countenance for the whole Island. He was not lost, how- 
ever, wholly. He remembered Boston yet, where he had long 
had many friends, and where he had always met with kindness. 
He would, therefore, give, — 

^^ Boston — North, South, West, and East; prosperity in the centre. 

" INIr. Colman made some further remarks, which we could 
not distinctly hear. "We heard him say, however, that he might 
never meet the company assembled again ; when Gen. Sumner, 
with ready wit, which was displayed with admirable effect on 
this occasion, immediately said, he hoped the gentleman was 
not going to fall overboard again. ' If I should,' replied Mr. 
Colmau, ' I hope some kind friend will resuscitate me.' ' Cer- 
iainli/, sir, if I am by, I will help give you a nibbing','' responded 
Gen. Sumner. Mr. Colman then proceeded in his remarks, and 
concli^ed with a sentiment in reference to the moral improve- 
ment of Boston. 

" Among the guests present were Com. Downes and suite. 
Frequent allusions were made to the navy and its respected 
officers, and several calls were made upon them by the com- 
pany. In answer to these. Col. Brodhead gave the following 
toast, as well as we can remember it: — 

" The njjicers of the Navy — Their speeches, like the gallaiit Perry's, are 
uttered from the mouths of thirty-two pounders; their desjiatches like his, ' we 
have met the enemy, and they are ours.' 

" Gen. Sumner remarked that the sentiment he was about to 
give would probably need some explanation. The fortification 



500 HISTORY. [1835. 

which had been moiitioncd as existing on another island, 
in 1630, was built at the public charge for the protection of the 
colony. It was called the Castle, and was required to be fif- 
teen feet square, ten feet thick, and to have a garrison of twenty 
men : — 

'■'■ Modtrn Fortijtcalions — Which leave as much room as the ancient for the 
enemy without, but take somewliat more for the accommodation of the garrison 
within. 

" Mr. Degrand, in the course of his remarks on stocks, said 
that all improvements were indebted to the public confidence, 
which was shown in the rise of the stocks of those who had be- 
fore engaged in them. When the stock falls, the project labors 
— when it is up, every thing goes on with spirit, everybody is 
generous, everybody is confident, and new enterprises are pro- 
jected as a natural consequence. I do not know but what I 
shall be considered as speaking in favor of my own profession 
as a broker. Gen. Sumner said he thought it rather ' smelt 
of the shop.' By Mr. Degrand — 

*' Speculation — The true magic of modern improvement — the mother of all 
such creations with which this country abounds. 

" Mr. Degrand made some good remarks, of which we have 
no notes. 

" Mr. Wilson, the road contractor, made some remarks on his 
work, which he thought he had accomplished with credit to the 
company and to his own credit. He said, as he was not used 
to public speaking, he hoped he should be excused from saying 
much. Gen. Sumner begged him to keep on ; he s^d his 
speech was like his road, very well constructed, but only wanted 
a smoother surface. 

" F. J. Oliver, Esq., gave as a sentiment, — 

" The Operatives on the Island — Success commensurate with their exertions. 

" By Judge White of Salem, — 

" The union of Boston and East Boston — May the issue be a numerous and 
happy progeny. 

" By Josiah Quincy, Jr., — 

^^ East Boston, Mill Pond Wharf, and South Cove — Those who add on feel 
no jealousy for tliose who f II vp. An increasing population of fifty per cent 
in ten years affords ground suflicient for all their speculations. 



1835.] TOASTS AND REMARKS. 501 

" By Geo. Belden, Esq.,— 

" East Boston — The youngest branch of the Boston family — may she over 
do credit to the honored name. 

" By Samuel S. Lewis, Esq., agent of the Company, — 

" Special Corporations — Democratic, both in principle and in practice — to 
the enactment of them by wise and liberal legislators is mainly to be attributed 
the present high character and prosperous condition of our State. 

" East Boston — A stone in the Boston wall, raised by able workmen, and 
sustained by a never failing '■ Lewis.' ^ 

" Volunteer, — 

" "We read in Scripture that, in ancient days, wise men came from the East, 
seeking that which is good ; but in modern days, wise men go to the East on the 
same errand. 

" Noddle's Island — Success to those enterprising individuals into whose nod- 
dles first entered the idea of turning this fair isle into a populous city. 

" Volunteer, — 

" East Boston — May the spirit of enterprise which marks its origin be ac- 
companied in its progress by the virtues which will make that enterprise a 
blessing to the Commonwealth. 

" Gen. Sumner now introduced a couple of bottles of super- 
lative old wine. He said that he intended to tell a large story 
about its being dug up in old Maverick's cellar, but he was 
afraid that the company would not believe him. He would, 
however, assure them that it was brought from Antigua by 
himself eighteen years ago, and to which place it was im- 
ported in 1790, making it forty-five years old." 

The greatest enthusiasm prevailed on the occasion ; the feast 
of reason and flow of soul there enjoyed will never be forgotten 
by those who participated in it. The prospects of the com- 
pany seemed brighter than ever, and a great impulse was given 
to the value and sale of its stock. 

The hotel was exceedingly neat, light, and airy, and the 
grounds around it were laid out with great taste by R. H. 
Eddy, Esq., the engineer of the company. Every old tree which 
could be preserved was carefully protected and encircled with a 

^ A Lewis is a machine used in raising heavy blocks of stone. 



502 HISTORY. [1835. 

grass embankment. The difficult problem of squaring the cir- 
cle was here successfully solved, for " Sumner square " had been 
laid out in a circle, bright with its fresh green carpet, and orna- 
mented with young trees. " Hotel square," on the south-east 
front of the house, had been gravelled, with a handsome ellipse 
covered with grass in the centre, and studded with trees and 
shrubs, and surrounded by an iron fence. 

The well in the yard of the Maverick House proved insuffi- 
cient to supply the wants of the hotel, which was then full of 
company. Another well was accordingly dug in Havre street, 
below Maverick street, from which a lead pipe was conducted 
into the old well, thus furnishing an increased and sufficient 
supply of pure water. 

On the Monday and Tuesday preceding the celebration, the 
Maverick House was thrown open for public inspection, and 
during both days was thronged with visitors. The newspaper, 
from which we have already quoted so much, gives a well- 
merited compliment to Major Barton and the arrangement of 
the house. It says : " Under the personal direction of Major 
Barton, the Maverick House (which was in a wholly unfinished 
state at the beginning of this year), has been completed in a 
style of neatness and convenience throughout, which is unsur- 
passed in any similar establishment in this country. From the 
kitchen to the attic story, on the walls as well as floors, in the 
selection of the furniture as well as in the many conveniences 
about the house, — the refined taste and correct judgment of 
Major Barton are everyv^here conspicuous. In the arrangement 
of every department of this extensive establishment, for we 
have taken some pains by his courtesy to look into them, we 
apprehend it would be exceedingly difficult for the most ex- 
perienced to object to things as they are, or suggest any prac- 
ticable improvement. So also in the appropriate use, the finish 
and furnish of each particular room, the most fastidious could 
hardly fail to approve the good taste, neatness, and the gen- 
eral air of comfortable ease and pleasantness which prevails 
throughout." 

When the author first thought of ])reparing this book, he 
addressed a note to Major Barton, who had presided over the 
Maverick House with such eminent ability and success, and 



1835.] . MAJOR BARTON'S LETTER. 503 



requesting some account of facts and incidents connected with 
his superintendence of the Maverick during its pahny days. He 
kindly furnished in answer some interesting reminiscences, 
many of which we give in his own words. After speaking of 
the celebration, which has just been described at length, he 
says: "During the following summer the Maverick House was 
filled to its utmost capacity with the beauty and fashion from 
every part of the Union. The house, with its commodious 
drawing-rooms, spacious halls, stairways, corridors, piazzas, 
etc. etc., was eminently adapted to the accommodation of gay 
company ; and every conceivable amusement was heartily 
entered into by the guests of the establishment, such as riding, 
boating, fishing, bathing, bowling, billiards, etc., during the 
day ; and hops, balls, concerts, moonlight excursions in the har- 
bor, tableaux vivants, supper and card parties in the evening; 
altogether making the time pass like one continued gala-day, the 
whole seeming more like a fairy scene than a reality. The hotel 
was famished by the East Boston Company in the most costly, 
elegant, and fashionable manner, and managed and conducted 
by their direction upon the most liberal scale ; this was fully 
appreciated by a discriminating public, and seemed to be just 
what was wanted for the summer season. 

" The appearance of things at East Boston has very much 
changed since then. In those days, from the Maverick House 
one might have an uninterrupted view of the harbor. South Bos- 
ton, and of the city proper ; on the west and north, of Charles- 
town, Bunker Hill monument, the navy-yard. Mystic river, 
and Chelsea ; and on the east, of Nahant, Point Shirley, Deer 
island, the light-house, and the boundless ocean in the distance. 
The view now is narrowed to the mere width of the streets, 
with stately buildings upon the opposite side, and with the 
sound of the anvil and of the hammer ' closing rivets up,' and 
the noise and hum of a bustling, busy population of some 
twelve or fifteen thousand. To show the rapid increase of 
population, I will quote from my son William's valedictory ad- 
dress at the Lyman school in 1841, he being then a lad thirteen 
years of age : ' I have been associated with this school from its 
very commencement, and was a member of it when we scarcely 



504 HISTORY. [1835. 

counted twenty ; look at it now, having upon its list more than 
ten times that number : all this, too, in the brief period of less 
than four years. We must look upon the rapid increase of this 
school as the certain index of the coming greatness of this por- 
tion of our beloved city.' 

" The Maverick House became very popular, and was entirely 
inadequate to receive the vast number seeking accommodation 
there, and in the third season it was enlarged to more than 
double its original capacity. It was a favorite place for clubs, 
parties, and military companies to dine ; and thousands to this 
day maintain that those 'Maverick dinners' have never been 
surpassed, if equalled. 

" My brother-in-law, Mr. Geo. W. Pearson (now of the Revere 
House, Boston) was my first assistant ; although at that time 
quite young, he was very efficient, having been with me for 
several years previous. Messrs. Samuel L. White (now of the 
Everett House, New York), and James Stetson (now of the 
Astor House, and brother to one of the lessees of that popular 
hotel), were also my assistants. Mr. Horace Murdock was 
bookkeeper, Peter Pasterovitch, a Greek, was first cook ; but, not 
being equal to the duties of the station, he was succeeded by 
Ferdinand Gori (from the Tremont House) as chief, and Chas. 
Carroll (who is now, and has been from the opening of that 
house, the chief cook of the St. Nicholas Hotel, New York) was 
the second cook, and William Wells, pastry cook, baker, and 
confectioner. The head-waiter was Wm. Devereux (now de- 
ceased) ; he was succeeded by John Crane, now residing at 
East Boston. There were over fifty waiters employed con- 
stantly, many of whom were excellent. There was one who 
was familiarly known as 'old Peter;' he continued with me 
more than twenty years, faithful to the last; during the time 
he married one of the girls of the house, has brought up a fam- 
ily of children decently and respectably, has purchased a lot of 
land at East Boston, and has built a neat, comfortable house 
upon it, paid for it, and has money in the bank ; he will be 
remembered by many who have dwelt at the ' Maverick.' 

" Every spring there were one or more ships of war moored 
directly in front of the house, and so near that the bands on 
board could be distinctly heard. There was also at anchor 



1835.] IMAJOR BARTON'S LETTER. 505 

there the revenue cutter Hamilton, commanded by the gallant 
Josiah Sturgis, who was always happy of an opportunity to do 
what he could to contribute to the pleasure of the guests of the 
Maverick, to which he was always courteously received, and 
who often sent his band ashore on summer evenings to play for 
their amusement. On the arrival of the steamer Unicorn, the 
pioneer of the royal mail line of British steamers, Capt. Sturgis, 
in his great anxiety to do honor to the occasion, fired his salute 
so near the Unicorn that most of the beautiful stained glass 
was broken from her cabin windows. Capt. Douglas, who 
commanded the Unicorn, might have said with propriety, ' save 
me from my friends.' In consequence of the immediate 
proximity of the navy-yard, the ' Maverick ' was the favorite 
resort and residence for the elite of the navy officers and their 
families, — as Commodores Porter (then the United States 
Minister to Constantinople), Hull, Storer, Downes, Shubrick, 
Percival, etc.; Commanders Pinckney, Smoot, Alex. Slidell 
Mackenzie ; Surgeons Wiley, Dodd, Salter, Adee ; and also 
many distinguished officers of the army, among whom were 
General Zach. Taylor (late President of the United States), 
wife and daughter, who passed several weeks at the Maverick ; 
Col. Thayer, of the United States Engineer Corps, while con- 
structing the fortifications in the harbor; Captains McGruder 
(now commanding at Newport), Mansfield, and Donaldson, 
who have distinguished themselves in the Mexican w^ar.^ 

" The Maverick House was a remarkably healthy residence, for 
notwithstanding the very large number of persons living there, 
cases of sickness were very rare, and but two deaths occurred 

^ Besides these may be mentioned among the many wlio frccincntcd the 
Maverick House nnmerous British ofhoers ; Judge Oakly and wife and 
her sister, Tlionias E. Davis and family, George I'eabody of Salem, George 
and Mrs. Bolden, Gen. J. L. Graham, Chief Justice Jones, Gen. Sumner and 
•wife, Chancellor Kent, Stephen White, the Messrs. Greenough and sister, F. J. 
Oliver, Miss Joy of Boston, and Mr. and Miss Joy of Newport. It was the 
chief boa.st of this last-mentioned lady, that she danced with Gen. "Washington 
at the ball given to the officers of tlie French navy. In addition to these were 
Chester Harding, the artist, and the many families whose members took parts 
in the tableaux which he rendered beautiful by his taste and judgment 
43 



506 HISTORY. [1835. 

during the six years of my occupancy. Captain Dixy Wilds, 
while amusing himself with a game of billiards after dinner, 
and in the act of drawing back his arm to make a stroke with 
the cue, received a shock of paralysis, from which he did not 
recover. 

The winter evenings at the Maverick were ever gay and joy- 
ous; and with music, dancing, tableaux vivants, and games in 
endless variety, ' all went merry as a marriage bell.' The tab- 
leaux vivants will ever be remembered with peculiar delight by 
those who witnessed or participated in them. They were pro- 
duced with great care and taste, and with artistic effect seldom 
equalled ; the ladies who aided principally in these were Mrs. Jos. 
Adams, Mrs. Chas. F. Jones, Miss Marian and Miss Charlotte 
Marshall, the Misses Caroline, Ophelia, and Margaret Harding, 
Miss Jane Wildes, and many others ; they were much indebted 
to the skill and taste of Chester Harding, Esq., the celebrated 
artist, for the finished manner in which these beautiful life- 
pictures were produced. Every spring a portion of the Penob- 
scot Indians pitched their tents, or rather wigwams, on the 
Island, and passed their time in shooting with their bows and 
arrows, in fishing, basket making, etc. They were objects of 
great curiosity to thousands who crossed the feiTy from the city 
to see them. On several occasions they were invited to the 
Maverick House in the evening, to amuse the guests with their 
songs, dances, and warwhoops. The bachelors of the house 
took quite an interest in their welfare, and formed themselves 
into a society for their amelioration. One of the young squaws 
was very handsome, and attracted the notice of all ; her full 
length portrait was painted at the time by a young artist of the 
name of Lang, who has since passed several years in Italy, and 
has become celebrated, and is now established in New York. 
He painted some very excellent and lifelike portraits of ladies, 
gentlemen, and children at the Maverick House. A good sized 
sturgeon was caught near the shore at East Boston, the first, 
and I believe only, one known to have been caught in these 
waters. It was cooked and served at the Maverick a I'ltalienne, 
and was partaken of with great gusto at the table. 

^' When preparations were being made to build the first wharf 



1835.] MAJOR BARTON'S LETTER. 507 

at East Boston, the oystcrmcn, who had for many years enjoyed 
the privilege of bedding their oysters on the flats, remonstrated 
against being disturbed in their ancient rights. For a time 
this seemed to be quite an obstacle to further progress, but on 
searching the records more closely it was found that there were 
certain conditions to the privilege ; one of which was, that any 
inhabitant of the Island should be at liberty at all times to 
make free use of the oysters embedded there. Availing himself 
of this clause, the president of the East Boston Company 
announced to all the inhabitants of the Island, and to some two 
or three hundred laborers employed by the company, that they 
could make use of as many oysters as they pleased ; this they 
were not slow to do, which put a stop to all further talk about 
claim for damages, and the remaining oysters were forthwith 
removed by their owners. The hotel garden was adorned with 
trees, flowering plants, and shrubs, many of which were very 
choice and rare, furnished principally from the celebrated gar- 
dens of Doctor Hosack, Hyde Park, New York, These j)lants 
were procured through the kindness and agency of J. E. Tesch- 
maker, Esq., now deceased, who with his family passed several 
seasons at the Maverick. He was possessed of rare accomplish- 
ments, excelling especially in botanical knowledge, and was a 
great favorite. He took great pleasure in getting up and intro- 
ducing all sorts of games and plays ; among others, I remember 
the ' Snap Dragon,' as it was called. It consisted in filling a 
basin (with raisins at the bottom) with alcohol or other spirits, 
and setting the liquor on fire, after darkening the room by turn- 
ing down all other lights, and while the party are standing 
around the basin striving to pick out the raisins, a small hand- 
ful of salt is quietly thrown in, when the faces of all present 
assume a ghastly hue, like Macbeth's witches around the boil- 
ing cauldron. This, I believe, was an old game, introduced in 
the English Christmas frolics, and it always created much 
amusement. 

" Among the festive occasions enjoyed at the Maverick may 
be mentioned the brilliant supper given by J. W. Fenno, Esq., 
to a large party on the 13th of November, 1837, in honor of a 
great whig victory at the State elections in Massachusetts and 



508 HISTORY. [1838. 

New York. The hotel was illuminated, and the occasion 
passed off with great success. 

" The late Mr. Charles Joy and wife passed two or three 
seasons at the Maverick. He remembered, when a boy of about 
fifteen years of age, seeing Colonel Brown's regiment of British 
troops drawn up in a line in front of the granary burying-ground 
in Tremont street, the night they commenced their march to 
Lexington and Concord ; that he and Major Benjamin Russell 
crossed the water in boats with them to Cambridge, and that 
when they arrived at the colleges they were discovered and 
sent back, and the troops continued their march, the results of 
which are well known." 

Convenient facilities were furnished for passengers between 
the ferry landing and the hotel, and also to the city. An omni- 
bus and four horses, with harnesses and other property, were 
purchased by the company, and maintained at their expense to 
convey people to the city, while coaches and other vehicles car- 
ried them to and from the ferry landing, Chelsea Beach, and 
various parts of the Island. 

During the years 1835 and 1836, the Maverick House was so 
well filled that it was found to be deficient in parlors and 
chambers ; and consequently, in the summer of 1837, it was 
greatly enlarged, by extending its south-west front to Paris 
street, a distance of seventy-four feet, thus making its whole 
front on Hotel street about one hundred and sixty feet. By 
this addition the accommodations were nearly doubled, with- 
out, as it was then supposed, greatly increasing the expenses. 

The building was constructed entirely of wood, with the 
exception of a brick end on Paris street, and was erected and 
enlarged chiefly by mechanics of East Boston, to whom the 
company always gave the preference in all works of improve- 
ments on the Island. A portion of the expense incurred in the 
construction of the addition was paid for in land. 

The contract with Major Barton was continued to April 15, 
1839, during which time the house was conducted at the ex- 
pense of the company. In 1838, the charge of ten per cent, 
(to the expense account) on the cost of the addition to the 



1841.] THE MAVERICK HOUSE. 509 

house was relinquished as an encouragement to Major Barton, 
with the provision, that, if there should be any profits, they 
should belong to him to the extent of 8-3,000, and any thing 
beyond that should be equally divided between him and the 
company. 

In October, 1S39, the house was relinquished to Major Bar- 
ton, who conducted it for his own account, under a lease from 
the company, until April, 1841. In the July preceding this lease 
of the hotel, the superintendent of the East Boston Company 
requested Major Barton not to increase his stock of wines, and 
not to incur any unnecessary expenses, as the house was to be 
advertised to be let from the first of October. No change in 
the tenancy, however, took place ; for Major Barton, who was 
better acquainted with the probable success of a public-house 
on the Island than any one else, leased the " Maverick " in Sep- 
tember, and thus continued the tenant of the company. The 
furniture was valued at $14,000, and the stock of wines laid in 
by the company when the house was kept at their expense, at 
83,385 ; the horses and carriages were sold to Major Barton 
and Daniel Crowley, familiarly known as " King Crowley," and 
who now, by his well-directed energy, acquisition of property, 
and acknowledged supremacy over so many residents of the 
Island, better deserves the title than when it was first conferred 
upon him. 

It was agreed between the company and the lessee, that the 
latter should have a lease of the house and stables, and the use 
of the furniture, by paying the difference between the cost and 
the present valuation, rent free for three years, on the condi- 
tion that he kept the house open and carried it on, at his own 
expense, in the same style as before, without any charge or lia- 
bility on the part of the company. These liberal terms were 
made by the company, as it was very important for the interests 
of the Island, especially since the Cunard steamers would land 
and take their passengers at East Boston, that a large and well- 
kept public-house should be sustained there, and the superior 
ability of Major Barton to make the Maverick House subserve 
the highest interests of the Island, as sufficiently manifested 
during the previous year of his tenancy, led the company to 
adopt measures of the most liberal character to induce him to 
43* 



510 HISTORY. [1839. 

remain. Neither the bath-house or school-house was included 
in this lease. Either party was at liberty to cancel the bargain, 
after the first year, by giving six months' notice. Such a notice 
was given by the company 1st October, 1840, and the lease ter- 
minated 1st April, 1841. 

Major Barton was therefore connected with the house from 
its opening, in 1835, until 1841 ; and, during this term of six 
years, the relations between him and the officers of the com- 
pany were of the most friendly and agreeable nature. He 
possessed their entire confidence, and was so well satisfied with 
his position, that he declined without hesitation more advanta- 
geous proposals for taking charge of other establishments. It 
may be said without fear of contradiction, that there never was 
a hotel better kept than the Maverick, or one where the inmates 
passed their time more pleasantly than with Major Barton 
during the halcyon years 1835-1841. 

In his interesting communication to the author, from which 
such copious extracts have been made, Major Barton concludes 
as follows : — " My intercourse with the East Boston Company 
through its officers and directors was ever of the most pleasant 
and agreeable nature, having the good fortune at all times to 
enjoy their full confidence. The remembrance of the flatter- 
ing manner in which the president of the company always 
took occasion to make mention of my humble efforts in his 
reports at the stockholders' meetings, and the many kindnesses 
received at his hands, will ever be by me most gratefully cher- 
ished." 

To those who ever visited the Maverick House while it was 
under the control of Major Barton, it is needless to speak in his 
praise; for the recollection of the admirable manner in which 
he conducted the affairs of the hotel will not soon be effaced. 
By nature possessed of those peculiar qualities so essential to 
the management of such an establishment, kind and courteous 
to his friends and visitors, attentive to all their wants, and 
anticipating their desires, personally superintending all the de- 
partments of the house, and infusing into all his subordinates 
his own care and pride, he established for himself and the 
Maverick a well-earned reputation of a house unsurpassed in 
elegance and comfort, and a keeper unequalled in efficient and 



1841.] SALE OF TEE MAVERICK HOUSE. 511 

satisfactory management, and who.-^e manners would grace any 
situation. It is not affirming too much to say, that, in all the 
requisites of a good hotel, the Maverick would not suffer in 
comparison with any in the country ; and indeed it ought to 
have been, as it really was, well kept, for the company spared 
no care or expense in all the details of a first class public-house. 

Charles M. Taft succeeded Major Barton as tenant. The 
furniture and other articles belonging to the house, stables, and 
other buildings, were appraised by Messrs. Cunningham and 
Hatch at about $13,800, or $200 less than the valuation of 
September, 1839. Mr. Taft hired it for five years, at a rent of 
seven per cent, on the gross receipts, which, it was estimated, 
would be at least $3,000 per annum. 

In 1836, while the Maverick House was the property of the 
East Boston Company, the president was authorized to convey 
it in mortgage, including all its appurtenances, to the four 
children of Mrs. Maria F. Greenough, as collateral security for 
the payment of four promissory notes of 85,200 each, payable 
by the company to these four children respectively, with interest 
at five per cent. 

This mortgage was effected through the influence of General 
Sumner; and by it the claim of the Greenough heirs was trans- 
ferred from the Island to the " hotel lot," etc., and buildings 
(most ample security), — a very advantageous change for the 
interests of the Island, because it freed all the rest from a cum- 
brous and embarrassing mortgage. The management of this 
business was one of peculiar delicacy on the part of General 
Sumner, interested as he was equally for the company and for 
Mrs. Greenough (to whom he was about to be married) and 
her children. For this important negotiation, for which no 
charge was made, the company, after two or three years, voted 
him a compensation of $500. 

In 1838, at a period of great -financial depression, and when 
funds were imperiously demanded by the company, the hotel 
property was mortgaged, together with other property, to John 
W. Fenno, Esq., as treasurer of the company, as security for 
their bond or promissory note for money advanced and for 
endorsing their notes, subject to the Greenough mortgage of 
!^20,800 upon the estate, which was to be discharged as soon 



512 . HISTORY. [1845. 

as possible. One half of \h^ first mortgage had been released 
at the time of sale of the house in 1841. 

As early as May, 1839, it had been contemplated to sell the 
Maverick House for the liquidation of the debts of the company. 
Successful as it had been in its character and extensive reputa- 
tion, and although it had received a remarkable share of public 
patronage, yet, the immense expense of supporting such an 
establishment, particularly at a time of such financial difficulty, 
and when the company was in need of all its available resour- 
ces to carry on its legitimate operations, seemed to render a sale 
of the property necessary. The whole cost of the house to the 
company, as taken from the treasurer's books, was 8177,697.42 ; 
it is not now possible to ascertain how this sum was divided 
between the house, land, and furniture. In the land dividend 
made in 1841, the Maverick House and its appurtenances were 
included. The lots were put up, and the house and furniture 
fell into the hands of Mr. Fenno for ^62,000 (14th June, 1841). 
This great sacrifice of property was made near the expiration 
of the heavy pressure in the money market, which was relieved 
by the tariff of 1842. The house and appurtenances were sold 
at the following prices : — 

House and buildings, and 40,000 feet of land $40,000 

Furniture (17tli and 18th Nov.) 12,000 

Batli-house and 3,000 feet of land 2,000 

Stable buildings, with two bowling-alleys and about 12,000 feet of land 6,500 
Bowling-alley buildings, with five alleys and 3,000 feet of land . 2,000 



$G2,500 



This was paid in land dividend No. I., and divided among the 
proprietors, with one eighth per cent, premium for the choice of 
land. 

After the house was sold by the East Boston Company, it 
was conducted by Mr. Taft for a few years, and succeeding 
him, various persons occupied it until the summer of 1845, 
when the whole structure was taken down, and a fine block of 
brick buildings erected on its site by Noah Sturtevant, Esq. 
Different parts of these buildings were used respectively as a 
hotel, dwelling-houses, stores, and offices, until the whole block 



1857.] THE STURTEVANT HOUSE. 513 

was consumed by fire on Sabbath morning, the 25th of Janu- 
ary, 1857. 

Upon the remaining part of the lot of 43,000 feet originally 
occupied by the Maverick House and its appurtenances, are 
now thirteen three and a half story brick dwelling-houses, and 
a large stone building two and a half stories high, called Win- 
throp Block (the lower story occupied as a market, post-office, 
and stores ; the upper part for offices, savings bank, printing- 
office, etc.) ; while the Maverick House has been replaced by 
a large and elegant hotel. 

This beautiful building, recently erected upon the site of the 
old hotel by Noah Sturtevant, Esq., is not only a great public 
convenience, but also creditable to its projector. The mate- 
rial of its exterior is iron in the first story, and above, brick, cov- 
ered with mastic. It has a front on Maverick square of 130 feet, 
on Henry street of 115 feet, on Winthrop street of one hundred 
feet, and covers an area of more than fourteen thousand square 
feet. It is six stories in height, measuring seventy-six feet four 
inches from the curb-stone, and contains 180 rooms, besides a 
spacious dining hall forty feet by eighty feet, a ladies' ordinary 
twenty-five feet by forty feet, a billiard-room twenty-five by 
forty feet, and, in the attic, a bowling-alley forty by ninety feet. 

In addition to the foregoing is a splendid hall in the third 
story, measuring forty feet wide by eighty feet in length and 
twenty feet in height. This relieves the need which the citi- 
zens of East Boston have felt of a suitable hall in which to hold 
public meetings and have lectures, concerts, etc., and for the 
want of which convenience they have long been deprived of 
many of the advantages for social and intellectual enjoyment 
which residents in other sections of the city have enjoyed. The 
hall is decorated in a most chaste and elegant manner with 
painting in fresco, and provided with every convenience for use 
as a concert or lecture-room, and attached are two drawing- 
rooms for occasions when assemblies may be held. It will seat 
comfortably six hundred persons or upwards, and for conven- 
ience and beauty \vill compare favorably with any hall of its 
size in the vicinity of Boston. The exterior of this building is 
plain, devoid of ornament, and its general effect imposing. 



514 HISTORY. [1857. 

The imitation of freestone is so perfect that it will require a 
practised eye to point out wherein it differs from the original. 

This structure is at once an ornament to East Boston, and a 
rare exhibition of energy and enterprise on the part of its pub- 
lic-spirited projector ; having been built, at a cost of $100,000, 
in the midst of the commercial crisis through which the country 
has just passed, without having been for a moment delayed for 
that or any other cause since its commencement. 

By the general consent and desire of the citizens of East 
Boston, it will be known as the " Sturtevant House." The hall 
was opened to the public for the first time on Tuesday evening, 
the 23d of February, 1857, when Hon. George S. Hillard deliv- 
ered his excellent lecture on " The Use of Books," before the 
Democratic Union Association. The hall was crowded with 
an attentive and intelligent audience, who were delighted with 
the lecture, and enthusiastic in the expression of their admira- 
tion of the beautiful hall. The only regret felt was occasioned 
by the absence of the proprietor of the building, who was called 
away from the city by a severe domestic affliction. Mr. Hil- 
lard, before commencing his lecture, very appropriately alluded 
to the opening of the new hall in a few well chosen words. 
He said in substance — 

" I congratulate you, ladies and gentlemen, upon the posses- 
sion of this tasty and convenient apartment, for which you are 
in a great measure indebted to the enterprise and public spirit 
of a gentleman well known to the citizens of Boston, and the 
residents of East Boston, for his enterprise and his readiness to 
give his aid to all measures of public improvement, and whose 
name the hall appropriately bears. I am sure I express the sen- 
timents of you all when I say how much I regret that domestic 
affliction which prevents his being with us here to-night. I 
trust that this hall may be the means of securing to you many 
agreeable social meetings, and that what you hear here from 
time to time may tend to your intellectual good." 

" This house," says a public journal, " we doubt not, will be a 
favorite resort with those who cannot leave the city during the 
hot days and nights of midsummer, and who will be glad to 
avail themselves of the cool breezes which render East Boston 



1835.] BUILDINGS ERECTED IN 1835. 515 

a most desirable place of residence in hot weather. The repu- 
tation of its lessees is such as to warrant the belief that the 
Sturtevant House will be one of the most popular and best con- 
ducted houses in New England." 

A picture of the Sturtevant House is upon the opposite page. 

Going back from this episode of the account of the Maverick 
House and the celebration, we find that the following buildings 
were erected in East Boston in 1835: — 

Jan. 20. Mr. Pollard's house and stable on the south-east side of Hotel 
squai'e : lot No. 15. 
" 29. Stephen White's storehouse, on his wharf near the Timber Com- 
pany's dock-yard, at the north-west end of Maverick street. 
Feb. 11. ]\Ir. Norrls's house, on the corner of Sumner and Paris streets. 
" 23. A plank side-walk was made from the ferry to the Maverick 
House. 
April 20. Edwards and Lefavor, of Salem, erected their house on Princeton 
street. 
" 21. Alexander Boyden erected a house on the corner of Lexington and 

Marion streets : lot No. 155. 
" 30. E. W. Perry and W. two houses on Saratoga street: lots Nos. 49 
and 131. 
May 9. B. F. Butler's smith-shop on Maverick street: lot No. 116. 
" 12. A large stable for the Maverick House, by Edwards and Lefavor. 
" 21. Moses Miller's workshops on his wharf. 
" 26. Benson Clock's house, on lot No. 88 Princeton street. 
June. Brown and Bates erected two houses on Meridian street, in the 3d 
section : on lot E. 
" E. H. Snelling and Ebenezer Scott built a block of two houses in 
the 3d section, on the corner of Meridian and Princeton streets : 
lot No. 112. 
July. Captain Cook raised his house on Sumner, corner of Cottage street : 
lot No. 81. 
Aug. 4. F. A. Gerry's house, corner of Meridian and Lexington streets, in 
the 3d section : lot No. 132. 
Nov. Ordway, Pond, and Tuttle built a block of three brick houses on 

west side of Sumner street : lots 67 and 68. 
Dec. Messrs. Cummisky and McManus each built a house on Maverick 
street: lot 114. 
" Andrew Bettly built on Cottage street : lot No. 32. 
March, 1836. Enos Morgan built a house on Cottage street. 
April, " Edwin Phillips built a house on Webster street. 



516 HISTORY, [1835. 

The following persons moved to East Boston in 1835 : — 

January 8. Bradford Chandler * moved into lils house. 
April 15. Major J. W. Barton* moved into the Maverick House. 
June 6. Truman Flower f moved into his house. 
" 8. Benjamin Lamson moved into his house. 
" 22. R. P. Morrill,t corner of Sumner and Havre streets. 
Aug. 21. Levi Whitcomb, Saratoga street. 

Captain William Fettyplace removed from Salem in June. 
Simon Moulton and Theodore F. Rollins, who were employed in 
building the Maverick House, married and settled in East Bos- 
ton. 
Aaron Ordway.* 

Norris.* 

E. W. Perry.* 
Benjamin Brown, Jr.* 
Sept. B. F. Butler. 

William Walters. 
Dec. John Davis. 
E. Johnson.* 
H. Rogers.* 
Pollard.* 

The Births during the year 1835 were, — 

Jan. 14. A son to George D. Hagar. 

Feb. 20. A son to Bragdon. 

May 3. A son, John Maverick, to Major J. W. Barton. 

Aug. 1. A child to Dr. John Jeffries. 

" 22. A child to Timothy Mclntire. 

Dec. 21. A daughter to Seth E. Benson. 

The first marriage on the Island of which we have any 
account is of John Fenno to Miss Olive Pratt, mentioned in 
the Columbian Centinel of the 14th Dec, 1793. 

The Williams family journal, to which reference is so fre- 
quently made, gives a description of this wedding, which took 
place in Henry Howell Williams's house : — 

" Sunday, 8th Dec, 1793 Nobody went to meeting 

but the two boys As Mr. Fenno and Olive Pratt in- 
tended being married to-night, the girls prevailed on Edward 



* Those thus designated have since left East Boston, 
t Now deceased. 



1835.] PKOSPERITY. 517 

Edes to bring the parson (Mr, Eliot) over, and have the cere- 
mony performed here, as it was too cold to go to Boston in the 
evening, and they all wished to see them married. The parson 

returned with the folks ; we made quite a large party. 

After tea the bride and groom came, and they were soon made 
man and wife. As we had not time to make a loaf-cake, we 
made little cakes do with a glass of wine. The parson was 
pretty chatty and full of fun, and we spent the evening quite 
agreeably. We had supper, and afterward an excellent water- 
melon, which was a great rarity. The wind blew pretty hard, 

and the parson staid all night At eleven o'clock the 

bridegroom and bride wished us a good-night and went home, 
and we all soon after went to bed, very much pleased with the 
behavior and appearance of the newly married pair, and all 
wished them a great deal of happiness. So much for the first 
wedding that was ever in this house." 

The Marriages in 1835 were, — 

May 19. Mr. Bragdon to a Miss , resided in Dr. Jeffries's liouse. 

Oct. 7. Mr. Sigler to Miss Boyden. 

" " Thomas Sullivan to jNIargaret Parker. 
Pec. 3. Capt Doane to Miss Lincoln. 

The Deaths in 1835 icere, — 
Feb. 20. Joseph Hooper, of Marblehead, who was drowned by the ice break- 
ing between Wood island and the first section. 
Nov. 2. Mr. McGraw, aged fifty years. 

Also six children under two years of age. 

A paragraph contained in a brief sketch of improvements at 
East Boston, published in January, 1836, gives, in a general 
glance, the condition of affairs on the Island at the close of 
1835. After speaking of particular enterprises, it says : — 

" It is now scarcely two years since the only dwelling-house 
then existing on this extensive tract of land was taken down 
to make room for the contemplated improvements ; and beside 
the buildings erected by the various incorporated companies al- 
ready enumerated, there are now more than fifty private dwell- 
ing-houses, beside about twenty stores, warehouses, etc. ; and 
about ten substantial wharves, notwithstanding which, the popu- 
lation of the place is so rapidly increasing, that leases are 
44 



518 HISTORY. [1835. 

readily taken at rates that will give a yearly rent of at least ten 
per cent, on the cost of the investment. By the census of the 
city just taken, the pojDulation of East Boston already exceeds 
six hundred souls. A large proportion of this population con- 
sists of mechanics and artisans, and, so long as the price of land 
there continues at a rate so much lower than in the city oppo- 
site, the difference being more than ten to one, it will continue 
to offer advantages that will induce the rapid settlement of that 
portion of the Island more particularly adapted to the purposes 
of that influential and industrious class of citizens; while on 
Belmont in section one, and on Eagle hill in section three, the 
most delightful situations are to be found for villas and rural 
residences." 

At the annual meeting, held on the 2d of May, 1836, the 
number of directors was increased from seven to ten, and the 
number of shares in the capital stock was doubled, making 
10,560. It was voted, that each stockholder be entitled to the 
same number of new shares which he then held of the old 
shares, and that certificates be issued for the same. At this 
meeting some interesting facts were presented, relative to the 
prosperity of the company. 

The president communicated the fact, that out of 663 acres 
about forty-eight had been sold, with a small proportion of the flats. 
The sales, up to the end of 1835, amounted to $253,259.95 ; and 
from that time to date, to $35,000, making in all $288,259.95. 
From the first amount was to be deducted $7,398.52 allowed 
for building and for other improvements, which made the net 
amount of sales $245,861.43. 

The treasurer reported, that all expenses had been paid out of 
the proceeds of sales of land ; that dividends to the amount of 
$92,316 had been made ; that there had been expended on the 
Maverick House and appurtenances, wharves, etc., $129,265.30, 
w^hich, with 78,000 feet of land on which the improvements 
had been made, at the estimate of fifty cents a foot, or §39,000, 
.made an aggregate of $168,265.30. He also reported, that the 
available property of the company at its cost exceeded its debts 
and responsibilities by §78,013.71, besides the lands, flats, and 
wharf lots remaining unsold. 

The superintendent added, that, a year and a half previous, 



1835.] STATISTICS. 519 

there were but three dwelling-houses at East Boston, and, six 
months subsequent to that time, only fourteen families ; while 
in the autumn preceding the date of the report there was a pop- 
ulation of six hundred, with several boarding-houses, sixty dwell- 
ing-houses, thirty-seven stores and manufactories, and many 
other buildings in process of erection. 

The unoccupied lands had been leased to Mr. Glazier for 
three years, for farming purposes, at an annual rent of $1,300 
for the first, and $1,350 for the second and third years, reserving 
to the company the right of selling or using any portion of 
their lands, and of making other provisions beneficial to the in- 
habitants. 

At this time, the Sugar Refinery, East Boston Ferry Com- 
pany, East Boston Wharf Company, East Boston Timber 
Company, and Malleable Iron Company, were in active opera- 
tion, and the Eastern Railroad would soon pass about a mile 
and a half over the Island. 

Prosperity like this was unexampled in land enterprises, and 
the Island seemed at last about to realize and fulfil its destiny. 
New plans and new undertakings were continually before the 
company, who gave a strict attention to any and every project 
which, in its results, would benefit the Island. At one time 
(September, 1836) a committee was appointed to confer with 
the Eastern Railroad Company and Mr. John Breed relative to 
a dam from East Boston to Breed's island ; at another time 
(March, 1837) the subject of a bridge from East Boston to 
Belle island to facilitate intercourse with Point Shirley was 
brought up, and was referred to a committee with full powers 
for its construction ; but the subject was afterward referred to 
the president; at still another time (February, 1837) a commit- 
tee advised, for selection as a cemetery, a piece of land in the 
" Middle Farm," so called, and which is now located on a com- 
manding eminence between Bennington, Swift, Auburn, and 
Harmony streets, in section four. 

The few statistics just given show in what a prosperous state 
East Boston was at the annual meeting in 1836. During that 
year, the following families had moved to the place : — 



520 HISTORY. [1836. 

Enos Morgan, William H. Delano, H. Sargeant.* 

Jesse Tuttle,f William Fisk, Prince Rogers,f 

Thomas Frencli,| Benjamin Collins,* Stearns,* 

Asa Lewis, Moses Carr, Hiram Pond.* 

Edwin Phillips, Philip Lord,t 

The follow'mcj Births tooh place in 1836 : — 
March 21. A son to Capt. E. Doane. 
May 14. A daughter to Jonas Bessom, (died at seven years of age). 

" 18. A son to Capt. Baker McNiar (?). 
June 9. A son to Timothy Mclntire. 

July 30. A son to Mr. Norris. 

Nov. 18. A son to Hosea Sargeant. 
Dec. 14. A son to John H. Tomlinson. 
" 26. A son to Mr. Stearns. 

The Island population were not, at first, " married or given in 
marriage" to any great extent. Our investigation rewards us 
with but one marriage in 1836 ; this was that of Mr. Hiram 
Pond to Mary G. Phillips, on the 15th of May. 

llie Deaths in that year, as recorded, loere, — 
Sept. 21. Miss Angelina H. Briggs, aged 26. 

" 24. An unknown man, who hung himself under a shij)'s boat which 

was bottom up. 
Oct. 2. Two boys were drowned, one thirteen, the other seventeen years 
of age. This was on Sunday. 
" 10. Phihp Lord, aged 44. 
" 24. Child of Philip Lord. 

The whole number of deaths in 1836 was ten. 

To show how rapidly the taxable property of the company 
had increased, it appears from the records of February and 
March, 1837, that the assessors' valuation was $500,000. This 
was considered by the company as excessive, and was some- 
what reduced ; but even then it shows an unprecedented rise in 
the value of property. On the 1st of May, 1837, there were 
seventy-eight dwelling-houses on the Island, several others in 
process of construction, also a large house for public worship in 
Maverick street, and numerous buildings were under contract. 
The population, which in 1835 was about six hundred, was now 
at least one thousand ; and houses were in great demand by 
persons who would be willing to pay rents that would give ten 

* These have since left East Boston. f Now deceased. 



1837.] FINANCIAL. 521 

or fifteen per cent, on the cost of building. In addition to the 
manufacturing establishments of the previous year, the hair 
factory and Mr. Kittredge's varnish factory were in full oper- 
ation. The hair factory was ninety feet by eighteen, and, to- 
gether with two boarding-houses, a shoemaker's shop, and 
bakery, all on Sumner street, was erected by Mr. Benjamin 
Lamson within nine months, and occupied to good advantage. 
The bakery was of wood, fifty-four by forty feet, three stories 
high, and cost $6,000. The Timber Company was doing an 
extensive business. During the year sixty-eight vessels had 
arrived from Albany with plank, timber, etc., from Grand 
island to the Timber Company. Two hundred and fifty other 
vessels with various cargoes arrived during the year; besides 
more than thirty, employing three hmidred men, which arrived 
at the fish packing establishments of Mr. Miller and Mr. Tuttle; 
and, to accommodate the fast increasing ship-trade, thirteen 
good wharves had been built. Thus, notv^ithstanding a great 
financial depression, the improvements were such at East Bos- 
ton as to satisfy the most sanguine friends of the enterprise, 
that the Island was destined to become a most important com- 
mercial and manufacturing part of the city of Boston. 

It has been stated that these were times of great financial 
depression. Throughout the country the scarcity of money, the 
lack of confidence even among the heaviest capitalists and men 
of high character and position in society, the long series of 
failures of the largest and most responsible houses, and the un- 
certainty of any and all business operations, created a state of 
public feeling which operated against speculations of any kind. 
The East Boston Company of necessity felt the influence of 
the financial atmosphere, and although it prosecuted its legiti- 
mate objects with energy, yet it was unable to obtain money 
for immediate uses with that ease and certainty which were 
necessary to favorable operations. To accomplish this purpose, 
the company purchased into the Kilby Bank of Boston. This 
transaction need be alluded to only in the most general manner, 
as the details will be possessed of no particular interest to the 
public. A concise summary of the whole matter is as follows, 
while the records of the company show all the minute particu- 
lars not necessary to our narrative : — 
44* 



522 PIISTORY. [1835. 

May 19, 1837. East Boston Company took 2,520 shares of 
Kilby Bank stock, and gave bank-notes and mortgages to the 
amount of $251,926.25 

May 25, 1839. The company sokl tlie stock back at $80 per 

share, and took back the notes and mortgages . . . $175,485.40 

Allowed interest from May 19, 1837 26,165.43 

$201,650.83 

Loss to the company $20 per share, or 50,326.25 

$251,977.08 

Difference 50.83 

Original amount $251,926.25 

May 20, 1839. Closed the whole concern with Peter Harvey and Joshua 

Webster, Jr. 

In the summer and autumn of 1835 it was proposed to open 
an office of the East Boston Company in New York for the 
transfer of stock in that city, in order that it might be offered 
for sale at the brokers' board, to interest capitalists there in the 
stock, and thus, with the increased business facilities, the specu- 
lation would be made much more profitable. This plan had in 
view the making of the stock a desirable one throughout the 
country. The East Boston Company had the confidence of 
the community, and its property was valuable and constantly 
increasing in value, and by making the stock generally avail- 
able, by interesting parties of enterprise and capital, the com- 
pany would be greatly benefited. 

The proposition met with favor, and was immediately en- 
tered upon with alacrity by all the parties concerned. Men of 
credit, enterprise, and character became interested, and cooper- 
ated with the East Boston proprietors, and the new plan 
promised great success. To make all the arrangements pre- 
liminary to any actual operations required much thought, plan- 
ning, and consultation ; to relate these minutiae would be as 
tedious to the reader as it would be useless in the narrative. 
Had a favorable result attended the enterprise, it would be 
proper to detail its proceedings at length. Many of the gentle- 
men in New York who engaged in it were great speculators, 
and were deeply involved in other financial operations ; and, it 
may be supposed from the result, that they entered into this 
new plan with the hope of maintaining their business position, 
and of making enough money to compensate them for other 



18SG.] SALES IN NEW YORK. *523 

losses. But the hard times of 18-37 and succeeding years de- 
stroyed all the well-laid plans, and this project, which, to all 
human foresight, would have been most lucrative in any ordi- 
nary state of the money market, entirely failed of accomplish- 
ment. It can only be spoken of as something which was 
proposed and started, its legitimate results being all prevented 
by the great financial crisis which, upon the repeal of the tariff, 
swept over the whole country. 

In few words, the proposition made to the New York gentle- 
men was accepted ; some of the principal stockholders of the 
company agreed to sell a large number of shares lower than the 
market price, and then by putting in an equal amount them- 
selves, create a joint trading capital for the benefit or loss of 
those engaged. The company voted to open books of transfer 
of stock in New York, the president and treasurer were au- 
thorized to sign in blank the necessary certificates, and Rufus 
K. Delafield, cashier of the Exchange Bank, was appointed (11th 
July, 1836) registrar of the company in New York for the trans- 
fer of its stock ; and it was voted to receive notes in payment 
for land which might be sold there. The New York gentlemen 
sent an agent, Mr. Thomas Sargeant, to view the premises, who 
made a very favorable report of the then condition and future 
prospects of the company ; and so well satisfied were all parties 
with the preliminary steps, that, on the 4th of May, 1836, the 
company voted to sell at public auction on June 2, 130 lots in 
the first, second, and third sections. 

The following were the conditions of sale : Payment twenty- 
five per cent, cash, or approved notes on interest at sixty days, 
the residue in equal instalments of one, two, and three years, 
secured by note and mortgage on interest payable annually. 
Deeds to be given within fifteen days to those who make the 
first payment in cash, and to other purchasers when the note for 
the first payment is paid, and the conditions of sale are other- 
wise complied with. The lots on Belmont not to be used 
for any manufacturing or mechanical trade or business what- 
ever, at any time during the term of twenty years from April 25, 
1833. Each purchaser, before building, to give thirty days' 
notice to the superintendent, so as to allow the company time 
to remove any surplus earth, should they deem it expedient, in 



524 HISTORY. [1836. 

conformity to the grade of the respective streets hereafter to be 
fixed. Ten per cent, to be allowed to any purchaser who 
should, within a year, erect buildings on his lot of equal value 
to the amount paid for said lot. [This was afterwards 
rescinded.] Until the auction, no lots to be sold at private 
sale, unless the purchasers agree to erect suitable dwellings 
within twelve months ; private sales were also to be suspended 
until after another public sale. On the 2d of June land was 
sold to the amount of about twenty-three acres, for $213,000, 
averaging twenty-one cents a foot. 

It was contemplated to hold another public sale in Septem- 
ber ; but it was deferred, principally on account of the great 
pressure in the money market. 

An auction sale of East Boston lands was then made in New 
York on the 19th of July, at which the lots sold at greatly ad- 
vanced prices. The total amount of this sale was $185,190, 
averaging upward of ^600 per lot. So well pleased were the 
new proprietors with their prospects, that they engaged to pur- 
chase $200,000 worth of land in addition to their first purchase, 
they having the privilege of buying the intermediate lots, which 
were reserved in the first sale, and promised, in case such a sale 
was made, to improve the land to the amount of 8100,000. 

There was a disposition on the part of some of the pro- 
prietors to make the company a stockjobbing concern, and 
depress and raise the stock, and manage the affairs as a mere 
matter of speculation, with all the machinery necessary for 
such purposes. The largest proprietor at that time, anxious to 
promote the best interests of the company, and preferring to 
raise the value of the land, did not favor stock operations, 
which, although they might prove of temporary benefit to a 
few, would seriously impair the confidence of the community 
in the company, and in its individual members. He did not 
wish to raise or depress the stock as individual interest might 
dictate, and make it a fluctuating property in the market, but 
preferred the straightforward system, which in the end would 
prove the most desirable. Holding these opinions, he was a 
serious obstacle in the way of the ardent speculators, and thus 
excited their opposition. 

In addition to this, General Sumner, wishing to be relieved 



1837.] CHANGES IN THE DIRECTORS. 525 

from the responsibility of guarding the rights of those not repre- 
sented in the board of directors, had, some time previous to the 
annual meeting for choice of directors, contemplated resigning 
the presidency, and had taken the necessary preliminary meas- 
ures for the succession. Thinking that the interests of the 
company could be best promoted by uniting the offices of 
president and superintendent in one person, he favored that 
plan, and the election of Mr. Lewis for that situation at a 
salary of $3,000 a-year, and Mr. Brodhead as treasurer. This 
plan interfered with Mr. Fettyplace (a near relative of Stephen 
White), a prominent member of the company, who held at that 
time the office of superintendent, and, although a most worthy 
man, lacked the energy necessary for conducting the compli- 
cated affairs of such a company ; and as it also interfered with 
the undue desire for speculation which had seized the minds of 
many of the company, Gen. Sumner, by the united efforts of 
Mr. White and Mr. Sargeant, who conspired for the purpose, 
without any notice of the intended change, was, at the election 
held on the 1st of May, 1837, left off the board of directors, and 
the vacancy ffiled by another ; so that the one who put the 
whole plan into operation, and to whose exertions and direction 
much of its then prosperity was owing, and who was the 
largest owner in the stock, and consequently the most interested 
in its profits and losses, was deprived of any voice in the com- 
pany's plans and purposes. 

Mr. John Binney w^as chosen president in his place by four 
votes out of seven. This proceeding was the result of a secret 
and well-contrived plan. Mr. Thomas Sargeant was vested 
with a power of attorney from all the New York owners except 
Mr. Gerard, and came to Boston as the representative of their 
stock. Mr. White and certain Boston members influenced him 
to cast the votes in his possession against Gen. Sumner, and 
thus the scale was turned against him. When the notice of 
this election reached New York, the most influential of the 
owners there instantly disavowed all knowledge of such action, 
and adopted every means in their power to have the former 
president restored to the board, and many letters were received 
by Gen. Sumner, stating in strong terms their ignorance that 
such a removal was intended, and their utter disapproval of it. 



526 HISTOrxY. [1837. 

They had been induced to join the company from confidence 
in him and Mr. Gerard, and in the measures they adopted, and 
this summary way of displacing an officer who was laboring 
for the truest interests of the company met their unqualified 
disapproval. 

The extract which follows, taken from a letter written to 
Gen. Sumner (14th May, 1837) by Messrs. C. and G. Belden, 
influential proprietors in New York, shows the manner in 
which the change in the direction of the company was viewed 
by them : — 

" We learn that you may entertain the idea that we had 
some intentional agency in the manner in which our votes 
were cast at your election. The object of the present is to 
disabuse you of such an opinion. We had not the least con- 
ception that any change in the direction was contemplated at 
all. Mr. Sargeant sent to our office a power of attorney for us 
to sign, in his favor, stating that he was going on to represent 
the New York stockholders at the election of which we were 
apprised, but he did not intimate to us that any change in the 
direction was meditated, but on the contrary, that none was 
meditated that he knew of. We had heard from Mr. Gerard 
that you intended to resign the presidency, but that there was 
any intention to leave you out of the direction we did not 
dream of. 

" As we became stockholders solely on account of yourself 
and Mr. Gerard, when he first stated what you said in regard 
to the election, we did not think it possible that you could con- 
ceive that we could have any agency in removing from the 
charge of what interest we have in the company the only indi- 
vidual in Boston that we know at all. 

" Since, however, such an outrage, as we consider it, has 
been committed on your feelings, we hope those who have 
taken the responsibility will feel the necessity of vigorous action 
on their part, and thus subserve your interests. If they do that 
you will cry happy riddance to the trouble with the office." 

Charles Belden, Esq., also wrote to Mr. Gerard in the follow- 
ing language : — 

" I saw Mr. Graham, and my brother saw Mr. Hallet, and 
Mr. Graham said he had no idea that any change was contem- 



1837.] THE CHANGES REVERSED. 527 

plated, and was very much surprised when he heard that the 
general was left out of the direction. Mr. Hallet said he knew 
nothing about it, and very much regretted the course taken. It 
was wholly without his knowledge, and much against his wish, 
if he could have expressed it. I will endeavor to see the others. 
But you may no doubt assure the general, that none of the 
stockholders in New York knew any thing about the change in 
the direction till afterward, except, perhaps, Mr. Sargeant." 

So great was the interest taken in the subject, that John L. 
Graham, Esq., the leading gentleman in the enterprise in New 
York, and Mr. Leeds, another proprietor, came to Boston with 
the object of correcting the procedure. This was difficult of 
accomplishment; but it resulted in the resignation of Mr. Bin- 
ney, the president, for the purpose of making a vacancy in the 
board of direction. This vacancy, at the solicitation of Mr. 
Graham and other gentlemen of the New York company, Gen. 
Sumner consented to fill if he should be unanimously elected. 
At a dinner of the directors given for the purpose, the president 
announced that a vacancy had occurred in the board, which had 
been filled by the unanimous election of Gen. Sumner. Thus 
his course of action was fully endorsed by the vote and concur- 
rence of the very men who had deposed him. Even his oppos- 
ers saw that the best interests of the company demanded his 
cooperation, for, if hostilely inclined, he had it in his power to 
destroy its credit, and place it beyond the reach of lucrative 
operation. 

The stringency of the money market brought this New York 
plan to a sudden and disastrous conclusion. Many of the par- 
ties concerned in it failed, the projected improvements were not 
carried out, and the unpaid-for lands returned to the company. 
There can be no doubt but that for the peculiar condition of 
the money market throughout the country, this plan would have 
resulted in great success to those engaged in it ; but as it was, 
its history and results are among the things that were, and form 
but a temporary item in the transactions of the company. The 
records of the East Boston Company, easily accessible to all, 
will furnish all necessary information to those who desire a 
more particular account of this whole matter. 

By referring to the list of officers of the East Boston Com- 



528 HISTORY. [1839. 

pany inserted in the Appendix, it will be noticed, that, in the 
election for the year 1839, General Sumner's name was not con- 
tinued on the list of directors. This was the culminating period 
in the affairs of the company, which was deeply involved in its 
financial operations, and whose members were suffering under 
individual responsibilities for the company. These, on the part 
of a single individual, at various times, exceeded $100,000 in 
amount; and many of the influential members of the East Bos- 
ton Company who were reputed to have property were brought 
into an embarrassed situation. This was General Sumner's 
condition, as well as that of others. All of his property was 
under attachment to satisfy the numerous and large debts for 
which the East Boston Timber Company, the Hancock and New 
England Banks, the City Bank of Buffalo, and the Morris Canal 
Company, attempted to hold him liable. At this time all his 
stock in the East Boston Company was absorbed in the payment 
of purchases for land ; and thus, not being a stockholder, through 
necessity his name was omitted from the board of direction. 
But at last, having coming off' victorious in all the lawsuits 
brought against him, and a satisfactory and liberal arrangement 
having been made by the East Boston Company for all pecun- 
iary liabilities under his extensive purchases of real estate, his 
property became free from legal embarrassment. Immediately 
upon this (in 1845), he was reelected to his former position as 
director, and made president of the company. This office he 
held until ill health induced him to resign in the winter of 
1850-51. The various lawsuits being discontinued, his lots at 
East Boston and his other property were left free from attach- 
ment, and so they have remained ever since. 

It is unnecessary to trace the company further on, indepen- 
dently of other matters pertaining to the Island. The operations 
of the first few years have been given sofar as they illustrate 
the setting in motion of the long train of events which have 
changed the condition and history of the Island ; but to trace 
the consecutive plans, purposes, and acts of the company, would 
only involve a transcript of records which are open to all, and 
the minutiae of which would be tedious to the reader. 

During the time included in this chapter, the company, from 
the necessities of the case, was obliged to identify itself with 



1843.] RESULTS AND ANTICIPATIONS. 529 

the different enterprises, and for a while, in fact, to start and 
prosecute plans which subsequently were carried through by 
individuals. The few first years required an outlay of money 
which private persons could not furnish, nor would they incur 
the hazard of so doing. But when the whole scheme was put 
into successful operation, and the company had shown a noble 
liberality in all its dealings, and had laid its plans with admi- 
rable adaptation to the results desired, individuals felt confi- 
dence to make plans and carry forward large undertakings on 
their own responsibility. 

From its organization to the present time, the company has 
labored to promote the prosperity of the Island in every way 
within its legitimate powers, and it is believed that its general 
policy has been productive of successful results. Mistakes may 
have been made ; but the prominent idea and guiding principle 
have been the good of the Island, and whatever could be done 
in plans, gifts, influence, and expenditures, has been done ; the 
result bears its own testimony to the wisdom of the proprietors. 

Extracts from a letter written by Gen. Sumner in 1843 to 
Larkin Thorndike, Esq., who contemplated moving to East 
Boston, may be appropriately introduced in this place, as they 
show the development of the original plan, and give anticipa- 
tions of future prosperity which have been more than realized, 
and " the end is not yet." This letter was written but eight 
years after the formation of the company, and it is interesting 
from the fact, that, after such a lapse of time, all false ideas- of 
the success of the undertaking, and all illusory anticipations, 
would have passed away, and the success hitherto serve as a 
basis for future calculations : — 

" East Boston is becoming a second Brooklyn ; I remember 
when Brooklyn, a mile across the East river, with a very rapid 
current, had but one principal building, a large tavern, and two 
or three other small dwellings, and numerous Dutch red barns 
or stables for travellers and marketers. Now it has a popula- 
tion half that of Boston, and real estate in it has nearly the 
value of that in New York. Yet New York has the whole 
Manhattan island, eight miles long with navigable waters on 
each side, to settle up the North and East rivers, while the pen- 
insula of Boston is almost circumscribed by the water and 
45 



530 HISTORY. [1843. 

flats around it, and the whole land is occupied. The increasing 
population must find room suited to their commercial pursuits, 
and where shall they look for it ? Not at Charlestown, for the 
navy-yard occupies almost the whole land fronting on the har- 
bor; not at Chelsea yet (for there is good water there), but it 
is too far back to be sought for at present ; and not at South 
Boston, where the flats extending off into the harbor a mile or 
two, even opposite to the end of India wharf, will ever prevent 
its affording any facilities whatever for foreign commerce. East 
Boston is the only place where the increasing foreign naviga- 
tion can have accommodation. The distance from Boston to 
East Boston is only 1,800 feet, the time of crossing, five min- 
utes, the interruption in the ferry less than the draws of bridges 
make, and the expense of transportation across, less by one half 
or two thirds of what is the cost of passage over the mill-dam 
or a toll-bridge. And even when the bridges are free, the ope- 
rative, sweated with work, labors it on foot to dinner in the hot 
summer sun, while the other is transported under the awning 
of a rapid boat across the beautiful channel, invigorated by its 
refreshing breeze. 

" The aspect for ships is better at East Boston than in Boston 
proper. In a north-east gale they lie safe, while at Boston they 
are thumping against the wharves and one another. The chan- 
nel is nearer the East Boston shore than the Boston. The 
drinking water there, and the pure air, brought across and cooled 
by the waters of the harbor, are much superior to those on the 
Boston side. The temptations are many for removal or settle- 
ment at East Boston, as the capital enlarges ; but if these did 
not exist, necessity would control its destiny. Every wharf in 
Boston is occupied. There is room for no more, or but a few 
more, ships. The whole commercial front of the city proper is 
but two miles from Charlestown bridge to the South bridge, 
and thus it must be for ever limited ; for the land on navigable 
waters above the bridges is only suitable for wood, stone, lum- 
ber, and coal wharves, and is all in demand for these, its more 
appropriate use. Where, then, shall the great commercial capi- 
tal of New England, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, receiving 
daily more and more of the produce of the great North and 
West, — where shall it extend its accommodations for this great 



1843.] LETTER OF GEN. SUMNER. 531 

and increasing trade and navigation, and the population which 
is its natural consequence ? East Boston is the only place. 
You see it already in the establishment of the foreign steam- 
ships at her wharves, which could get equal accommodations 
nowhere else ; in the numerous heavy ships which already lie 
in her docks ; in the rapid settlement of the place by the influx 
of manufacturers and mechanics of all classes, the numerous 
houses, the increasing price of land, and the general prosperity 
and thrift of every new-comer. If in eight years since the ferry 
was opened, such an exhibit is made as strikes the eye of every 
boat passenger as he crosses the ferry, from a single house and 
farm yard of cattle to a busy commercial place with its thou- 
sand houses and many thousand inhabitants, its wharves and 
steam docks, its manufactories and shipping, — what eight years 
more will do, would baffle the wildest conjecture. We have 
heard of the villages in the West, which have sprung up in a 
night as it were, and in a few years have become post-towns ; 
but in the whole country, I think, no such exhibit of expendi- 
ture and improvement can be made as East Boston presents. 
The crowded ferry, now one of the most important of the city 
avenues, and the petitions for the establishment of another, 
show conclusively the increase of business and population ; and 
the demand for dwellings, and the handsome interest which the 
rents pay on the capital expended, are the best evidences in favor 
of the location, and of the prosperity of its inhabitants. Where, 
then, let me ask, can you settle with better business prospects 
than in the midst of them? Where can you find a more 
healthy and beautiful situation for a residence than the heights 
of East Boston afford? But do not build your house in the 
crowd of dwellings near the ferry. Seek rather, for your resi- 
dence, some more distant heights, where the prospect and water 
are equally good, and the land cheaper, — where, for a few 
thousand dollars, you can establish yourself with extensive 
gardens and conveniences. I well remember when an ancient 
dwelling with two acres of land in Boston, with beautiful ter- 
races covered with fruit and shrubbery, was sold for $36,000. 
In the full enjoyment of these the purchaser lived, and before 
his decease was offered $200,000 for the estate, which he 
declined, and left it as a still richer inheritance to his children. 



532 HISTORY. [1854. 

Before you locate, let me recommend you to stroll over Eagle 
hill, where the prospect is incomparably beautiful, the water 
pure, soil excellent, and land cheap, say ten cents a foot ; and 
take enough of it, for it will not be long before others will be 
building around you, and the land then cannot be had for a 
consideration greatly enhanced." 

These extracts from a letter written fifteen years ago con- 
tain speculations and anticipations which have been more than 
realized, and in their fulfilment astonish the observer. This 
appears still more wonderful when it is remembered that these 
same ideas and plans were held and gave rise to the East Bos- 
ton Company, and, forming the basis of all the operations of 
the company, resulted in the predicted success. 

In no way can the remarkable prosperity of the Island be 
better shown than in a few brief extracts from the reports of 
the East Boston Company. Passing over a number of years 
in the history of the company, a sufficient length of time to 
test the success or failure of the enterprise, we glean the follow- 
ing facts from the report presented in May, 1854. 

The company was then entirely free from debt, with assets 
on hand and in notes receivable amounting to $21,331.50, and 
ferry stock and amounts due on lands sold, etc., $21,842.98, 
making a total of $43,174.48 on hand. During the year a divi- 
dend of $100,000 was paid to the shareholders on ferry stock, 
and also a dividend, payable in land, of $200,000. The popula- 
tion was then fifteen thousand, being an increase of one thou- 
sand over that of the previous year. Thirty-six vessels were 
built during the year, of an aggregate tonnage of 51,950 tons, 
and repairs were made upon ships to the amount of nearly 
$4,000,000. Among the improvements of the year were the 
erection of eighty-seven new dwellings, the Atlantic manufactory 
of steam-engines and machinery, a salt factory, two large iron 
factories, a saleratus factory, two large freight-houses on the 
premises of the Grand Junction Railroad covering an area of 
thirty thousand square feet, and numerous other establishments. 

At the time this report was presented, there were in East 
Boston twenty-two primary schools, with an average attend- 
ance of 1,278 children, and two grammar-schools, having four 
male and nineteen female teachers and an average attendance 



1857.] THE REPORTS IN 1855-1857. 533 

of 1,174 scholars. Beside the paving and grading of several 
streets, 6,327 lineal feet of common sewer were laid during the 
year. The total number of dwelling-houses on the Island was 
1,504, and of buildings of every description, 1,855. 

From the report for the year ending May, 1855, it appears 
that during that year 147 dwelling-houses had been erected; 
nine stores, of which six were brick, five stories high and of fine 
architectural appearance; twelve mechanic and machine shops, 
ten stables, two steam saw-mills, one stone warehouse, one 
brick oil factory, one freight-house on the Grand Junction wharf 
sixty feet by two hundred, and one brick church. During the 
same time, twenty-eight ships (exclusive of those on the stocks 
when the report was made) were built, with an aggregate ton- 
nage of 37,987 tons. 

From the report presented in May, 1856, it appears that the 
whole property of the East Boston Company was then — tak- 
ing the valuation of land as fixed in May, 1851— $967,296.43 ; 
the sales of land by the company during the year amounted to 
^16,000; one lot of 102,160 feet was sold to an ice company, 
who had, at the time the report was made, filled in forty thou- 
sand feet, and were then erecting buildings. This land was 
valued, in 1851, at $4,873, and the company realized for it 
$7,897 over and above that sum. During the year 168 dwell- 
ing-houses were erected ; ten on the first section, thirty-nine on 
the second, eighty-nine on the third, and thirty on the fourth 
and fifth, making the then number of dwelling-houses at East 
Boston, 1,819 ; and, in addition to these, numerous shops and 
buildings of various kinds were built on each section. There 
were built and launched in that year twenty-eight ships, of the 
aggregate tonnage of 30,380 tons ; and at the time the report 
was made there were twelve ships and one iron steamship on 
the stocks, or contracted for. 

An abstract of the report presented on the 4th of May, 1857, 
will bring the history of the company up to the present time, 
and will show in a striking light the great prosperity which has 
attended the corporation ever since its organization. 

This report stated, that, in accordance with a vote passed at 
the last annual meeting of the stockholders, a new valuation of 
the entire property of the company had been made during the 
45* 



534 HISTORY. [1857. 

last financial year. The valuation had been made by five of 
the directors, each one of whom marked what he supposed 
each lot, block, or wharf, to be worth, as it then was, and the 
mean or average of those marks was the price adopted in the 
valuation. From this valuation it appeared that the aggre- 
gate amount of the company's property at that time was 
$1,275,023.76, equal to sixty -three dollars and seventy-five cents 
per share on the stock. 

The amount of unselected dividend lands at that time was 
$61,100. No land of the company had been disposed of during 
the preceding year. A contract had been made to have built 
forthwith that portion of Porter street (adjoining and back of 
the sea-wall) which lies between Lamson and Front streets, 
and also that part of Front street between Porter street and the 
gap in the sea-wall. When this improvement should be com- 
pleted, it would give to the company (ready for disposal or oc- 
cupancy) two more of the most valuable wharf lots on the 
south-east side of the Island. 

A recent canvass had shown the resident population of East 
Boston to be 16,618. This number did not include the hun- 
dreds who found employment there, but whose homes were 
elsewhere. An examination as to the number of buildings in 
East Boston found 1,879 dwelling-houses (of which 330 were 
brick and 1,549 wood), eleven churches, ten school-houses, 
twenty-four manufactories and mills, seventy-six warehouses 
and stores, 109 mechanics' shops, five fire-engine houses, twelve 
counting-rooms, and seventy-seven stables, — of which, 152 
dwelling-houses and ten stables had been erected the preceding 
year. 

The report then alluded to East Boston as the great work- 
shop for ship-building in this State. Notwithstanding the great 
depression in this interest during the year, there had been built 
in East Boston 28,403 tons of shipping, exclusive of the iron 
war steamer built for the Egyptian government. The amount 
of this interest — including repairs of ships — (even in this 
the dullest season known for many years) was estimated at 
$2,504,180. Other branches of business in East Boston had 
felt the depression also. The report expressed the opinion, 
that, with the advantages which East Boston possesses over all 



1857.] COMPARISON BETWEEN 1847 AND 1857. 535 

other places in this vicinity for every description of manufac- 
turing and mechanical purposes, and also for commercial pur- 
poses, with her great extent of wharf accommodations and depth 
of water, her warehouses, sectional and dry docks, marine rail- 
ways, machine shops, etc., it would be no stretch of the imagi- 
nation to say, that, when business should revive. East Boston 
would be one of the first places, if not the first, to feel its bene- 
ficial effects. 

The report then spoke of the social, moral, and intellectual 
advantages possessed by the residents in East Boston. There 
were eleven churches, capable of seating 7,690 persons, with eight 
settled clergymen ; connected with these churches were 2,471 
sabbath-school scholars and 266 teachers, and the schools were 
steadily increasing. Connected with the day schools there were 
sixty-three teachers and 3,860 children. The schools were lib- 
erally supported by the city, and in point of excellence were 
second to few others in the State. In connection with the 
notice of the liberal appropriations made by the city for schools 
in East Boston, credit was also given the city government for 
liberal appropriations for streets, etc. 

The report closed with the following comparison between the 
East Boston of 1847 and the East Boston of 1857 : — 

" In 1847, East Boston had a population of about 6,500. The 
total number of buildings of all kinds was 850, and those, with 
few exceptions, were of a cheap class. Not a foot of her streets 
had at that time been accepted, or a foot of a common sewer 
laid ; consequently many of her streets were, in wet weather, 
impassable, or nearly so ; and in many localities it was very 
difficult to obtain a supply of good water for the few houses 
built on the low lands ; the ferry-boats were old and small, and 
their accommodations very inferior. Such was East Boston in 
1847. 

» In 1857, East Boston has a population of 16,600. The total 
number of buildings is 2,203, of which 1,879 are dwelling- 
houses, many of them beautiful residences, costing from $10,000 
to $16,000 each. The old ferry-boats have long since disap- 
peared, and large new boats, whose accommodations are equal 
to any in the country, have taken their places; about seventeen 
miles of her streets have been accepted by the city, of which 



536 HISTORY. [1857. 

three and one half miles have been paved. There have also 
been built through our streets about eight and three eighths 
miles of common sewers, and the city has also given us that 
greatest of all blessings, the Cochituate water, which is now 
pouring into every building whose occupants want it ; and at 
our wharves (a large portion of which have been built since 
1847) may be seen from fifteen to twenty-five ships of the 
largest class, besides numerous barques, brigs, schooners, and 
steamers. Surely this is a great change in the short space of 
ten years, and one that must be most gratifying to the stock- 
holders of the company, and also to every person who feels an 
interest in the welfare of East Boston." 

Mr. Geo. F. Wadsworth, the treasurer of the company, then 
submitted his annual report, from which it appeared that the 
company is free from debt, and has on hand in mortgages, 
$11,213.28 ; in notes receivable, $3,609.83 ; and in cash on 
hand, -'^1,145.64. This is exclusive of the real estate, — the val- 
uation of which has already been stated. 

Both reports were accepted, and, by a vote of the stockholders, 
ordered to be printed. 

The meeting then proceeded to the choice of directors, and 
the following gentlemen were unanimously chosen, namely, 
Wm. C. Barstow, Benj. Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Welling- 
ton, Lewis Rice, J. P. Thorndike, Silas Pierce, and Caleb Stet- 
son. 

To the past, present, or future owners of land at East Bos- 
ton, accurate knowledge of the successive plans and maps of 
the Island is of the first importance in determining boundaries 
and in making sales. The author, therefore, takes much pleas- 
ure in presenting the following memoranda, prepared by Mr. 
Noble, the accomplished engineer of the East Boston Company, 
who is probably better acquainted with the subject than any 
other person. By reference to this paper, the successive changes 
in the streets, lots, and wharves, and all the boundaries and 
divisions of land, can be easily traced, and much confusion thus 
prevented. So far as is known to the author, no other such 
paper has ever before been prepared, and its value will be duly 
appreciated by all real estate owners on the Island. 



1833-57.] MAPS AND PLANS. 537 



Memoranda of Details of the various Plans and Maps of East Bos- 
ton, showing the various arrangements for laying out the streets 
and lots, from 1833 to January, 1857, — also shoioing the history 
of the grades of Streets and of the Harbor lines, etc. 

" Section 1. — The first plan of East Boston lands, as divided 
into streets and lots for sale by the East Boston Company, was 
made by S. P. Fuller, and entitled plan of section one, East 
Boston, dated October 1, 1833, and showing the arrangements 
of the company's lots as then contemplated, as far as No. 100 
Everett street, and the lots now between Everett and Maverick 
streets not being shown thereon, although Maverick street itself 
was shown. 

" The street now called Jeffries street was then placed be- 
tween lots No. 17 and No. 69, and subsequently changed so as 
to be located between lots 61 and 63, and lots 66 and 67. 

" There were but few marsh lots shown ; those that were 
shown mostly consisting of upland, and the streets being re- 
spectively forty, fifty, and sixty feet wide. Belmont square was 
laid out 250 feet long and 200 feet wide. But one water lot 
was shown, that of Edwin Adams, situated at the south end of 
Cottage street, and 210 feet wide. The line of high-water mark 
on the south of the section very nearly coincided with the 
north line of Marginal street as first laid out, as far as Sum- 
ner street on the west. The division line between sections one 
and two w^as about seventy-five feet west of the west lines of 
lots 70 and 82. The lots averaged in width respectively forty- 
five, ninety, and one hundred feet, and in length 125, 200, and 
220 feet. 

" The block between Everett and Maverick streets was sub- 
sequently arranged into lots in the year 1836, and the block 
between the division line of the section and Bremen street, on 
the west, was left blank. 

" The second plan of the section on registry was made by 
R. H. Eddy, dated June 2, 1836, and represents the new position 
of Jeffries street and of Orleans street; also of Everett street, 
and of the new lots between Everett and Maverick streets, from 
101 to 220, being mostly marsh lots 90 by 100 feet. 



538 HISTORY. [1833. 

" The third plan was dated September 29, 1842, showing the 
extension of Marginal street westerly towards Lewis or Ferry- 
street (to be referred to hereafter), and discontinuing the shore 
lot, upon which Marginal street was angularly laid out. 

" Section 2. — The first plan of the second section was made 
by S. P. Fuller, dated October 1, 1833, showing the arrange- 
ments of the lots from No. 1 to 145, including the lands prin- 
cipally now between Bremen, Border, Sumner, and Meridian 
streets, and Central square ; the upland lots being generally 80 
feet by 45, the marsh lots 160 by 100 feet, and the streets re- 
spectively fifty, sixty, and seventy feet wide. 

" Two squares were represented, Central square near the 
third section, and Hotel (since called Maverick) square, the lat- 
ter 450 by 150 feet. The Maverick House or hotel and its 
adjacent lot were likewise shown. The lots comprised two 
thirds in number of upland and one third marsh. There were 
three wharf lots shown, namely, the East Boston large wharf, 
510 feet wide by 1,100 long (Ferry street, 70 feet wide, running 
through the centre), and the wharf lot of the Merchants Marine 
railway, 510 feet wide, also Miller's lot on the west shore, two 
hundred feet wide, also the corresponding upland lots pertain- 
ing to the above proposed railway. The centre line of Sumner 
street corresponded very nearly with the line of high-water mark, 
— the northerly end of Border street being laid out over the flats 
to the third section. Decatur and Bainbridge streets were rep- 
resented as running from the proposed Mill Pond on the east 
of Chelsea street across Chelsea and Meridian streets to Bor- 
der street, enclosing a canal between them of 180 feet wide. 
This canal, as well as Bainbridge street, being afterwards dis- 
continued and lots substituted in their places, caused an ap- 
parent confusion in the numbering of the lots. (This will be 
referred to more particularly hereafter.) 

" No lots were then shown between Chelsea and Meridian 
streets, afterward called the second division of section two, or 
' Great Marsh ' lots. When the Eastern Railroad Company 
located their station-houses, etc., Lisbon street was discon- 
tinued, and Orleans street located further east, bounding east- 
erly on the Eastern Railroad Company's lands ; and thus the 



1836-40.] MAPS AND PLANS. 539 

ion line of the two sections was run in the centre of Orleans 
street. 

"The westerly end of Sumner street then extended no further 
than Border street, and the wharf lots of Messrs. Miller, Aspin- 
wall, and Pratt and Gushing, had a street running down to them 
from Border street, half-way between Sumner and Maverick 
streets ; this street was afterward discontinued, and Sumner 
street carried westerly two hundred feet to what is now called 
New street, the latter being laid out in front of the above-men- 
tioned water lots, and running only as far as Maverick street, 
part of it being eighty feet wide and part forty feet, thus en- 
closing a new block, which was subsequently divided into lots, 
and numbered from 310 to 229. Marginal and Webster streets 
were extended across the flats north-westerly to Lewis street, 
by arrangements made between the East Boston Company, the 
Eastern Railroad Company, the Boston Sugar Refinery, and the 
other proprietors of lands interested ; Orleans street also being 
at the same time carried south-westerly to new Marginal street. 

" The second plan of the section was made June 2, 1836, and 
represents the arrangement of the Great Marsh lots from No. 
146 to 288, not including the space occupied by the canal 
or Bainbridge street, nor the extension of Sumner street west- 
erly. 

" The third plan of the section, dated November 1, 1838, 
represented the numbers of the lots in place of Decatur and 
Bainbridge streets, and the canal from 289 to 309 ; Bainbridge 
street and the canal being wholly discontinued, and Decatur 
partly so. It also represented the Eastern Railroad Company's 
depot, lots, etc., on Maverick, Webster, and Sumner streets, and 
also the Lyman school-house lot, No. 151, and engine-house on 
lot 124.. 

" The fourth plan was dated December 10, 1840, and called 
supplement to section second, and shows the extension of Sum- 
ner street westerly, and the location of New street. Decatur 
street was slightly altered (between Bremen and Meridian 
streets) from the location shown on the plan of October 1, 1833, 
and subsequently relocated so as to be at right angles with 
Chelsea street; the westerly portion of said street remaining 
unaltered, although on the second plan of the section of June 



540 HISTORY. [1835-42. 

2, 1836, neither Decatur nor Bainbridge streets nor the canal in- 
tervening were represented, and when Decatur street was again 
located, it occupied the southerly parts of lots 301, 303, and 
306, and the westerly parts of lots 289, 292, 295, and 298 (as 
shown on the fourth lithographic map of the Island, dated May 
1, 1851) ; the latter part of the street being at right angles with 
Chelsea, and the former part at right angles with Border street. 

" The numbering of the Great Marsh lots in the plans on 
registry follows on in order from the last number (145) of the 
first division of the section, as it was originally called, and 
commencing at 146 on Chelsea street, and leaving off at 288 
on Bennington street; again commencing at 289 on Decatur 
street, and following up Decatur street throughout to Border 
street, these last numbers occupying the former location of De- 
catur and Bainbridge streets and Canal, as far as 309. Thence 
the numbers commence at 310 on Sumner street, running as 
far as 329 ; in all these cases the number of the Ipts follow the 
actual location of the alterations and new arrangements in the 
precise order of time. 

" Section 3. — The first plan of section three was dated July 
22, 1835 (this being the first recorded), although the section 
was originally laid off into two divisions ; all west of Marion 
street being called Division or Part 1st, and all east thereof 
called Part 2d. The first part or division shows the Malleable 
Iron Company's lots and works, and blocks C, D, and E. The 
second division shows the remainder of the section as far as 
287, near what is now called Knox street ; also as far as 310 
on Eagle and Meridian streets; also 311 on Chelsea street to 
333 on Lexington and Eagle streets. 

" This plan represented Border street as running easterly 
to Chelsea street, and also the block known as the Public 
Garden ; all of these lots in section three were upland lots, and 
mostly one hundred feet square. The larger part of Central 
square was included in the section, containing about 3i acres. 
Parts of lots 331, 332, and 333, and 328, were subsequently cut 
off by the extension of Eagle street from Lexington to Chelsea 
street. 

" The Public Garden was shown on the plan dated Novem- 
ber 23, 1842, and numbered from 334 to 381, regularly. The 



1838.] MAPS AND PLANS. 541 

lots on the north side of Eagle hill, beyond the first range of 
lots on Eagle street, are shown on plan dated October 28, 
1846, and called ' supplennent to section third.' Xhat part of 
Border street easterly of Meridian street was altered so as to 
be parallel with Eagle street (running as far as Knox street 
only), and called Condor street; and a new street, called Falcon 
street, was also located half-way between said Condor and 
Eagle street, and corresponding numbers from 382 to 450 placed 
thereon, being upland lots. The water lots on Chelsea creek, 
between Knox street and the (old) Chelsea free bridge, were 
laid out on a plan dated October 16, 1847, including parts of 
sections three and four, there being seven lots in section three 
and sixteen in section four. It also represented the wharf lot 
of the Glendon Rolling Mill. 

" A complete plan of this section was made June 15, 1854, 
showing (in addition) the subdivisions of lot 266 and of block 
A, for the No. 5 dividend of the company. It also showed the 
arrangement of the water lots between Knox street and Border 
street, on Chelsea creek ; also the boundary line of the harbor 
commissioners on the creek. Meridian street was so called 
from the fact of its having been laid out so as to very nearly 
coincide with the true north line or meridian. The plan of the 
' easterly end of section third ' was dated June 15, 1854, and 
shows the slight alterations of lots Nos. 328, 329, and 333, 
consequent on the extension of Eagle to Chelsea street on the 
south side. 

" Section 4. — The first plan of this section (called Middle 
Farm) was dated August 28, 1838, and represented lots from 
No. 1 up to 418, all being east of the route of the Eastern Rail- 
road Company, — two thirds of them being upland^ and one 
third marsh. This plan showed the cemetery lot, 450 by 350 
feet, at the corner of Bennington and Swift streets. The centre 
street of the section, Saratoga street, has been continued across 
the creek to Breed's island (mostly at the expense of the East 
Boston Company), and makes a solid structure, forming, with 
the corresponding one of the Eastern Railroad Company on 
the west, a large pond or mill-pond between. The lots be- 
tween Chelsea street and the Eastern Railway, including lots 
No. 419 to 451, and the slight rearrangement of lots between 
46 



542 HISTORY. [1834. 

Byron and Moore streets, from No. 78 to 94, are shown on plan 
of ' supplement to section four,' dated September 10, 1845. The 
second ' supplement to section four,' dated June 15, 1854, shows 
the addition of lots between Harmony and Moore streets, from 
No. 513 to No. 536. 

" Section 5. — The first plan of section five was dated No- 
vember 22, 1842, and shows the arrangement of lots between 
Chelsea and Bremen streets from lot No. 1 to 81, nearly all 
being marsh lots. The second plan was dated March 11, 1845, 
entitled ' supplement to section fifth,' and embraced all the lots 
east of the Eastern Railroad as far as Cottage street, from No. 
82 to 459, two thirds being marsh and the rest flats. 



Memoranda of Details respecting the general or lithographic Maps 
of the Island. 

" The first lithographic map of East Boston was dated Sept 
1, 1834, and represented sections one, two, and three only, that 
is to say, the upland of section one, all of section two west of 
Meridian street, and all of section three north of Bennington and 
Chelsea streets, and in each showing whatever of improvement 
had been made or proposed to that time, — the remainder of 
the Island not being as yet divided into lots. 

" In section one the water lots of Messrs. Adams, and of Rip- 
ley and Lock only, were shown. That part of the flats be- 
tween Chelsea street on the west. West Wood island on the 
north, and section one on the south, was proposed to be en- 
closed on the east by a mill-dam, running from near the east- 
erly end of Sumner street and the easterly end of West Wood 
island ; and being about 3,700 feet in length, thus enclosing a 
large amount of flats (since called the 'Basin lots'), which, 
when the tide was full, might be used for a tide mill-pond. 
From this mill-pond there were two canals, leading, one 140 
wide between Bremen and Orleans streetj, southerly from De- 
catur street, and across Maverick and Sumner streets to the 
channel just east of the present location of the Boston Sugar 
Refinery ; the other canal, 180 feet wide, leading westerly across 
Chelsea, Meridian, and Border streets, and continued also across 
the flats one thousand feet further, and corresponding miU sites 



1837.] GENERAL MAPS. 543 

on each side thereof. West of Border street and south of the 
proposed mill sites was located the site of the East Boston and 
Niagara Tinnber Company. When the first-mentioned canal 
was given up, Lisbon street (one block east of what was then Or- 
leans) was discontinued, and Orleans street located further east. 

" In the second section the East Boston large wharf was 
shown as running southerly 1,100 feet from Sumner street, from 
opposite the centre of Hotel square. At the termination of said 
wharf was the East Boston ferry landing, having, at that 
time, but one slip and drop. The landing in the city proper 
was at the north-east corner (or end) of Lewis' wharf, and the 
distance across, from drop to drop, 1,800 feet. The wharf lots 
of the Boston Sugar Refinery, the East Boston and Niagara 
Timber Company, the Merchants Marine Railway, and of 
Messrs. Tuttle, Allen, Aspinwall, Pratt and Cushing and Miller, 
were also shown on this map. There was a small steamboat 
pier or boat landing, four hundred feet long, running from the 
present location of the corner of Sumner and New streets, and 
used for a landing-place previous to the completion of the pres- 
ent ferry wharf. The suspension railway was located over the 
marsh a little easterly of Meridian street and nearly parallel 
thereto, being about 1,800 feet long, running from Hotel square 
to near Central square. 

" The third section exhibited no water lots except that of 
Messrs. Bates and Company. Chelsea street was laid out sev- 
enty feet wide throughout its entire length of 7,100 feet, from 
Hotel square to the easterly end of the (old) Chelsea free 
bridge ; this bridge was constructed across Chelsea creek at 
this point, and was 650 feet long and 86 feet wide, and had 
two piers ; it was also connected on the Chelsea side with the 
new road across the marsh, leading to the Salem turnpike. 

" The second lithographic map was made July 1, 1837, and 
represented not only the lots and streets, but also all the dwell- 
ing-houses and other improvements, and distinguished the sold 
from the unsold lots. There were twenty-five houses in section 
one, forty in section two, and forty-five in section three; also 
the Sugar Refinery buildings in section second, and the Mave- 
rick House, and the Malleable Iron Company's works in sec- 



544 HISTORY. [1844-51, 

tion three. There had been fourteen water lots sold in section 
one, ten in section two, and ten in section three. 

" The Eastern Railroad had located their station-houses east- 
erly of the East Boston Ferry wharf, and between Bremen and 
Orleans and Decatur streets, as well as occupied (for their track) 
a strip of land fifty feet wide from Decatur street easterly 
throughout the length of the Island to Chelsea creek. About 
twenty wharves had been actually constructed and used. Only 
four sections, at this time, had been laid out into lots. The 
city of Boston did not own any lands for school or engine- 
houses, and none of the streets had been accepted. 

" The third lithographic map was made in June, 1844, and rep- 
resented the Island as divided into five sections, showing also 
the additions to section one, of the lots on Everett and Mave- 
rick streets, and the straightening or extension of Marginal and 
Webster streets to the East Boston Ferry wharf; also the new 
wharves pertaining to the Cunard steamships' lot, and also the 
depot and wharf of the Eastern Railroad Company. 

" It also showed the change of location on the Boston side 
of the ferry company's slips and drops from Lewis' w^harf to 
that of the Eastern Railroad Company's wharf on Commercial 
street ; also in the third section of the division of the Public 
Garden into lots, and of Chelsea creek water front into water 
lots. It also exhibited one water lot as sold in section four. 

" The fourth lithographic map was made May 1, 1851, and 
shows the Island divided into six sections, covering all the com- 
pany's upland and marsh land, and part of their flats. This is 
the most complete plan of the improvements at East Boston 
that has yet been made, exhibiting not only the land and water 
lots, but all the buildings (including the dwelling-houses), and 
machine shops, foundries, ship-yards, graving docks, floating dry 
docks, school-houses, engine-houses, churches, flour-mills, and 
the reservoir on Eagle hill (as more particularly shown in a col- 
umn of references placed upon part of the map). This map 
showed a much larger rate of increase for the seven years pre- 
ceding than of any other period. To be a little more minute, 
this map exhibited the Grand Junction Company's improve- 
ments in section one, and the buildings of the United States 



1851.] GENEEAL'MAPS. 545 

bonded warehouses on the Cunard wharf; and in section two 
it showed the increase in the accommodations of the East 
Boston Ferry Company, by the addition, on the East Boston 
side, of a drop and slip of larger dimensions than any heretofore 
used ; also the construction of the flour-mill on Lombard's wharf, 
west of the ferry ; and of Tufts' machine shop on the same 
wharf; and also in section three of the location of the water 
reservoir on Eagle hill, between Brooks, Putnam, and White 
streets (embracing lots 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, and 273, 
274, 275, 276, 277, 278, and 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, and 302). 

" The water was brought in iron pipes from the city proper 
through Charlestown and Chelsea, across Chelsea creek, up 
Brooks street, the top of the reservoir being about 100 feet 
above high-water mark, and the lot itself being 570 feet by 
387i. 

" The Glendon Rolling Mill, on Eagle and Knox streets, was 
also shown on this map, although constructed four or five years 
previously. , 

" In section one a new street, called Lamson street, was laid 
out from Belmont square to Maverick street, also Henry (in 
place of Hotel) street, and Winthrop street, leading from Mave- 
rick square. 

" In section five a permanent sea-wall had been constructed, 
leading from the first section to West Wood Island ; which, 
together with East Wood island and the adjacent marsh, had 
been laid out into streets and lots ; (although these latter have 
not yet been recorded at the registry of deeds ;) and all was 
called section six, embracing numbers from 1 to 608, — two 
thirds of which were upland. Since the year 1851 no new map 
has been made. 

" A new free bridge has been constructed across the mouth of 
Chelsea creek, and running from the north end of Meridian 
street to the south end of Pearl street in the town of Chelsea, 
a distance of 1,512 feet. The bridge is 40 feet wide, having a 
turning draw at the channel 173 feet in length, with a water 
passage of 60 feet on each side of the centre piers, of which 
there are two, respectively of 107 and 124 feet in length. The 
cost of this bridge, including piers, was $58,000, and exclusive 
of land damages of about $4,000. 
46* 



546 HISTORY. [1858. 

Grades of Streets, ^c. 

" The original outline of the Island embraced one hill about 
seventy feet high, in section one, called Camp hill, Webster 
street running longitudinally over it ; the present grade of the 
street is about fifteen feet lower than the top, originally, — 
Belmont square being upon said point. The grades of the 
streets conform to this first grade, from a point four feet above 
high-water mark. 

" In section two, another eminence, called Smith's hill, about 
35 feet high, was found, which, however, has been entirely cut 
down, so that the highest grade of any of the streets in this sec- 
tion is nine feet above high-water mark, sloping down to four 
or five feet above. 

" Section three was principally formed of the rising ground 
called Eagle hill (or West head), and originally was 95 feet 
high. When the reservoir was constructed on White street, 
the grade of the streets generally conformed to that, so that at 
the highest part of the hill (which was at the corner of Brooks 
and Eagle streets) the cutting down has been about 25 feet, — 
the corner of White and Eagle streets forming the highest 
graded part of the Island. Most of the streets in sections one, 
two, and three, have been graded to the proper extent; in sec- 
tion four but partially so. 

" In section four, called ' Middle farm ' on the old maps of the 
island, the ground rises into one principal hill west of Saratoga 
street, of about seventy feet high. The established grade of the 
streets will reduce this ten feet lower. 

" In section five the land is principally marsh, and but two or 
three of the streets are constructed or graded. 

" In section six, comprising East and West Wood islands 
and the intervening marsh, the streets and lots have been only 
proposed, not yet located on the ground or established. East 
Wood island comprises an area of 222^ acres of upland, the 
highest point of which is about 25 feet above high-water mark. 
West Wood island comprises about 17^ acres of upland; the 
highest point of which is about 35 or 40 feet above high-water 
mark. No improvements (except the construction of Prescott 
street across the marsh) have been made upon either of these 
islands. 



1840-56.] 



HARBOR LINES. 



547 



Harbor Lines. 

" The first line established by order of the legislature was in 
the year 1840 ; and commenced at a point opposite the easterly 
end of Sumner street in section one, and ran outside of the 
first, second, and third sections, as far as the mouth of Chelsea 
creek. 

" The second line was established in the year 1849, commenc- 
ing at the northerly termination of the first line (above), and 
running up Chelsea Creek upon each side as far as the first (or 
old) Chelsea free bridge. 

" The third line was established in the year 1856, commencing 
at the easterly termination of the first harbor line (above), and 
running easterly or northerly across the flats of section one, four, 
five, and six, towards Breed's Island, thus completing the harbor 
commissioner's boundary line on the entire water front of the 
island." 

A tabular view of the different plans of the East Boston 
Company will form an appropriate addition to the valuable 
paper of Mr. Noble above given. 

LIST OF PLANS OF THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 



TVTiose Plan. 


Sect. 




Date. 


Liber. 




_ , , 1 








Month. 


Day. 


Tear. 


When Recoruea. 


S. p. Fuller 


1&2 




Oct. 


1 


1833 


377 


April 


1834 


R. H. Eddy 


3 




July 


2 


183 


401 


Fib. 


1836 


" 


1 




June 


" 


1836 


406 


June 




" 


2 


Old Number 


« 


(( 


(' 


406 


u 


11 


K 




New Number 


Nov. 


1 


1838 


443 


April 


1839 


" 


" 


Supplement 


Dec. 


10 


1840 


464 


Feb. 


1841 


" 


" 


Part of New Street 


Aug. 


6 


1841 


472 


Aujr. 




t( 


1 


Marginal Street 


Sep. 


29 


1842 


488 


Sept. 


1842 


U 


5 




Nov. 


23 


" 


492 


Nov. 


a 


" 


3 


Public Garden Lots 


" 




" 


492 




(( 


" 


4 




Aug. 


28 


1838 


494 


abt. Jan. 


1843 


(( 


5 


Supplement 


Mar. 


11 


1845 


540 


March 


1845 


" 


4 


" 


Sep. 


10 


» 


550 


Sept. 




(( 


3 


" 


Oct. 


28 


1846 


569 


abt. Nov. 


1846 


<■' 


3&4 


Water Lots 


" 


16 


1847 


590 


May 


1848 


Noble & Gould 


4 Supplement *2 
3 New Plan 


June 


15 


1854 


663 
677 







CHAPTER XVI. 

PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS. 



In the Board of Mayor and Aldermen of the city of Boston, 
October 15, 1832, was presented a petition of William H. 
Sumner, Stephen White, Francis J. Oliver, and others, proprie- 
tors of Noddle's Island, praying that a ferry be established 
between that Island and the other parts of the city. Up to this 
time the only means of communication with East Boston had 
been sail and row-boats. Public notice of the petition was given, 
and all persons interested were notified to appear on November 
5, when any objections to the granting of this petition would 
be heard. Accordingly, Francis B. Fay, William H. Gardner, 
and W^ashington P. Gragg, trustees of the Winnisimet Ferry 
Company and Land in Chelsea, filed their remonstrance against 
the said petition. It was urged by the remonstrants, that the 
establishment of a ferry by the petitioners would not only 
injure their property in the ferry and land in Chelsea, but would 
trample upon rights solely belonging to them by the early char- 
ters. The grants upon which the Winnisimet Ferry Company 
claimed the exclusive right to run a ferry to Noddle's Island 
were as follows : — 

On the 9th of November, 1630, " it was ordered that whoso- 
ever shall first give in his name to Mr. Governor that he will 
sett upp a ferry betwixt Boston and Charlton, and shall begin 
the same at such tyme as the Governor shall appoynt, shall 
have 1<* for every person, and I'' for every 100 weight of goods 
hee shall soe transport." — Court Rec. I. p. 165. 

On the ISth of May, 1631, Thomas Williams undertook «to 
sett upp a ferry betwixt Winnetsemet and Charlton, for which 
he is to have after 3** a person, and from Winnetsemet to Bos- 
ton 4^ a person." 



THE EARLY FERRY GRANTS. 549 

In June of the same year, Edward Converse " sett upp a 
Ferry betwixt Charlton and Boston." His terms of transporta- 
tion were " 2'^ for every single person, and 1*^ a peece if there be 
2 or more." 

In 1633 the general court allowed Mr. Richard Browne to 
keep a ferry over Charles river against his house, with the same 
rates of fare established by Converse. 

On the 14th of May, 1634, the people of Winnisimet were 
allowed the privilege of joining themselves either to Charles- 
town or to Boston before the meeting of the next general court, 
to be held on the first Wednesday in September, or else by 
that time to be joined to one of those towns by the court. As 
the inhabitants would not choose for themselves which town 
they preferred to belong to, on the 3d of September, 1634, it was 
ordered by the court, "that Wynetsemet shall belong to Boston, 
and to be accompted as part of that town." 

On Sept. 3, 1634, the ferry at Winnisimet was granted to 
Samuel Maverick, and his heirs and assigns forever; " and it is 
agreed that the Court from tyme to tyme appoynt what shall 
be payd for the transportation of one alone, and what for two 
or more, both to Boston & Charlton." 

On May 6th, 1635, it was " ordered that there shalbe a ferry 
sett upp on Boston syde by the wynd mill hill to transport men 
to Charlton & Wenesemet upon the same rates that the ferry 
men at Charlton & Wenesemet transport men to Boston." 

Edward Converse, who in 1631 " sett upp a Ferry betwixt 
Charlton & Boston," was " admonished to bee more careful of 
the ferry, & enjoyned to man two boates, one to lye on the 
one side, and the other on the other side," etc. 

On the 6th of September, 1638, the general court ordered : 
" There is a ferry appointed from Boston to Winnetsemet Nod- 
dle's Island & the ships ; the person to bee appointed by the 
magistrates of Boston." ^ 

On the 1st of Dec, 1638, it was ordered that no canoe should 
be used at any ferry upon pain of £5. 

On the 7th of October, 1641, " It was voted that Winnet- 
semet ferry should have but 3'^ to Boston, & that both ferryes 

^ Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 241. 



550 HISTORY. [1832. 

should have liberty alike ; " also, " The ferry from Boston hath 
liberty to carrtj to Noddle's Island Sf the ships, as to Winnet- 
semet, according to the former order." ^ 

Six years afterward, the following entry appears in the Reg- 
istry of Deeds : — " Samuel Maverick & Anna his wife together 
with John Blackleach and his wife granted and sold to Richard 
Bellingham & his heirs ' a messuage called Winnisimet with 
the appurtenances ; also his interest in the Ferry.^ " 

It came into the possession of Samuel Bellingham, son and 
heir of Richard Bellingham, in 1695, and entered into a marriage 
settlement, under which it remained till 1716, when it became 
vested in Edward Watts and Anne his wife as joint-tenants. 

In 1728 a marriage settlement was entered into between 
Anne "Watts and Thomas Greaves, by which the "ferry farm" 
was conveyed to him; and then, by a tripartite division of the 
Watts estate, Samuel Watts had allotted to him "the ferry 
farm of 220 acres," and also " the sole privilege, benefit, and 
advantage of keeping the ferry called Winnisimmet, and the 
property thereto appertaining." His son, Samuel Watts, at the 
death of his father in 1771, took the ferry property. He died 
in 1791, leaving several children, who conveyed the Winnisimet 
farm by deed to Henry H. Williams, the father of Thomas Wil- 
liams, who claimed the exclusive right to the Winnisimet ferry, 
both on the Boston and the Chelsea side. The right was pur- 
chased afterwards from Mr. Williams and the city by the Win- 
nisimet Company, the remonstrants against the granting of the 
petition to establish a ferry from Boston to Noddle's Island in 
1832. Thomas Williams was afterwards the lessee of Nod- 
dle's Island, and occupied it for farming purposes. 

The ground on which the Winnisimet Company opposed the 
petition was the belief that the right to run a ferry to Noddle's 
Island already belonged to them by the various grants here 
quoted. It was, however, adjudged by the board desirable that 
a ferry should be established between Noddle's Island and the 
city proper ; the petitioners were therefore licensed to keep the 
said ferry with steam or other good boats, they giving bonds 
with good sureties according to law for the faithful perform- 

1 Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 338. 



1833.] THE FERRY IN OPERATION. 551 

ance of the duty and service of said ferry, — " the fare or fer- 
riage not to exceed those taken at the Winnisimet ferry, and 
the board to have free power to establish hereafter any addi- 
tional ferry or ferries between Boston and Noddle's Island, or 
between any other place or places within the limits of the city, 
whenever they deem it expedient so to do." 

A bond was given, according to the above order, in the penal 
sum of five thousand dollars, with the petitioners as principals, 
and Messrs. Robert G. Shaw and Daniel D. Brodhead as sure- 
ties. It having been notified to the committee of the board by 
the grantees that it was their intention to apply to the next 
legislature for an act of incorporation of themselves and their 
associates as owners of the whole of Noddle's Island, and they 
having signified a wish that the bond with the above penal sum 
might be given by such corporatidii, if created, it was agreed 
that the bond of William H. Sumner and others, the petitioners, 
should be given up on the production of a proper bond by the 
corporation. 

The first boat put upon the route was a small wheel-boat, 
which was purchased by General Sumner at Newport; it was 
worked by hand, and was capable of carrying about twenty-five 
persons ; this was first used as a ferry-boat on the 1st of May, 
1833. 

In the autumn of the same year, the steamboat " Tom 
Thumb," a miniature vessel, which had been used on the Chel- 
sea ferry, commenced running on the East Boston ferry. These 
boats received and discharged their passengers from a narrow 
pile wharf, which was built by the East Boston Company ; it 
extended out into water deep enough to allow the Tom Thumb 
to float at low-water. This wharf was on the north-west end 
of Smith's head, where Weeks's wharf now is ; the distance 
from this to North Battery wharf on the Boston side was about 
three eighths of a mile. 

The Tom Thumb was soon taken off for repairs, and the 
hand-boat was again put on. The Tom Thumb was taken 
round to Jeffries' point, and up, through a creek which separated 
Camp hill from the rest of the Island, to what is now Sumner 
street, opposite the sugar-house ; here a purchase was rigged 
around a large elm-tree, and the boat was hauled upon the land 



552 HISTORY. [1834. 

sufficiently to undergo the necessary repairs. It was again 
launched into a pond made by the rising of the tide on Feb. 
22, 1834, and in the succeeding March commenced running 
again on the ferry. This tiny steamboat, carrying with diffi- 
culty any thing but a few footpassengers with their baggage, 
with perhaps a light vehicle without its horse, presented a 
remarkable contrast with the large ferry-boats which were soon 
afterward put on, capable of carrying, with their living freight, 
the heaviest wagons and teams. As the Tom Thumb was 
displaced by the " Maverick," the " East Boston," and the 
" Essex," so the insignificant Noddle's Island has grown into 
the present " Island ward," perhaps soon to be the " Island 
city ; " the very name of Noddle's Island sounds strangely now, 
except to the antiquarian and to the generation which is now 
rapidly disappearing from our midst. 

The Tom Thumb was intended only for a temporary boat 
until the company could build larger ones better adapted to the 
demands of a rapidly increasing population. Large steam- 
boats occasionally landed passengers at the Island on public or 
festive occasions. According to Mr. Guy C. Haynes, the first 
Jiorse and chaise ever seen in East Boston was brought over on 
September 25 ; this is interesting, as there was at this time 
no regular conveyance for teams to the Island ; the chaise, and, 
he believes, the horse (both of which belonged to him), were 
brought over in the Tom Thumb ; before this, Mr. Dunbar had 
brought over several working horses by means of a scow. 
During the repairs to the Tom Thumb, a new boiler was put 
in, made by Mr. Thomas B. Stillman of New York, which cost 
$750. The total cost of the Tom Thumb to the company, as 
taken from the treasurer's books, was $9,789.89, up to the year 
1837, when she was sold for $2,107.27, making the actual cost 
$7,682,62 ; the treasurer was authorized to make the sale by a 
vote of July 20, 1835. 

In October, 1833, the company contracted for a steamboat 
for the use of the ferry between Boston and East Boston, to be 
placed on the route as early as possible in 1834. The boat, the 
" East Boston," was built by Mr. Benson Clock on East Sum- 
ner street, at the south-east end of the sugar-house, where the 
track and workshops of the Eastern Railroad were afterwards 



1834.] FERRY REGULATIONS. 553 

erected. The boat was launched August 9, 1834. The cost 
of the boat was $12,829.32, and of the machinery and extras 
(for which $7,350 had been appropriated), $6,915.03; in all, 
$19,744.35. The boilers and engine were made by Mr. Thomas 
B. Stillman, at the Novelty Works, New York. 

After ineffectual attempts to obtain a ferry landing on the 
Boston side on Commercial wharf, an arrangement was effected 
in the spring of 1834, by which Lewis's wharf became the Bos- 
ton landing. Messrs. S. White, D. D. Brodhead, and Gardner 
Greenleaf were appointed a committee of the East Boston 
Company to report rules and regulations for the government of 
the ferry, subject to the approval of the grantees. This com- 
mittee reported the following regulations for 1834, which were 
adopted : — 

A boat to leave one side or the other as often as once in every fifteen min- 
utes. 

The boats to be exclusively employed on the ferry, and not to be taken off 
for other service, unless by a vote of the directors. 

There is to be no delay at the landings ; and, at least one trip to the Island 
after sunset. 

Free tickets to be allowed to the following persons : — 

President, directors, and other officers of the East Boston Company; of 
the East Boston Wharf Company ; of the East Boston Timber Company ; of 
the Boston Sugar Refinery ; of the Merchants' Marine Railway. 

The building committee and agent of the Maverick House Company. 

The officers and agents of such other companies as may commence works or 
buildings at East Boston, and to such other persons as by vote of the directors 
may be allowed free tickets, or may accompany them to view the company's 
property. 

The privileges of free passage to the foregoing companies ai'c to cease after 
their respective works are completed. 

Rates of Toll. For transient footpassengers, six cents each ; tickets In lots 
not less than one hundred, at five cents each. For residents, or persons em- 
ployed on the Island, three cents each. 

Heads of families residing on the Island may compound for toll at a yearly 
rate of two dollars for each person composing the family. 

The master of the boat to receive the tolls, and to account for the daily re- 
ceipts accurately to the superintendent (Jnce every week. 

On May 13th, the following letter was sent to Messrs. W. 
H. Sumner, F. J. Oliver, and S. White, grantees of the ferry 
from Boston to Noddle's Island : — 
47 



554 HISTORY. [1834. 

" Gentlemen, — I have been ordered by the directors of the 
East Boston Company to forward to you a copy of certain 
regulations for the government of the ferry, such as would, in 
their opinion, be suitable for its regulation, and conducive to 
the interests of the various parties concerned in it. I accord- 
ingly enclose a copy, and hope that they may meet with your 
approval. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

" A. BiNNEY, Clerk of E. B. Co:' 

On May 26th, the clerk read the following reply : — 

" To Amos Binney, clerk of the East Boston Company : — 

" Sir, — We have taken into consideration the proposals of 
the East Boston Company for the regulation of the East Bos- 
ton ferry, communicated to us in your letter of the 13th inst., 
and have the pleasure to reply, that, interested as we are in the 
lands at East Boston, we are desirous of favoring its settlement 
by as low a rate of ferriage as the receipts will allow. We 
therefore accede to your request for the present season. When 
the contemplated bridge ^ and road are completed, the whole 
subject will require supervision. 

" We are respectfully, your obedient servants, 

W. H. Sumner, 
Stephen White, 
Francis J. Oliver." 

In September, 1834, the company contracted with Messrs. 
Vaughan and Pierce for a ferry landing on the East Boston 
side. Until the ferry slips were finished, the " East Boston," at 
high-water, used to run up along-side the East Boston Wharf, 
and the passengers would disembark by climbing up on the 
wharf; at low tide, the boat would run to the little pile wharf 
built at Smith's head for the Tom Thumb. 

During this month, the company contracted for a new ferry- 
boat, to be built on the same 'model and of the same dimen- 
sions as the " East Boston." This boat, the " Maverick," was 
built by Brown and Bates, on Central square, and was launched 

^ Free bridge and road to Chelsea. 



1835.] NEW COMPANY PROPOSED. 555 

January 28, 1835. The cost of the boat was $8,816.72, and 
of the boilers and machinery, furnished by Mr. Thomas B. Still- 
man of New York, $6,940.20 ; total cost, $15,756.92. As Mr. 
Clock demanded an extravagant sum for giving up the draw- 
ings and models of the " East Boston," Messrs. Bates and 
Brown were allowed thirty dollars, in addition to their contract, 
for laying down the model of the " Maverick." 

The company thus had two ferry-boats, large and commodi- 
ous, having excellent cabins both for gentlemen and ladies. 
On the 27th of May, 1835, they commenced their regular trips, 
opening a direct communication, by means of Chelsea street 
and the Eastern avenue, with the towns intersected by the 
Salem turnpike. The account of the celebration of this im- 
portant event, and of the opening of the Maverick House, has 
been given in the preceding chapter. In this way was Boston 
connected with East Boston, in a manner more durable than by 
constructing a tunnel under the bed of the stream, or by span- 
ning the waters by a magnificent bridge, both of which schemes 
were entertained in times past. Thus were the inhabitants of 
the old crowded hive in Boston tempted to enjoy the sea 
breeze in a four minutes' sail to East Boston ; " and the mer- 
chant, weary with the toils of a sultry day in the old city, to 
hie to the new ; and, sitting down by his vine-sheltered dwell- 
ing, to drink the fresh and cooling breeze, with his warehouse 
and vessels in full view." It will be borne in mind that, at this 
time, many lots had been sold, and several fine houses were 
either finished or in process of erection on Belmont. 

In September, 1834, the directors of the East Boston Com- 
pany voted that Messrs. J. Binney, White, and Oliver, be a 
committee " to consider the propriety of forming a new com- 
pany to hold and manage the ferry and bridge and roads, and 
other property connected therewith ; and, in case they think it 
expedient to form such company, then to report a plan for its 
organization." 

In December, 1834, this committee reported that they were of 
opinion that it would be for the interest of the stockholders that 
such a new company should be formed, and they presented a 
sketch of a plan in accordance with which they recommended 
the formation of a new company, as follows : — 



556 HISTORY. [1835. 

" The new company should purchase, — 

" 1. Of Benj. T. Reed and others, their right and interest in 
the Chelsea free bridge, as grantees by their act of incorpora- 
tion. 

"2. Of William H. Sumner and others, their right and inter- 
est in the ferry between the city proper and East Boston, with 
the ferry-boats and landings, and the privileges granted to them 
by the mayor and aldermen of Boston. 

" 3. Of Amos Binney, all his right in the new road now 
being constructed from the Chelsea free bridge to the Salem 
turnpike. 

"4. Of the East Boston Company, the plat of ground laid 
down on the company's plan as a public garden, and also all 
said company's interest in the property before named. 

" The directors of the East Boston Company for the time 
being should be the directors of the new company, and should 
have full power to regulate and manage the ferry and other 
property, and the affairs of the company generally, — it being 
their duty to make division of profits, should there be any after 
paying the expenses of keeping the property in repair and mak- 
ing such improvements as they may think necessary. But they 
shall never so diminish the rate of tolls on the ferry as to reduce 
the income of the stockholders to less than six per centum per 
annum on the amount of their capital stock. 

" The property should be held by trustees, as joint-tenants, 
and certificates of the interest of the respective stockholders in 
the trust property should be issued in shares of one hundred 
dollars each." 

These were read, and accepted unanimously. 

It was then voted, " that the East Boston Company will 
assign their right and interest in the property proposed to be 
held by the new company for the sum of $66,000." 

It was also voted, " that the superintendent and treasurer be 
a committee to call upon gentlemen, and ascertain if there is a 
disposition to form such a company, and to prepare subscription 
papers for that purpose on the basis reported by the committee." 

On January 15, 1835, the superintendent reported that a 
company had been formed to purchase the property mentioned 
in the report of the ferry committee at the last meeting, for the 



1836.J THE FERRY UNPROFITABLE. 557 

sum of |66,000, and that the amount would be paid as soon as 
the necessary papers could be prepared. These papers the so- 
licitor of the company was requested to prepare. 

It was therefore voted, "that a dividend of $66,000, being 
$12.50 per share, be declared and made payable by the treas- 
urer, so soon as he shall have received funds from the pur- 
chasers of the ferry property, to persons holding stock." 

In 1835, the East Boston Company had advanced and paid 
in cash the sum of $85,611 for boats, drops, slips, tanks, wharf, 
and ferry landing, and had also made a grant of, and conveyed 
for the support of the ferry, a tract of land measuring 562,500 
square feet, worth at that time not less than ten cents a foot, 
amounting in the whole to $141,861. All this, then, was con- 
veyed to the new company for $66,000, and they divided it into 
one thousand shares, at the nominal value of one hundred dol- 
lars each. 

The ferry property, as above enumerated, was conveyed to 
the new company, in a complete state for commencing opera- 
tions as a ferry, the East Boston Company discharging all bills 
and expenses incurred in effecting such completion, amounting 
to several thousand dollars. The president of the company 
was authorized to execute a deed of the public garden, and the 
treasurer to make a bill of sale of the boats and other per- 
sonal property, under the agreement with the new ferry com- 
pany. 

The undertaking was not profitable, and during the first year 
it sank more than $22,000. Discouraged at such an unexpected 
result, the association would have discontinued the ferry, to the 
great detriment of the Island, had not the East Boston Com- 
pany come forward and sustained it. The Eastern Railroad 
Company afterward located their road at East Boston. Their 
act of incorporation contained an express provision " that they 
should use the ferry then established, or some other ferry, to 
convey their passengers to and from Boston ; " and, in order to 
avoid the delays incident to an ordinary ferry under the control 
of another company, they purchased, in December, 1836, a ma- 
jority of the stock of the ferry association, paying $51,000 for 
510 shares. They were forced to do this, as the East Boston 
Company, to protect themselves, had from the beginning agreed 
47* 



558 HISTORY. [1838. 

to make no conveyance of a wharf lot on the Island without a 
condition " that no ferry should ever be established or run from 
the premises." 

Upon the railroad company becoming thus interested in the 
support and management of the ferry, new and increased ac- 
commodations were provided, both for the railroad passengers 
and the public. A new slip was built on the East Boston side, 
for the exclusive use of the railroad, and, soon after, the rail- 
road company built two new slips on their wharf on the Bos- 
ton side, one for their own boat, and the other for the public 
ferry landing, both approached by a wide and convenient ave- 
nue from Commercial street. The railroad company obtained 
the right to run their own boat to their own slip for the convey- 
ance of their passengers only ; but the freight was still to be 
carried over the public ferry, by agreement. Still the ferry did 
not support itself; its expenses far exceeded its income. 

In September, 1837, the treasurer of the ferry company asked 
a loan of the East Boston Company of $6,000, to enable him 
to meet the demands against the former. It was voted to ad- 
vance it, provided the Eastern Railroad Company would do the 
same. In consideration of the importance of sustaining the ferry 
company as then carried on until the railroad was in operation, 
it was voted, on December 1st, to loan one half of the amount 
required, if the railroad company would do the same. The 
latter company having agreed to do so, the East Boston Com- 
pany did the same, it being understood by all the parties that 
said sums, " for which notes shall be given, shall be loaned 
solely on the pledge of the property of the ferry company, and 
that neither the Eastern Railroad Company, nor any other 
shareholders in the ferry company, shall ever be liable in their 
individual capacity for the payment of any such sums as may 
be advanced." 

By virtue of tlje indenture of December 19, 1836, two direc- 
tors to be chosen by the East Boston Company, joined to the 
directors of the Eastern Railroad Company, were to constitute 
the board of directors of the East Boston Ferry Company. 

The two companies allowed equal sums for the maintenance 
of the ferry, and had each advanced f 15,000 for this purpose up 
to May, 1838 ; the railroad company were the largest stock- 



1839.] NEW FERRY ARRANGEMENTS. 559 

holders in the ferry property. It was thought that an additional 
boat was necessary for the accommodation of the passengers 
of the Eastern Railroad, which was opened in August, 1838 ; 
but it was thought best to try the experiment with two boats 
until their insufficiency was proved ; the railroad company, not 
being able to purchase one of the old ferry-boats, were after- 
wards compelled to employ one of their own. 

In 1839 it was agreed that the ferry property should be con- 
sidered as joint security for the East Boston Company and the 
Eastern Railroad Company for the debts due them ; and that 
neither company would bring suits on any notes or demands 
against the ferry company for advances made to it, nor attach 
its property, except for notes or demands on the joint account. 

In April of this year an arrangement was made for the tem- 
porary management of the ferry between the three companies. 
Without affecting any rights or privileges they then had under 
the " ferry indenture " of December- 19, 1836,^ the East Boston 
Company agreed to maintain the ferry, furnishing the funds, 
paying all expenses from March 1, 1839, to June 1, 1840, 
meeting all outstanding debts due on the latter date, and pay- 
ing, on or before that day, to the treasurer of the ferry com- 
pany $8.77 for each day's deterioration of the property by use, 
and an annual rent of 61,250 for the landing on Lewis's 
wharf. The railroad company were to enjoy all their actual 
privileges, and to have any further accommodation not incon- 
sistent with the ordinary travel; the ferry-master to manage and 
direct all matters as the directors of the East Boston Company 
should request. The railroad company were to pay as before 
for tolls and ferriages, but to be entitled to the same rate of de- 
duction on burden carriages as persons occupying stores and 
wharves at East Boston. All other travel was to be at the rates 
agreed upon by the East Boston Company, and no permits were 
to be granted beyond June 1, 1840. All the income during this 
time was to be at the disposal of the East Boston Company for 
the payment of expenses, this company supplying all deficien- 

^ Between J. Binney, W. Fettyplaoe, and B. Larason, trustees of the ferry 
company on the first part, the East Boston Company on the second part, and 
the Eastern Ralh-oad Company on the third part. 



560 HISTORY. [1835. 

cies ; any excess of income over expenses was to be applied to 
paying the interest due on debts from the ferry company to the 
East Boston and Railroad Companies, and any excess beyond 
this to be retained by the East Boston Company for their own 
use. All the debts, dues, and demands against the ferry com- 
pany up to March, 1839, were to be discharged, so that the com- 
pany should be free from debts, excepting those due to the East 
Boston and the Railroad Companies. The East Boston Com- 
pany were not to be considered as standing insurers for the 
boats. 

This arrangement was agreed to by the three companies; 
and it was believed that under it, after the end of the year, the 
ferry would more than sustain itself. It was continued beyond 
the time specified until September, 1841, when the Eastern 
Railroad Company notified the East Boston Company that 
they intended to proceed to annul the indentures, and to collect 
the debt due from the ferry company by judicial process, un- 
less some satisfactory arrangement could be made by the parties 
concerned ; and to put an end, by giving ten days' notice, to 
the temporary arrangement by which the East Boston Company 
agreed to conduct the ferry. 

The reasons for this movement were, that the capital of the 
ferry company was more than exhausted, and that, from many 
shareholders transferring their stock in it to parties wholly irre- 
sponsible, the railroad company were liable for its heavy debts. 
They therefore thought that the indentures ought to be an- 
nulled, though this would involve a loss to them of all their 
stock and a portion of their debt. To save the expenses of a 
suit, the railroad company proposed that the two companies 
should receive from the trustees a conveyance of all the prop- 
erty, real and personal, and the franchise of the ferry ; and, in 
consideration of such conveyance, to discharge their demands 
against the ferry company, and to reconstruct the ferry upon 
the following terms and basis : — 

1. That the indenture be cancelled, the property being taken 
jointly by the two companies in satisfaction of their demands ; 
and the same (with the exception of the public garden, to be 
equally divided between the two companies and held by them 
in fee, without any restriction, except the present lease, to Mr. 



1833.] THE FERRY PROPERXr PURCHASED. 561 

Mason), be placed in trust for the purpose of continuing the 
present means of communication between Boston and East 
Boston, — the East Boston Company to place the franchise in 
the hands of whoever may be appointed by the two companies 
to take the trust. 

2. The railroad company to run their own boat at their own 
expense, and to and from their own slips, if such can be pro- 
cured, or to the present slips as they now do, without charge 
by, or any account to, the ferry company, or its successors. 

3. The common ferry to be run on the joint account of the 
two companies so long as the receipts shall equal the expenses, 
including the rent of the slip on the Boston side, and 85,000 for 
deterioration of property by use ; but no longer (unless either 
or both shall make up its receipts to said expenses) than the 
value of the accumulated fund, if there be any, and the value 
of the boats, etc., shall enable it to be continued without involv- 
ing the property in debt. 

4. During the continuance of the ferry neither company to 
suffer any other ferry to be run from their premises (always ex- 
cepting the railroad company), without the mutual consent of 
the two companies. 

5. If the ferry should continue to run to Lewis's wdiarf, a 
reasonable rent to be paid to the railroad company ; if the 
latter company furnish a separate slip on the Wilkinson and 
Pratt wharf, the rent to be $4,000 a year and taxes ; two thirds 
of the excess of receipts over expenses, if there be any, to 
go to the railroad company, and the other third to be at 
the disposal of the trustees for the benefit of the two com- 
panies. 

6. Common passengers to pass by the railroad boat on pre- 
senting a ferry check, and railroad passengers, with their bag- 
gage, to pass by the common boats, on an order therefor from 
the railroad superintendent, — but not otherwise. 

7. One of the common ferry-boats to be used by the railroad 
company, without expense except for fuel and crew, whenever 
their own boat cannot be employed on account of repairs. 

8. The present drops, piles, buildings, etc., at Lewis's wharf 
to be the property of the railroad company, and to be used at 
the new slip. 



562 HISTORY. [1842. 

9. Transportation of merchandise to the raiboad to be paid 
for as now, but the raih'oad company to be allowed to trans- 
port goods and merchandise in any manner they think fit, as by 
boats, vessels, etc. 

10. No change in the present rates of toll to be made except 
by mutual consent ; but all privileges and reductions to others 
than residents of East Boston, or persons doing business there, 
to be annulled. Directors, officers, agents, and operatives under 
yearly pay of both companies to pass toll free in any of the 
boats. 

This arrangement was accepted by both companies. 

The East Boston Company offered to stockholders in the 
ferry company other than the railroad company, shares in 
the East Boston Company's stock (No. 1 land dividend off), 
share for share, in exchange for their ferry stock ; provided they 
would accept the same on or before October 15th next, and pro- 
vided all of the stockholders would agree to such an exchange. 

The trustees of the ferry company agreed to make such con- 
veyance to the trustees appointed by the two companies, pro- 
vided they agree to receive the same in full satisfaction of their 
respective debts, the two companies to pay the current debts 
and demands contracted by the superintendent and treasurer in 
conducting the business of the ferry. This was agreed to by 
the two companies, each one to pay one half of the said debts 
and demands. 

Accordingly, in July, 1842, the ferry property, held in trust 
for its benefit, was conveyed in fee-simple to Mark Healey, 
president of the East Boston Company, and David A. Neal, 
president of the Eastern Railroad Company, in trust for the 
said companies ; and on the receipt of the property the debts of 
the ferry company were discharged on the treasurer's books of 
the two companies. Deeds of sale and conveyance of the 
public garden were also made by the trustees of the ferry 
company, with the assent of the East Boston Company's 
directors as required by the indentures. 

As soon as the ferry came into the possession of the two 
companies, increased accommodations were provided both for the 
railroad and ordinary passengers. A new slip was built on the 
East Boston side for the exclusive use of the railroad, and the 



1847.] NEW BOATS. 563 

railroad company soon afterward built two new slips on the 
Boston side, one for their own boat, and the other for the 
public ferry landing; the new avenue proposed at first by the 
railroad company, leading from the landings to Commercial 
street, being deemed insufficient to accommodate the increasing 
travel, and being objected to by the East Boston Company, co- 
proprietors, the present wide and convenient street was laid 
out. 

Still, the ferry did not support itself, and was only kept in 
operation by the advances of money made by the two com- 
panies ; from 1S37 to 1842 it had sunk over and above all its 
receipts 890,000, without including interest money, or the depre- 
ciation of boats and machinery. 

From 1842 to 1852 the ferry was owned and run (under 
license) by the East Boston Company and the Eastern Railroad 
Company. In 1844 a committee of the residents of East Bos- 
ton was appointed to ascertain at what price the East Boston 
Company would sell its interest in the ferry; but nothing was 
effected. The East Boston Company made several ineffectual 
attempts to purchase the Eastern Railroad Company's interest 
in the ferry; but without avail. The two companies had so 
many conflicting interests and points of difference, that umpires 
were appointed to settle and decide upon the questions in dis- 
pute between them in regard to its management and mainte- 
nance. 

In April, 1847, W. C. Barstow, Esq., manager of the ferry 
for the East Boston Company, reported that he had examined 
the ferry-boats "East Boston" and "Essex," and had found 
them decayed, lightly timbered, inconvenient, with the beams 
in the hold propped up to support the weight of heavy teams ; 
and with the machinery and boilers in bad condition and requir- 
ing constant repairs. He advised that two new boats should 
be built, of a more modern and convenient style ; the " Maverick" 
would be serviceable as a third boat for some years. A con- 
tract was accordingly made with Samuel Hall, Esq., of East 
Boston, for the hull of a boat complete for ^11,200 ; and with 
J. P. Allaire, Esq., of New York, for an inclined plane, low 
pressure, condensing steam-engine, of thirty-one inches cylinder 
and seven feet stroke, with the most approved boiler, for $10,000 ; 



564 HISTORY. [1851. 

the expenses for copper, anchor, cable, bell, and furniture were 
additional ; the boat was to be ready for running by the 15th 
of January, 1848. This boat was called the " Suffolk." 

From 1842 to 1851, the aggregate receipts as compared w^ith 
the expenditures, showed a loss to the two companies of nearly 
$29,000. 

For some time previous to the autumn of 1851 there were 
many citizens of East Boston who thought the business of the 
Island was not sufficiently accommodated by the existing ferry 
facilities, and they began to agitate the subject of obtaining a 
charter for a new ferry. Meetings of the citizens were held, the 
subject was freely discussed, and a committee was appointed to 
apply to the legislature for a charter. The application was 
made, and was opposed by the old companies who had the 
management of the ferry. 

Early in 1851, the East Boston Company appointed a com- 
mittee, to be joined by one from the Eastern Kailroad Com- 
pany, to apply to the legislature for an act of incorporation for 
the ferry. Of these two petitioners in the field, the old com- 
pany opposed the incorporation of a new one, on the ground 
that there w^as not travel enough for two ferries ; the existing 
ferry, from its favorable location, its moderate rate of tolls, its 
responsible owners, and its accommodating management, being 
amply sufficient for the public accommodation. The new 
company wished to get possession of the property of the old ; 
but with the capital prayed for, $150,000, no increased facilities 
could be afforded ; neither could the rates of toll be diminished 
consistently with the support of the ferry, — the mere transfer 
of the property from one party to another would in no way 
benefit the public, — the heavy losses liable to be incurred from 
collisions with sailing vessels and boats could not be paid for 
by a company with so small a capital, and with all its corporate 
property in its boats ; while under the present management, the 
whole corporate property of the East Boston Company and the 
Eastern Railroad Company was pledged to meet such losses. 
The new company opposed the incorporation of the old, on the 
ground that it was a monopoly, indisposed or unable to fur- 
nish the accommodations demanded by the growth of the 
Island. 



1852.] EAST BOSTON FERRY COMPANY. 565 

But the charter was granted, after having been so amended* 
as to include among the corporators some of the friends of the 
old ferry. A company was formed, embracing a portion of the 
original applicants and the owners of the old ferry, which, with 
its boats, slips, etc., was transferred to the new company at an 
appraisal of $200,000. The aggregate cost to the East Boston 
Company of maintaining the ferry up to this time was over 
$203,000. The East Boston Company and the Eastern Rail- 
road Company sold their interest in it to the new company for 
$100,000 each. 

The "East Boston Ferry Company" was incorporated IMay 
18, 1852, for the term of twenty years, — Samuel Hall, Noah 
Sturtevant, Daniel D. Kelley, Samuel S. Lewis, Albert Thorn- 
dike, and William C. Barstow being the petitioners. The 
capital stock was fixed at $200,000, in two thousand shares of 
$100 each, with liberty to increase it to $300,000. They were 
allowed to collect and receive such tolls as the mayor and 
aldermen of the city of Boston for the time being should deter- 
mine, the rates, however, never to be so much reduced as to 
make the yearly dividends of the company less than eight per 
cent, on the amount of capital invested. The city of Boston, 
by the ninth section of the act of incorporation, was at liberty, 
at any time during the continuance of the charter of the com- 
pany, to purchase its franchise, property, rights, and privileges, 
by paying therefor such a sum as would reimburse them the 
amount of capital paid in, with a net profit thereon, as should 
be agreed upon, not exceeding ten per cent, per annum from 
the time of the payment thereof by the stockholders to the time 
of such purchase. 

The new company made important improvements in their 
accommodations. In 1852 they built the " Norfolk," and con- 
tracted for the " Daniel Webster," which was launched in 1853. 
They also ran a boat all night, making half-hourly trips from 
midnight till two boats came on at daylight. They also ob- 
tained a portion of Sargent's wharf on the Boston side, and 
built a new slip ; after which time three boats ran during the 
day, furnishing ample accommodations for the public travel. 
They had two good slips on each side, three excellent boats, 
and one spare boat, the " Maverick ; " their ferry houses con- 
48 



566 HISTORY. [1853. 

tained all the modern improvements, and were very comfortable 
and convenient for the passengers. 

But all this was not satisfactory to every one. Some of the 
individuals active in getting this charter were not satisfied with 
the organization made under it, and they soon began to take 
steps to obtain a charter for a new and independent ferry. 
After strong opposition, upon the grounds already stated, an 
act of incorporation was approved 25th May, 1853, for the new 
ferry, which was organized under the name of the " People's 
Ferry." Subscriptions to the stock were at once obtained suffi- 
cient to warrant the commencement of the work; the necessary 
landings were procured, boats were contracted for, and the 
enterprise was carried on with the utmost vigor, and resulted 
in the establishment of a second fine communication between 
the city and East Boston. 

The landing of the "People's Ferry" at East Boston is on 
what was formerly known as Cunningham's wharf, on Sumner 
street, in section two ; and on the Boston side, in Commercial 
street, at the site of the old Marine railway. The distance 
across is about eighteen hundred feet, a little less than at the 
old ferry, and is performed by their present boats in less than 
three minutes. The ferry-boat " Washington " arrived from 
New York, where she was built October 9, 1854, and on 
October 12, the second new boat, the " John Adams," also from 
New York. 

Previous to putting the first boat of the line upon the ferry, 
the directors thought it advisable to invite the stockholders, and 
various gentlemen of the different professions in our city, to 
make a short excursion in her down the harbor, in order that 
they might see for themselves the beauty and neatness of the 
boat, make a trial of her speed, and see the excellent manner in 
which she worked. Such a trip was accordingly made ; the 
boat, with about two hundred gentlemen on board, leaving the 
East Boston side at three o'clock. The boat was gaily decked 
with colors. As she passed along in front of the wharves 
on the city side, she saluted the various steamers with her 
whistle. She went round Rainsford island and Fort Warren, 
and then turned her head homeward again. 

Shortly after leaving the slip, the company on board were 



1854.] THE PEOPLE'S FERRY. 567 

invited to partake of a substantial collation, provided by Mr.. 
J. G. Chandler of East Boston. After this had been partaken 
of with a good relish, a meeting was organized by the choice 
of Oliver Frost, Esq., as chairman, who made a brief address, 
congratulating those present on the establishment of the new 
ferry. He was followed by Matthew Hale Smith, Esq., Mr. 
John Crowley, Phineas Burgess, Esq., Charles F. Gardner, 
Esq., one of the directors, James Whiting, Esq., and B. F. 
Russell, Esq. The remarks of these several gentlemen were 
brief, and appropriate to the occasion, and were well received 
by the company present. 

The boat reached the city on her return about half-past five, 
and the members of the party residing in the city proper were 
landed on the Boston side. All seemed delighted with their 
trip and the boat, and, before leaving, gave three hearty cheers 
for the success of the " People's Ferry." 

The ferry went into active operation on October 12, 1854 ; 
it now has three boats, named from the first three presidents of 
the United States. On the day of the opening of the People's 
Ferry, the East Boston Company took possession of the land- 
ing on the Island side, as the conditions of sale of the water 
lots had been violated,^ forbidding the running of any ferry from 
the premises. The question here involved still remains un- 
settled. 

Before the establishment of the People's Ferry, the East Bos- 
ton Ferry Company were doing very well; the report of the 
company for the year 1853 gave for the receipts $97,512.48, 
and for expenditures $78,005.88, an excess of receipts over 
expenses of $19,506.60; the first time, since its establishment, 
that its income had exceeded its expenditures. But this pros- 
perous state of things was of short duration. The People's 
Ferry took off a considerable portion of the travel from the old 
ferry ; and, as there was not business enough to support them 
both, the consequence was that both companies lost money 
every day. Hence the officers petitioned the city government 



^ In all the deeds of conveyance from the East Boston Company of their 
front or water lots, was inserted the clause, '■'■that no ferry should ever he estab- 
lished or run from the premises." 



568 HISTORY. [1854. 

for an increase of tolls, for, by their acts of incorporation, the 
city government had the right to fix the tolls, which were not 
to yield more than eight per cent, profit on the capital stock. On 
the other hand, the citizens of East Boston petitioned the govern- 
ment for aid to the ferries, so as to keep the tolls at the present 
rate. But, in any case, the principles of common justice de- 
mand some concessions to this enterprising and rapidly grow- 
ing portion of the city. In the first place, the city government 
should not tax the property of the ferries, and should refund the 
taxes already paid. South Boston has three free avenues, sup- 
ported by the city, and partly by East Boston money, while 
East Boston furnishes its own means of conveyance to the city, 
and then pays heavy taxes on the very conveyance ; for, as the 
tolls are not permitted to pay the companies over eight per 
cent., the tax on the property must be paid by the people who 
use the ferries. This is manifest injustice. 

In the second place, the city should buy the avenues from 
Commercial street to the ferries, and make them public streets. 
The old ferry pays $6,000 per annum for rent of their avenue 
from Commercial street to their drop; and the new ferry pur- 
chased their avenues on both sides, eight per cent, on the cost 
of which the tolls must pay. While new and expensive streets 
are opened and supported without hesitation in the city proper, 
East Boston, with nearly seventeen thousand inhabitants and 
taxable property of |8,000,000, paying her proportion of taxes 
for city improvements, has not a single public street by which 
the citizens can pass to the city proper. This is another most 
manifest piece of injustice. 

The relief afforded by ceasing to tax the ferries and by mak- 
ing the avenues free would probably enable the ferries to sus- 
tain themselves without an increase of tolls, and without the 
grant of large sums of money from the city. 

There seems to be a great difference of opinion among the 
residents of East Boston as to the possibility of accommodat- 
ing all the travel by a single ferry. If the city pay $100,000 
to each of the ferries for its avenues, it is probable that both 
might support themselves without an increase of tolls. If the 
city should not thus purchase the avenues, many are of opinion 
that the two ferries should be united under one charter, and be 



1856.] INCREASE OF TOLLS, 569 

managed by one corporation ; and, from present appearances, 
this will be the final result of the existing difliculties. This, of 
course, would excite the strong personal feelings of the parti- 
sans of each company, many of whom would sacrifice their 
entire property in them before consenting to a consolidation. 
Those who wish for consolidation believe that there is not busi- 
ness enough for two ferries, and they rely for their belief on the 
reports of the companies themselves ; if such be the case, the 
union of the ferries, and the consequent v/ithdrawal of two 
boats, would reduce the expenses one half; and then, if a free 
right of way were given by the city (which, with justice, could 
not be denied), the* heavy rent thus saved would enable the 
single ferry to build new drops and landings, and to offer to the 
travelling public every reasonable accommodation. 

On the contrary, the advocates of two ferries consider a 
union as fatal to the interests of the island, by plunging them 
into the same evils of. monopoly which excited to the establish- 
ment of the People's Ferry ; they believe that there is business 
and travel enough to support two ferries. Confessing that both 
are now running behindhand, help must be obtained, either 
from the city or by the raising of the tolls. Each of these plans 
has its advocates in East Boston. 

In the month of April, 1856, there appearing to be no pros- 
pect of immediate decision on the part of the city, both ferries, 
in self-defence, raised their tolls.* This act at first was received 
with considerable indignation by the people, and some violent 
demonstrations were threatened ; but the cloud passed over 
without serious difficulty, as it was apparent to every well 
informed man on the Island that the ferries could not live at 
the old rates. 

It is hoped that the ferry difficulties will in the end be ad- 
justed amicably, and to the satisfaction of all concerned ; but it 
is much to be regretted that this bone of contention was ever 
thrown am^ong the people of East Boston ; the bickerings and 
ill-feeling arising out of the controversy will exert an unfavora- 
ble influence on the interests of the Island for some time to 
come. 

Besides their importance as avenues of communication, the 
East Boston ferries render great service to the commerce of 
48* 



570 HISTORY. [17r. 

Boston by keeping the harbor clear of ice ; that portion of ib 
ice which forms below them, being broken and separated b 
the passage of the boats, drifts out to sea with the ebb tid' 
while the upper part of the harbor, including Chelsea covi 
remains blocked up. The boats can ply uninterruptedly durin 
the coldest winter, as has been sufficiently proved by the sever 
winter of 1855-56 ; with the thermometer several degrees belo'< 
zero for many days in succession, it w^as kept continually opei 
The part of the harbor where the ferry is established is the la^ 
to be obstructed by ice, it being situated at the confluence c 
the Mystic and Charles rivers, w^hose rapid current at this coni 
paratively narrow spot prevents the formation of ice there, eve; 
when the harbor is frozen both above and below it. There i 
less interruption at this ferry than at many of the bridge? 
whose obstruction from the frequent lifting of the draws wil 
increase from year to year with the number of vessels demandet 
by an increased population and trade. When we reflect tha 
several thousand vessels pass the draws of the different bridge 
in the course of a year, we may understand the great ad 
vantages possessed by a ferry over this mode of communi 
cation. 

At the time we close this article (May, 1858), no result ha^ 
been reached on this perplexing subject, and it is impossible t< 
foresee what arrangements will be made. The various project 
proposed have their several supporters, and the differences o 
opinion of Island residents and the clashing of private inter 
ests render a plan which shall give mutual satisfaction difficult 
of accomplishment. The prosperity of East Boston depends 
in a great measure upon a judicious settlement of this impor 
tant subject, and it is hoped and believed that the present agi- 
tation of the matter will not cease until the Island ward is 
possessed of equal advantages with the other wards under the 
same city government. 

BRIDGES. 

As early as 1727, John Yeamans, one of the early proprietors 
of the Island, advocated the construction of a bridge from the 
Island to Winnisimet. At this early period it was believed 



1835.] CHELSEA FREE BRIDGE. 571 

that Noddle's Island, from its deeper water and its more con- 
venient south-west front, presented advantages superior to those 
of Boston as a commercial emporium. Mr. Yeamans' atten- 
tion was drawn off from Boston to the West Indies and to 
England, to matters vitally important to the welfare of the Brit- 
ish colonies.^ Had he carried out his proposed scheme of a 
bridge, it is quite probable that the principal part of Boston 
would have been on the Island side of the channel. 

Chelsea Free Bridge. — On the 2d of December, 1833, the 
East Boston Company, perceiving the importance of a free 
communication with Chelsea, appointed Messrs. White and 
Sumner a committee to present a petition to the legislature at 
its next session for leave to build a bridge over the creek 
between East Boston and Chelsea. On the 7th of December 
the petition was prepared and accepted, and the signatures of 
proprietors and residents at East Boston were obtained. 

On the 28th of March, 1834, an act of incorporation was 
granted, making Benjamin T. Reed, Amos Binney, John Hen- 
shaw, and their associates, successors, and assigns, the proprie- 
tors of Chelsea Free Bridge. They were authorized to build a 
bridge across Chelsea creek from the northerly side of' Noddle's 
Island to Dr. B. Shurtlefl's farm in Chelsea, which is a distance 
of 690 feet, where the bridge was constructed. It was to be 
well built, not less than twenty-five feet wide, with railings for 
the protection of passengers, and a draw not less than twenty- 
five feet wide, to be at all times raised on demand for the pas- 
sage of vessels, a detention of more than an hour to be punish- 
able by a fine of from three to twenty dollars, — no toll was to 
be demanded of persons passing over it: '■'•Provided always^ 
that if, at any time hereafter, the proprietors of said bridge shall 
lay out, or cause to be laid out and made, any road from the 
Chelsea end of said bridge to any road whatsoever within the 
limits of the town of Chelsea, the inhabitants of said town shall 
never be chargeable with any cost or expense whatsoever for 
the laying out, making, repairing, or maintaining such road;" 
and provided also that the bridge shall not be built until a 

"■ See Chap. X. 



572 HISTORY. [1834. 

good bond in the penal sum of |3,000 be given to the Common- 
wealth, conditioned to pay all penalties and forfeitures incurred 
within the meaning and intent of Ihis act; the corporation to 
be liable for all damages to travellers over said bridge happen- 
ing through any defect in the same, — the act to be void un- 
less tlie corporation build the bridge within three years after its 



According to votes passed at a meeting of the stockholders 
of the Chelsea Free Bridge Company, September 29, and of 
the East Boston Company, November 1, 1834, a bond was 
given to the Comm.onvvealth in the penal sum of |3,000, signed 
by A. Binney, the treasurer of the Chelsea Free Bridge Corpora- 
tion as principal, and by Wm. H. Sumner, the president of the 
East Boston Company as surety, for the payment of penalties 
and forfeitures within the meaning of the act. The bond was 
annexed to the bond in the treasurer's office, signed by Jno. 
Wheeler, the clerk of the bridge corporation, and A. Binney, 
the clerk of the East Boston Company. 

A handsomely gravelled bridge was built by Mr. J. W. Alex- 
ander, at a first cost of |8,227.76. In October the bridge was 
so far finished that Robert H. Eddy, Esq., drove a horse and 
chaise over it from Chelsea, which was probably the first one 
ever driven to East Boston from that direction. 

Early in 1834, committees met on the part of the Salem 
Turnpike Corporation and the Chelsea Bridge Corporation, and 
made arrangements for the continuation of the road from the 
free bridge to the turnpike, thus opening a communication 
with Chelsea and the country north and east of it. The 
construction of this road was commenced by Wilson and 
Devoy, in June, 1834; it was suspended during the summer, 
and was graded, gravelled, and fenced in, making an excellent, 
level road, which was opened to public travel in May, 1835, 
when the Maverick House was opened, and the ferry-boats 
commenced their regular trips. 

Dr. B. Shurtleff conveyed land for the road from the bridge 
to Bass creek to Messrs. John Binney, W. Fettyplace, and B. 
Lamson, on Jaly 10, 18^5; and on December 2, 1835, the 
Carey heirs conveyed land for the road to the Salem turnpike 
to the same gentlemen for $1,250. On December 7, 1835, B. 



1835.] NEW COMPANY FORMED. 573 

T. Reed, A. Binney, and J. Henshaw gave a quitclaim deed of 
the free bridge to Messrs. Jno. Binney, Fettyplace, and Lam- 
son, the trustees of the new ferry company's property. 

The road from the bridge to the Salem turnpike was called 
the " Eastern Avenue ; " it was about If miles long, and, up to 
the time of its first public opening, had cost over $12,000, as 
follows : — 

Cost of road, including bridge over Bass creek . . $10,889.00 

For land from the Carey heirs 1,250.00 

For fencing, paid to B. Shurtleff 150.00 

SI 2,289.00 

In the month of December, 1833, the company voted to con- 
struct Chelsea street from the hotel across the marsh to the 
upland, forty feet wide from its southerly line, and in the fol- 
lowing year it was built to the free bridge, in a north-easterly 
direction, a distance of If miles. This fine street has a width 
of seventy feet, and is intersected by nine cross streets, each of 
which is fifty feet wide. In 1854 the city paved that portion of 
it between Maverick square and Decatur street, and it is now one 
of the finest avenues in the vicinity of Boston, and makes a direct 
communication between East Boston and its northern neigh- 
borhood. The distance from the ferry landing to the Salem 
turnpike is about three miles. As it avoided two of the prin- 
cipal hills which must be passed by the old turnpike route over 
Chelsea bridge or Winnisimet ferry, and was much shorter 
than the Chelsea and Charlestown bridge road, and cheaper 
than the latter by nearly half the toll, it was the favorite avenue 
to the city in this direction until the establishment of the Merid- 
ian street bridge. 

By an agreement between the East Boston Wharf Company 
and the East Boston Company in 1835, a way, seventy feet 
wide, is to be for ever kept open for the accommodation of pub- 
lic travel to the ferry landing at the end of the wharf. The 
whole route from the ferry landing to the Salem turnpike soon 
afterward became the property of the ferry company. 

It has been stated in the previous article, that, in 1835, a new 
ferry company was formed, which, for the sum of $66,000, be- 
came possessed of the rights and interests of the respective par- 



574 HISTORY. [1842. 

ties in the ferry and its landings and boats in the public garden 
(which consisted of about 13 acres of land, divided into 48 lots 
of 100 feet square, and included those parts of Princeton and 
Brooks streets which were continued through it), in the Chelsea 
free bridge, and in the Eastern avenue ; the property to be held 
by the trustees as joint-tenants. 

From this date the East Boston Company and the Chelsea 
Free Bridge Corporation surrendered the Eastern avenue to the 
ferry company, at whose expense it w^as to be kept in repair. 
The losses of this ferry company were such, that, in 1836 (Dec. 
19), a deed of indenture was executed between Messrs. Binney, 
Fettyplace, and Lamson (the trustees above alluded to), and 
the East Boston Company and the Eastern Railroad Company, 
who had located their road on the island, by which the man- 
agement of the ferry and its property was transferred to these 
two companies. The expenses on the free bridge and road 
from 1835 to July, 1842, were $1,186.36. During this time, the 
ferry having become insolvent, the two companies, who had 
advanced considerable sums of money to sustain it, were com- 
pelled to take the whole ferry property in payment for their 
debts. On May 2, 1842, Messrs. Fettyplace and Lamson (the 
surviving trustees) conveyed the whole property to Messrs. 
Healy, Neal, and Greenough, trustees ; they, on July 29, 1842, 
conveyed it to the East Boston and the Eastern Raihoad Com- 
panies. The ferry property was then kept in order by the two 
corporations ; the repairs on the bridge and road from July 1, 
1842, to July 1, 1848, cost -f3,451.41. 

This mutual understanding for the maintenance of the bridge 
and road was undisturbed until the middle of 1848, when, on 
August 16, W. C. Barstow, Esq., reported to the East Boston 
Company that two sections of the bridge (about 22 feet), and 
the entire width of the bridge below low-water mark on the 
Chelsea side, fell in on the 19th of July ; he, supposing that the 
bridge belonged to the ferry property, and that its owners were 
bound to keep it in repair, without consulting Mr. Neal (the 
manager of the ferry on behalf of the Eastern Railroad Com- 
pany), put on a large number of men to repair it immediately. 
While the repairs were in progress, Mr. Neal stated his doubts 
as to the obligation of the ferry company to keep it in repair, 



1850.] THE BRIDGE EEBUILT. 575 

and that he should not consent to any further expenditure until 
those doubts were removed. The amount of these repairs, 
however, about 8400, was paid by the owners of the ferry. 

On the first day that the bridge was reopened for travel, on 
July 29, 1848, sixty feet more fell in on the Chelsea side, 
between the part just repaired and the draw. On hearing this, 
Mr. Neal wrote to the superintendent of the ferry, instructing 
him not to make any further repairs on the bridge on account 
of the ferry company, until it was ascertained how far this com- 
pany were responsible for such repairs. 

The bridge was rebuilt in September and October, 1848, 
and, with repairs to January 1, 1849, cost $4,678.15 ; this 
was paid by the ferry company, making the actual cost of the 
bridge and road to the ferry company, to the above date, $29,- 
832.68. After the payment of this sum, the directors of the 
East Boston Company again took the subject into considera- 
tion, and on the 5th of May, 1849, having obtained legal ad- 
vice, and after much discussion on the subject, decided that the 
company was not legally liable for the repairs and maintenance 
of the free bridge, and the managers of the ferry were notified 
to govern themselves accordingly. 

On the 6th of April, 1850, the president of the East Boston 
Company was authorized to convey to the county of Suffolk 
and to the city of Boston by sufficient deeds, all the right, title, 
interest, and franchise which the company had in the Chelsea 
free bridge, and to the county of Suffolk a release of the East- 
ern avenue, or road from the northerly or Chelsea end of the 
bridge to the Salem turnpike. 

The bridge, and the avenue leading froril it in Chelsea, grad- 
ually became much out of repair, and for a time impassable, 
much to the annoyance of the citizens of East Boston and 
Chelsea. Various petitions were sent to the city and county 
authorities for the repair and maintenance of this necessary 
highway ; and in 1855 the city ordered that $8,473 be paid to 
Chelsea to keep the bridge in repair, and Chelsea gave a bond 
in the penal sum of $10,000 to discontinue all litigation on 
the subject, and to keep in repair the highway and bridges with- 
out expense to Boston. 

The bridge was eventually taken by the city of Boston, and 



576 HISTORY. [1855. 

by Chelsea, one half by each, and laid out as a county road, 
and as such it is now used and naaintained. 

Meridian Street Bridge. — The rapidly increasing inter- 
course between East Boston and Chelsea, both of which are 
taking constant steps in advance as manufacturing and com- 
mercial places, made it more and more evident, as years passed 
by, that the circuitous route by the Chelsea free bridge was not 
at all adequate to the accommodations and conveniences re- 
quired, and, in 1855, the plan of uniting East Boston with 
Chelsea over the wider portion of Chelsea cr.eek began to be 
seriously entertained. The plan naturally met with opposition 
from the Glendon iron-works and most of the owners of water 
lots and wharves above the proposed location. But private 
interest, however much entitled to respect, must yield to public 
necessity. One proprietor at least, made no objection to the 
construction of this bridge ; for he was then, as he always has 
been, in favor of opening all avenues which will benefit the 
general property. In this instance his individual loss, as the 
owner of a lot bounding upon the creek, although considerable, 
was of little consequence when the public necessity seemed to 
demand the sacrifice. 

Leaving out of view private interests, it was exceedingly 
desirable that the union of the two places should be accom- 
plished, as they were separated by a comparatively unimpor- 
tant creek, and the increasing demand for facilities of inter- 
course imperatively required that such an avenue should be 
opened. The direct route thus afforded by a new bridge would 
not only accommodate the business travel, but would also put 
the inhabitants in closer communication with the country, for 
amusement or trade, and very much promote the settlement 
of the north-western portions of the Island, and the advance 
of property in that locality. 

Chelsea creek is twenty-four feet deep at low-water in the 
channel, from the new to the old bridge, one mile above. It 
had been a favorite scheme with some far-seeing individuals to 
build a dam where the new bridge now is, with gates to be 
shut at high-water, and in this way to construct a spacious wet 
dock, similar to those of London, Liverpool, and Havre, and 



1855.] MERIDIAN STREET BRIDGE. 577 

large enough to contain all the first-class vessels of Boston,^ 
where loaded vessels would be water-borne until ready to depart 
on foreign voyages. There is probably no other situation in the 
vicinity of Boston, where the natural advantages are so great 
for the building of such a dock, or where the work could be 
accomplished with so small an outlay ; and gates so constructed 
as to open at both high and low-water, when the water-level 
would be the same on either side of the dam, would afford all 
necessary and convenient facilities for the wharves and indus- 
trial operations above. The advantages to the commercial in- 
terests of Boston from such an enterprise would be too great to 
be computed ; but the accomplishment of such a grand plan 
reaches far into the future, and need not form any objection 
to the new bridge. Indeed, should it be deemed advisable 
to build such a dock at any future period, the bridge might 
serve as a foundation for a dam ; so that the present important 
structure and the future dock are not incompatible with each 
other. 

This is one of the instances, so common in public affairs of 
all kinds, where present necessities and conveniences secure at- 
tention and action to the entire omission or indefinite deferment 
of plans of vastly greater importance in the grand results to be 
gained, and which have powerful bearings upon all future in- 
terests. It is not too much to hope, that, while the community 
is reaping the great advantages of this bridge, public opinion 
and mercantile foresight and wisdom will erelong reach that 
point when it will be seen that Boston, to become, as she 
should, a great seaport, with a world-wide commerce, demands 
this locality for her much needed docks. 

The obstruction to navigation is not to be mentioned by the 

^ The docks of London are said to be the most extensive and finest con- 
structions of the kind, for the purposes of commcire, of any in the Avorld. 
The principal ones are the "West India docks, commenced 3d Feb. 1800, and 
opened 27th Aug. 1802; the London docks, commenced 2Gth June, 1802, and 
opened 31st January, 1805 ; the East India docks, commenced under an act 
passed 27th July, 1803, and opened 4th Aug. 180G; and the St. Katharine 
docks, the first stone of which was laid 3d May, 1827, and 2,500 men were 
daily employed upon them until they were opened, 25th Oct. 1828. — Diction- 
ary of Dates. 

49 



578 HISTORY. [1855. 

side of the immense advantages gained by the public. The 
bridge will do no injury to the harbor of Boston, as it contem- 
plates no encroachments beyond the " harbor commissioners' 
line," the limit to which wharves may be lawfully built; indeed, 
if the whole creek were obstructed, even by a sea-wall from 
East Boston to Chelsea, the channel between the Island and 
the city proper would be deepened instead of diminished. 
There are natural causes which Mall ever keep this channel 
open ; the depth of water at Canal bridge and at Warren 
bridge, at low tides, is thirty-one feet, which is deeper than it is 
in the channel opposite Fort Independence ; and a frigate may 
float at low-water at Gray's wharf, in Charlestown. This depth 
of water depends on natural causes, which will continue to act, 
unless interfered with by man. These causes are, the force and 
direction of the Charles and Mystic rivers, and the narrowness 
of the channel between Boston and East Boston. These riv- 
ers reach back several miles into the country ; in times of fresh- 
ets, during a course of high tides, the water rushes down 
Charles river with great force two hours before low-water, and 
continues to run for a long time after the tide is at the lowest 
at the narrows ; in this way, the channel at Cragie's or Canal 
bridge is scoured out to the depth of thirty-one feet, and this 
effect continues until its waters meet those of the Mystic river 
from beyond Medford, nearly opposite North Battery wharf, 
Boston, when the united streams pursue their powerful scour- 
ing operation down the harbor beyond Fort Independence. 
Mr. Barnicoat, in his testimony before the legislative committee, 
in regard to the depth of the water in the channel over which 
the East Boston steamboats ply, said that he had examined the 
bottom in a diving-bell, and that he found the channel clear of 
mud, and evidently with its original depth and conditions. 

Thus the idea of injuring the harbor by this bridge is per- 
fectly absurd, as Chelsea creek is of no use in keeping it clear, 
and no valid objection can be presented to prevent the connec- 
tion of the lands intersected by this narrow stream. 

The citizens of East Boston asked $40,000 of the city to 
build this bridge, the whole cost being estimated at $51,500 ; 
they were willing to make up the deficit themselves. 

On the 15th of May, 1855, an act of incorporation was 



1855.] MERIDIAN STREET BRIDGE. 579 

granted to Messrs. Henry D. Gardner, Morrill Cole, Watson G. 
Mayo, Noah Sturtevant, George W. Gerrish, Henry Jones, and 
their associates, authorizing them to build a bridge from the 
point of intersection of Condor and Meridian streets, in East 
Boston, across Chelsea creek to Pearl street in Chelsea. The 
bridge was to be at least forty feet wide, with sufficient railings, 
and a pivot or turntable draw, having two openings, each at 
least sixty feet wide. A bond was given in the penal sum of 
$5,000 as security for any damages that might occur to persons 
or property; the bridge was to be free, and its charter transfer- 
able, and it was to be built within five years from the passage 
of the act. Henry D. Gardner was chosen president of the 
company; and Henry Jones, secretary and clerk. 

On the 28th of May, this company petitioned the city for aid 
in building their bridge ; and in the following month numerous 
petitions of citizens were sent in, praying for such aid from the 
city. These were referred to a committee of both branches of 
the city government, and on the 24th of July an order was 
passed by the council to pay $40,000 to the company, provided 
that the bridge be built within that municipal year, and that, 
when finished, it should be released to the city by a perfect title, 
and a guarantee against the paying of damages for the change 
in the grade of streets at the termini, and other causes con- 
nected with it. 

Subsequently to the appropriation of $40,000 by the city, it 
was found necessary to construct supporting piers, and the city 
thereupon appropriated $15,000 more for that purpose. 

On the 11th of October, the mayor approved an order for a 
bridge as above described ; and on the 22d of the same month 
a committee was appointed to confer with the corporation, and 
see that the bridge was built with due regard to the public 
safety and the interests of the city. 

The principal movers for the establishment of this bridge 
were Noah Sturtevant and Henry D. Gardner. These gentle- 
men fought the battle manfully against the opposition of the 
Winnisimet Company and the Glendon Rolling Mills. Some of 
the aldermen, after the act had been passed by the city govern- 
ment, did what they could to prevent its construction, and threw 
many obstacles in the way, which were all met and surmounted 



580 HISTORY. [1856. 

by the vigilance, perseverance, and liberality of Mr. Sturtevant 
and others. 

The city solicitor having decided that the city was not 
authorized by law to purchase the franchise or charter of the 
corporation, and it being desirable that the erection of the 
bridge should not be delayed, the contract passed on the 11th 
of October was amended by adding the clause, " provided that 
the said city shall first be duly authorized by law, and by an 
act of the legislature, to make the purchase of the said bridge 
and property, and to hold and manage the same for the pur- 
poses named in said act. " 

Such an act was passed during the session of the legislature 
in 1856, and the bridge was immediately commenced. The 
work was carried on with great energy, and the bridge was 
finished and ready for public travel on the 13th of December, 
1856. It is a substantial structure, 1,515 feet from shore to 
shore, and forty feet wide. Two hundred and thirteen feet of 
its length are filled in solid (155 feet are filled in solid on the 
East Boston side), and the rest is built on piles. The draw is 
173 feet long and forty feet wide ; and although very heavy, it 
works so easily that a boy of twelve can open and shut it. It 
was built by Mr. E. G. Brown, and reflects great credit on his 
skill as a workman. 

The cost of the bridge exceeded the appropriation by about 
$1,000, and the builder refused to convey it to the city until 
this deficit should be made up ; the control of the bridge being 
vet in his hands, he raised the draw, and thus effectually pre- 
vented the public travel. To overcome this obstacle, the de- 
ficiency was collected by private subscription ; the builder then 
conveyed the bridge to the city. It is now the city property ; and 
while it brings into closer connection the interests of East Bos- 
ton and Chelsea, it is also an important avenue of communi- 
cation with the metropolis and the country. 



The Artesian Well. — It was early seen by those who had in 
their control the future destinies of the Island, that, if East Bos- 
ton was to become the residence of a numerous population, 



1845.] WATER. 581 

some provision must be made to furnish an abundant supply of 
water, the resources of the Island not being sufficient for this 
purpose. The subject was one of the highest importance to 
the present and future interests of the Island ward, and in the 
execution of any plan, its prospective condition and wants were 
to be fully considered. The policy of action must be a far- 
reaching one, or the prosperity of the place must decline ; no 
temporary policy would answer, — it must be a matter for the 
present and future. 

As is always the case in matters of this kind, the opinions 
were various, and the plans proposed numerous ; different per- 
sons had their different preferences, and in proportion to their 
feelings on the subject, urged their respective ideas. In a thing 
of so much importance it was necessary to proceed with pru- 
dence and foresight, and, the end at last secured, shows the 
wisdom and sound reasoning of the East Boston proprietors. 

It was generally thought at that time, that the wants of 
those residing on the hills could be supplied from common 
wells, but that some other provision must be made for the low 
lands. Basing his proceedings on this supposition. Gen. Sum- 
ner, on the 30th of December, 1845, laid before the board a 
communication on the subject of supplying the low lands with 
water from a spring in Chelsea. The idea embodied in this 
paper was to raise the water by a pump, to be worked by a 
windmill, to a height of about thirty feet, and thus give suffi- 
cient head to carry it all over the low grounds. The first 
action taken by the directors of the East Boston Company in 
regard to water was on this communication of Gen. Sumner, 
which was referred to Richard S. Fay, Esq., the treasurer of the 
company. Meanwhile, the subject was under consideration ; 
and the company began to think, that, if water was brought to 
the Island, or if measures of any kind were to be undertaken to 
supply the inhabitants, it would be wise to look to the future 
demand, and to make provision for the growth of the place, and 
to supply both the high lands and low lands. 

Judging by the success of such undertakings in other parts 
of the world, particularly at Grenelle, France, some individuals 
had confidence that an Artesian well would furnish an ample 
49* 



582 HISTORY. [1846. 

supply for the inhabitants of the Island, and this idea took so 
firm a hold of many minds that it was m-ged to a trial. 

Mr. Fay, to whom Gen. Sumner's plan had been submitted, 
made a verbal report on the subject-matter on the 12th of Jan- 
uary, 1846. Mr, Fay had been reading on the general subject 
of Artesian wells, and was sanguine of the success of such an 
undertaking at East Boston, if thoroughly tested. The fact 
that the well at Fort Strong, which had become partially filled 
up, had been bored, with successful results, to the depth of a 
hundred feet or more, had influence on the minds of many in 
favor of the Artesian well. In conformity with Mr. Fay's 
report, he was authorized to sink an Artesian well in the vicin- 
ity of section two. 

The spot selected for the well was on lot 346, section three, 
at the corner of Princeton and Putnam streets ; and Mr. Uriah 
Higgin was employed to commence the undertaking. But on 
the 16th of October, 1846, the directors, apparently dissatisfied 
with the progress made by Mr. Higgin, voted to discontinue the 
work for the present. At that time the well had been sunk to 
the depth of two hundred and ninety-six feet. A stratum of 
slate stone had been reached at the depth of one hundred and 
twenty feet, at which point boring was commenced, and a nine- 
inch hole was bored to the depth of one hundred feet, when the 
further progress was stopped by a file, or some other small iron 
tool, which was by accident or malice dropped into the well. It 
was probably dropped in by design; at least, such is the impres- 
sion of those most intimately acquainted with the subject, and 
a vote is on record in regard to the employment for the future 
of men of temperate habits. The stratum of slate rock reached 
and bored into in the well is probably identical with the stra- 
tum found near the old powder-house in Somerville, near Med- 
ford, and again in Lynn, and which probably crosses the channel. 

On the 13th of November, 1846, Messrs. Fay, Gilbert, and 
Lombard were appointed a committee with full power to make 
contracts for the prosecution of the work. This committee 
employed Jesse N. Bolles, of Providence, hydraulic engineer, 
and Thomas S. Ridgway, of Philadelphia, mining engineer, and 
the work was resumed. As the obstruction before alluded to 



1847.] THE ARTESIAN WELL. 583 

could not be removed, Messrs. Bolles and Ridgway com- 
menced a four-inch bore, which they sank about ]50 feet. 

A little later than this (Dec. 7th), a communication from 
J. M. Whiton, Esq., relating to supplying East Boston with 
water from Spot pond, a sheet of water five miles distant from 
Eagle hill, was laid before the board, and referred to the com- 
mittee on the well. There were many reasons for considering 
the project of bringing water from Spot pond a feasible one, 
and the merits of the subject were fully entered into at a sub- 
sequent period. 

The well made slow progress ; it was a novel undertaking, 
and many difficulties were to be encountered and surmounted. 
On the 7th of April, 1847, the committee on the well made a 
report of its progress and present condition, stating that the 
expenses had been large, and that little or no advance had been 
made, and were desirous of the opinion of the board before 
proceeding further. The board authorized an additional ex- 
penditure of ^500, and a report to be made when this sum 
had been expended. General Sumner and S. S. Lewis were 
added to the committee on the well, July 12, 1847, and the 
superintendent was directed to cause the quantity of water in 
the well to be tested by a steam-engine ; and the committee 
was requested to inquire into the whole subject of supplying 
East Boston with water. 

The contractors, Messrs. Bolles and Ridgway, made a report 
to the committee on the well on the 14th of July. This paper, 
in addition to the particulars relating to this well, contains 
much valuable information on the whole subject of Artesian 
wells, as illustrated at the well at Grenelle, in France ; and as 
it possesses much interest for the general reader, extracts from 
it have been placed in the Appendix.^ 

Immediately previous to this report, an accident occurred, 
which involved either a very great outlay of money or the ces- 
sation of the work, as the report minutely sets forth. The 
superintendent reported the well furnished three thousand gal- 
lons per twenty-four hours, a supply sufficient for fifty fami- 
lies, and that the committee thought it inexpedient to expend 

^ See Appendix H. 



584 HISTORY. [1814- 

any more money ; consequently, the work was discontinued on 
the 5th of July. The well was sunk to the depth of 320 feet, 
at a cost of over $6,300. No water came into that part of the 
well which was sunk into the rock. Although the main object 
was not attained, there can be but little doubt, that, had the 
well been bored to a greater depth, the most sanguine expecta- 
tions would have been realized. But the accidents and obstruc- 
tions which occurred, some of which are described in the report 
of Bolles and Ridgway, seemed to discourage the projectors ; 
and as the depth of the well could only be in proportion to the 
depth of the purse, a "reasonable doubt" of the ultimate suc- 
cess caused a final stop to the further sinking of the well and 
money. The well now furnishes a supply of good water in 
proportion to its depth and diameter. 

Probably the oldest well of considerable depth on the Island 
is the one in Belmont square, now partially filled up. This 
well was sunk when Belmont square was the site of Fort 
Strong, in 1814 ; at least, we have an account of a well being 
dug there at that time at great expense, and there is no other 
well but this to answer to the locality, while tradition has 
always traced the origin of its location to the fort. The abso- 
lute necessities of a fortification would require a well within 
it ; and to obtain fresh and good water, the well must be sunk 
to a great depth, or at least to a sufficient depth to go below 
the superstratum. Mr. G. E. Pierce, to wiiom we are indebted 
for much that is valuable on the subject of wells and sewers, 
furnishes some interesting statements in regard to this well, 
which are best given in his own words : — 

" The well is under the side-walk, some seventy-five feet from 
the north-east corner of the square, towards Webster street. 
The excavation must have been about six feet in diameter, 
stoned with rough pasture stone. Its depth, of course, could 
not be ascertained with any degree of certainty. My father 
took some pains to investigate in regard to it, but could only 
find, in general terms, that it was eighty or ninety feet deep. 
His own experience in excavating wells around the base of the 
hill, from the character of the earth passed through, its uniform 
hardness and dearth of top springs, and the infallible power of 



1814.] THE WELL IN BELMONT SQUARE. 585 

the lower springs, caused him to form the opinion that there 
was a gravel vein under this whole section full of fresh water, 
and when the earth. was penetrated to this level, the water w^as 
sure to be found. This result was proved from wells dug on 
Everett, Sumner, and other streets. His conclusion was that 
this well must have been sunk to this vein of gravel; and if so, 
it must have been originally not far from one hundred feet from 
the surface, before the hill was cut down. 

" When this well was dug, and by whom, it is difficult to 
ascertain. It seems plain that it was not dug to water cattle, 
for economy would dictate a location nearer the base of the 
hill ; neither for a residence, for there are no remains of a foun- 
dation in that vicinity. I think it is safe to infer that this well 
was sunk for the sole use of the fort. My reasons are, that 
there was no other well in the vicinity except a very shoal one 
in the fort, probably dug to receive the water accumulating in 
the trenches. This accumulation would answer for ordinary 
use, such as washing, or for their horses ; but for culinary pur- 
poses they must have had recourse to this well, if in existence, 
or carted water from a distance. The well was partly filled up 
with dirt some two years since, when the city erected the iron 
fence and laid the side-walks around Belmont square." 

This direct account of "the old well in Belmont square," as 
it has been familiarly called, is rendered certain by the charges 
for digging the well found in the unallowed " Massachusetts 
claims." The ubiquitous " oldest inhabitants,^^ while unable to 
give any positive information, trace its origin to fortifications 
erected on the Island ; but investigation decides the question. 
Mr. Baldwin, the engineer of Fort Strong, in his official notice, 
asked for stones for a well; and, in the bills presented for pay- 
ment, are several for " well-digging," for " buckets, chains, and 
well-rope," " stones for well," " well-augur," amounting to over 
four hundred dollars ; and Thomas Williams, the tenant of the 
Island, presented an account of two hundred and fifty dollars 
"for stoning and furnishing the well at Fort Strong; laying a 
platform thereon, and levelling the dirt around." ^ These refer- 
ences render the matter sufficiently clear and satisfactory. 

^ See Military Hist, of Island, ante, p. 419. 



586 HISTORY. [1848. 

Mr. George Darracott, who was at Fort Strong in 1814 and 
1815, was well acquainted with the particulars of its construc- 
tion, and did guard duty there, says, in a communication to the 
author : — 

" It was found necessary to sink a well at the fort, and I felt 
a good deal of curiosity to know whether I was right in my 
belief that this nodule of land was not ' in place,' but had 
tumbled here in some of the great convulsions which occurred 
in some former period. The formation is a hard clay, mixed 
with stones, masses of granite, the edges sharp, showing they 
had not been subject to ocean washings. At the depth of one 
hundred and twenty-four feet, if my memory serves me (having 
found no water before this), the diggers came to marsh mud, 
beach gravel, clam and oyster-shells. This corresponds nearly 
with a well sunk on Copp's hill, and also with one sunk at 
the southerly end of the Mill-dam. I leave it to those better 
acquainted with geology than myself to decide how these 
masses of solid, hard clay were removed from their original 
places, and finally rested here. The granite found imbedded 
in these localities differs essentially from any found in these 
regions." 

This extract is interesting, as it determines the age of the 
well, and it has value in the facts brought to light relative to 
the geological formation of the Island. 

In the well dug on Copp's hill some years ago, at a depth of 
seventy-two feet, Mr. Darracott found what was apparently an 
Indian relic, namely, a round stone partially flattened, with a 
representation of the sun upon one side, and of the crescent 
moon on the reverse ; the stone bearing indubitable evidence 
of the chisel, or some other cutting implement. The ground 
through which the well was sunk was an indurated clay, so 
hard that it was with difficulty worked with a pickaxe. In 
this clay were found masses of granite totally different in their 
character from any rock in the vicinity, with edges and sides 
as sharp as if recently broken off. Pieces of granite of this 
description were taken out sufficiently large to make gate-posts. 

Coddtuate Water. — In the early part of the year 1848, the 
inhabitants of East Boston petitioned the city government, 



1848.] COCHITUATE WATER. 587 

praying them to bring the Cochituate water into their section 
of the city, and pointing out two ways in which, as they 
thought, it could be done. 

The first was by tunnelling under the river; and the other 
by laying heavy iron pipes in a trench dredged out for that pur- 
pose in the bed of the river. The subject was referred by the 
city government to the water commissioners, who reported, that, 
as far as the tunnel was concerned, they deemed it impractica- 
ble ; and, as to the iron pipes on the bed of the river, they could 
not view it a permanent thing, as, in case of accident, it 
would be almost impossible to repair them. 

Before the report was made by the commissioners, the direc- 
tors of the East Boston Company had discussed the matter, 
and also the expediency of setting apart sufficient land on Eagle 
hill for a reservoir in case the city introduced the water. 

The report of the commissioners of the city government 
being unfavorable, the subject was taken up with renewed vigor 
by Alderman Samuel Hall, to whose efforts, in a great measure. 
East Boston is indebted for its supply of water, and a mode 
which was suggested by him was thought to be practicable; 
that is, to bring the water over the Charlestown, Chelsea, and 
Free bridges, in the same manner as it was conveyed over the 
South Boston Bridge. 

In the autumn of this same year (Aug. 16, 184S), the project 
of bringing water from Spot pond was again brought forward 
by General Sumner, chairman of the committee on water, and 
the committee was authorized to incur the necessary expense 
to complete an examination with reference to the feasibility of 
the plan. 

On the 12th of March, 1849, it was voted by the directors of 
the East Boston Company to give to the city fifty thousand 
feet of land on Eagle hill to be appropriated for the purpose of 
building a reservoir, if accepted within two years. 

The liberality of this grant had considerable influence on the 
minds of the committee in ordering a survey ; and Messrs. 
Atkins and Seaver, of the common council from East Boston, 
introduced an order into that body, which was concurred in by 
the board of aldermen, authorizing a survey and estimate of the 
probable cost of thus introducing the Long Pond water. 



588 HISTORY. [1850. 

The result was satisfactory, and the work was to be carried 
through at once, only the pipes were to cross Chelsea creek 
instead of the free bridge. 

On July 16th of the same year, E. S. Chesbrough and Wm. 
S. Whitwell, engineers of the water commissioners, made ap- 
plication to the East Boston Company for lands contiguous to 
those so generously given by the company. This was followed 
by various negotiations and votes, the result of all which Avas, 
that the East Boston Company, instead of a gift of fifty thou- 
sand feet as first proposed, on the 1st of October, 1849, an- 
nulled the previous votes making that donation, and voted to 
sell the whole quantity wanted by the commissioners for a 
nominal price, ten cents per foot. This comprised the fourteen 
lots Nos. 273, 274, 275, 276, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 255, 256, 
277, 278. They also voted to discontinue Eagle street from the 
easterly line of Brooks street to the westerly line of lots Nos. 
296 and 272, as shown by the plan of R. H. Eddy, June^ 1844. 
To those the city added, by purchase of individuals, several 
lots which the company had previously sold to them, amount- 
ing to 46,250 feet, making the whole area of the reservoir 
lands 220,875 feet, or five acres, 3,075 square feet. 

On the 28th of August, 1850, the East Boston Company sold 
to the city the water lot on Condor street at the foot of Brooks 
street, fifty feet front, and running to the channel, for ^1,750, for 
the purpose of enabling them to lay the main pipe from Chel- 
sea creek through Brooks street to the reservoir. This reservoir 
is thirty feet deep, and will hold, when filled to a level three feet 
below its top, 5,591,816 gallons. 

An appropriation of five hundred thousand dollars was made 
by the city, and this great undertaking was commenced in the 
summer of 1848, and was finished in the incredibly short time 
of eighteen months. The water was first let in on the 1st of 
January, 1850, when appropriate ceremonies were performed at 
the reservoir, and a collation was given at the Maverick House. 

The work cost $470,000, falling short (a most unusual thing) 
^30,000 of the sum appropriated. 

The green embankments of the reservoir, which is on the 
highest ground on the Island, make a conspicuous object in the 
landscape, and from the walks on the parapet is seen an un- 



1850.] THE RESERVOIR. 589 

equalled hemispheric view of the sea, harbor, rivers, and the 
cities and towns of the adjacent country. 

It was the intention of the East Boston Company to have 
celebrated the event by a grand festival ; but the uncertainty of 
suitable weather, or the certainty of unsuitable weather, at that 
inclement season, and the hazard of setting apart any day a 
suff.cient time in advance to extend invitations and to make all 
the necessary arrangements, led the company to forego such a 
celebration until a more favorable time. 

A brief description of the reservoir will be interesting to our 
readers, especially to those residing at East Boston. 

It is located on the summit of Eagle hill, — a square bounded 
by White, Falcon, Brooks, and Putnam streets. In form it is 
rectangular; the banks are composed of the natural material of 
the hill, and are ten feet wide on the top, where there is a 
gravelled walk seven and a half feet wide, extending entirely 
around the reservoir, and measuring about eighteen hundred 
feet in length. The elevation of the top of the bank above 
high-water mark is one hundred and ten feet, and from it a 
beautiful view of the country can be obtained. In the centre 
of the banks is a " puddle ditch," commencing three feet below 
the natural surface and extending to within three feet of the top 
water-line, at which point it is five feet in width. The inner 
slope of the bank is paved from the top to the bottom with 
blocks of Quincy granite, laid without mortar, one and a half 
feet thick. The whole of the inner slope wall of the bank has 
a backing of rubble-stone one and a half feet thick, and the 
top of the bank is covered, to the depth of three feet, with 
rubble-stone and gravel, in order to prevent the frost from heav- 
ing and displacing the embankment. The outer side of the 
bank is covered with soil, and sodded. 

The bottom of the inside of the reservoir is 325 feet long by 
60 wide ; at the top water-mark the dimensions are 345 feet by 
150 feet ; the depth is 30 feet, with slopes of one to one and a 
half feet when full. The water comes to within three feet of 
the top, making the depth twenty-seven feet, and is about fifteen 
feet below the top water-level at the Brookline reservoir. The 
bottom is paved with common round paving stones. The 
50 



590 HISTORY. [1850. 

water is introduced by a twenty-inch pipe, which starts from 
Haymarket square. The pipe is carried across Charles river by 
the side of Warren Bridge on piles beneath the side-walk of the 
bridge, and the pipes are enclosed in a plank case, which is 
made as nearly air-tight as possible ; the draw on the bridge is 
passed by means of an inverted syphon. From "Warren bridge 
in Charlestown the pipes proceed directly through Charlestown 
to Mystic river, which they cross in connection with the 
Chelsea bridge, in the same manner as they do Charles river. 
They then pass along the shore to the point from whence they 
start to cross Chelsea creek. This creek, at the point where the 
crossing is made, is about 1,600 feet in width, and about 
twenty-five feet deep in the channel at low- water. Vessels of a 
large size pass through the creek above the point of crossing, 
and therefore the bottom of the creek is liable to be dragged 
by their anchors at all times. 

The mode adopted by Mr. Whitwell, the engineer, for extend- 
ing the pipes across the creek was a novel and ingenious one, 
and is thus described in a public journal : " Mr. Whitwell 
adopted a peculiar and novel flange joint, flexible only in a per- 
pendicular plane, but so secure as not to need a wooden frame 
to accompany the pipe. The adaptation of this joint to the 
purpose, and its strength, are quite admirable. The distance 
between the joints is thirty-one feet four inches, and each sec- 
tion consists of three pieces of twenty-inch pipe, one inch and 
a half thick, and with flanges two inches thick, securely bolted 
together. These three pieces of pipe weigh together 3,300 
pounds, and each joint weighs 3,800 pounds, — the size of the 
pipe being considerably enlarged at the joint. The opposite 
sections of the joint meet on a perpendicular plane, parallel 
with the portions of pipe on each side of the joint, and move 
upon a leather packing, which is placed in a groove between the 
two flanges. One of the flanges is so much wider than the 
other as to have a cap-ring bolted to it, which encloses and 
holds the other, and thus constitutes the joint. The strength of 
this arrangement is obvious, and its tightness has been tested by 
trial under a pressure of two hundred and fifty pounds to the inch. 

" The jointed pipe for half the width of the channel was pre- 



1850.] COURSE OF THE WATER PIPES. 591 

pared on a staging and sunk, after having been coated with a 
varnish to preserve it from the action of the brine. It was sunk 
by being suspended from a framework and tackles above while 
the floor beneath it was removed, and it was then lowered 
down in the centre, the ends being retained above water for the 
purpose of connecting with the shore and the section which 
still remained to be sunk. The other section was prepared and 
sunk in like manner, and thus was the connection established 
between the insular and peninsular portions of our city." 

After crossing the creek, the pipe proceeds directly up the 
bank of the western end of the reservoir, where it is admitted. 
The outside banks of the reservoir have been neatly sodded, 
and the whole work is surrounded by a substantial fence, with 
entrances upon the western and southern sides, and steps lead 
from these entrances to the top. 

The reservoir was built by Messrs. James and Charles Col- 
lins, contractors, under the superintendence of Mr. Joseph 
Parker. These same gentlemen superintended and built the 
South Boston reservoir. George H. Bailey, Esq., was the 
resident engineer, and William J. Whitwell, Esq., the chief 
engineer. 

Although the proposed celebration on the day of the intro- 
duction of the Cochituate water was deferred, yet very appro- 
priate ceremonies were observed at the reservoir, and a bounti- 
ful collation was prepared at the Maverick House through the 
liberality of the East Boston Company. The mayor and offi- 
cers of the city government were present, as were also the gen- 
tlemen particularly connected with the enterprise, and a large 
collection of citizens. Appropriate speeches and toasts fol- 
lowed the sumptuous repast, and the day was one of rejoicing. 
A sentiment given at the collation by Captain Barstow, the 
superintendent of the company, is so pertinent that no excuse 



'■^Health and prosperity to every member of the city government o/1849 and 
1850. — Men who have acted more than the part of the good Samaritan to us. 
They have not only furnished us with an abundance of good water, but have 
left their jug behind them on Eagle hill." 

Of the numerous gentlemen who were untiring in their exer- 



592 HISTORY. [1850. 

tions to secure the introduction of pure water to the Island, per- 
haps the most prominent and active was Samuel Hall, Esq., a 
valuable citizen of East Boston, and then an alderman of the 
city. The citizens of the Island acknowledged their obligations 
to him by presenting him with a beautiful service of silver 
plate, consisting of eleven pieces, and valued at 81,000. Upon 
each of the articles was the following inscription : — 

" Presented to 

Samuel Hall, Esq., 

Jan. 1851, 

For his unwearied 

and successful efforts in 

urging the claims of . 

East Boston 

to the 

Cochituate Water." 



SEWERAGE. 

Dr. L. B. Reid, in a recent lecture at the Smithsonian Insti- 
tution, remarked, that, " in large cities and in all populous dis- 
tricts, a right system of drainage and external cleansing was the 
true remedy for periodical evils too often attributed to other 
causes." The truth of this statement is being exempUfied at 
East Boston in a positive manner. The natiu-al formation of 
the Island, with its surface diversified by hills and valleys, and 
sloping on all sides to the water, constitutes in reality a con- 
tinual and important drainage, as unusual in thickly settled, and 
especially manufacturing, places, as it is invaluable. Those 
who live upon the beautiful hill-sides daily experience the bene- 
fits of the pure air which is always about them, giving health 
to the body and vigor to the mind. The artificial drainage, 
when completed according to the commencement, will render 
the Island comparatively free from the impurities which of ne- 
cessity attend every large place, and consequently will add to 
its natural advantages as a place of residence. 

It is not necessary to go into many particulars on this subject. 
The general fact is, that in East Boston a thorough system of 
drainage has been begun, and in all probability will be as 
thoroughly carried out. 



1848-58.] SEWERAGE. 593 

Mr. G. E. Pierce, a gentleman well acquainted with the sub- 
ject, furnishes the following account of the sewers: — 

" The first drain laid as a main through any street, was laid 
by the East Boston Company in Paris street, to drain the old 
Maverick Hotel. It was constructed of brick and cement, in 
form oval, sixteen inches in diameter, and having for an outlet 
the dock across Sumner street. I have no record of this work, 
but think it was done in 1834 or 1835. It is in good order, 
large enough for that part of the street, and is connected with 
the sewers in Sumner street. In 1843, the abutters on Mave- 
rick street from Paris to the dock near New street, built a drain 
fourteen inches square, which is still in use. 

" In the summer of 1848, the mayor and aldermen of the city 
of Boston passed the first order for a sewer in East Boston. It 
passes through Maverick square, down Chelsea to Decatur 
street, through Decatur to Bremen street, through Bremen 
street to the old culvert under the Eastern Railroad, and is about 
sixteen hundred feet long. The same year a drain was built in 
a part of Sumner street, and through Wesley street about thirty- 
four hundred feet, during the season. During the season of 1849, 
the abutters, by order of the city, built about four thousand feet 
of drain, three fourths of which was three feet in diameter. 

In 1850, 5,100 feet, all of the capacity of three feet in diameter. 

In 1851, 4,500 " *' " " 

In 1852, 7,700 « « « « 

In 1853, 6,500 " « « « 

In 1854, 5,200 " " « « 

In 1855, 5,400 " " " « 

In 1856, about 1,000 feet, " ." « 
In 1857, 1,182 feet, 

making, at the present time, over 45,000 linear feet of substan- 
tial and capacious drain, laid by the city of Boston since the 
year 1848. There are nine outlets in the several sections, of the 
capacity of three and four feet diameter, discharging into deep 
water." 



When the East Boston Company commenced its improve- 
ments, the Island was bare of any trees of ancient growth, and 
50* 



594 HISTORY. [1834. 

presented a naked appearance in the landscape. In the early- 
years of the settlement of the bay, there is ample evidence that 
this, as well as other islands in the harbor, was well wooded ; 
but the axe of the pioneer colonists, the special permission of 
the legislatm-e, and the devastations of war, soon cleared the 
land of the stately trees, — 

" And cities swell where forests frowned 
Two hundred years ago." 

The company was well aware, that, to make the place attrac- 
tive, and indeed suitable for residences, this deficiency must be 
supplied, and as it would of necessity be a matter of time, the 
improvements should be commenced as soon as practicable. 

After the first sale had been made (October, 1834), a dividend 
of five dollars on each share was declared, payable on the first 
of December, 1834 ; and in order to induce the purchasers of 
the lots on Belmont to appropriate the amount of choice money 
in setting out trees and otherwise ornamenting their lots and 
the streets adjacent, the company voted to expend $1,000 in 
planting trees in Hotel square, if the purchasers of the lots 
would appropriate the choice money in this manner. This 
measure was accomplished; and it was a wise procedure, as it 
secured the early planting of shade trees, which, under other 
circumstances, would have been left to individual proprietors. 
This last is an uncertain method ; for there are individuals in 
every town, and in every street, who either have not sufficient 
public spirit, or are too deficient in good taste, to cooperate with 
their neighbors in an improvement of this kind. The company- 
seemed to understand this, and took just the course to place the 
matter upon a proper basis. 

The action of the East Boston Company above referred to 
was of course limited in extent, and wholly inadequate to the 
wants of the Island, but was important as the commencement 
of those efforts to cover the Island with shade and ornamental 
trees, which have been so eminently successful in their results. 
The circumstances attending these efforts, and the history of 
the Tree Association, the pioneer of similar societies which 
have since been organized in different parts of the country, 
demand a detailed account; and as the subject is of importance 



1851.] TREES. 595 

to the beauty and attractiveness of the Island, and is somewhat 
novel in its origin and execution, letters will be introduced and 
allusions made which delicacy and personal feelings would for- 
bid, but which a truthful narrative requires to be in^rted. Dis- 
regarding, therefore, the censure which might be bestowed, the 
writer gives the account as the records present it. 

The first person who addressed the writer on the subject of 
setting out trees upon the Island was Noah Sturtevant, Esq. 
(in 1851), who entertained the plan of planting trees on each 
side of Meridian street, at the end of which his house was sit- 
uated, doubtless supposing that this example would be followed 
in the other streets. This project, however, failed of accom- 
plishment; the prospect of making the avenues of the Island 
pleasant and beautiful by shade and ornamental trees was not 
very encouraging, and there seemed to be no adequate remedy 
for the naked and desolate appearance of the streets. 

Anxious to remedy this, almost the only defect in the natural 
advantages and beauties of East Boston, and to fill the barren 
streets with handsome trees. General Sumner determined that 
this purpose should be finally accomplished, even should it be 
done at his own expense. He therefore sat down one day with 
Capt. Barstow, the energetic superintendent of the company, to 
make an estimate of the number of trees wanted, and the cost of 
purchasing and transplanting them. They made a list of all the 
then graded streets, calculated the double length of each, thus 
providing for trees on each side, estimated the proper distance 
between the trees, and the probable expense of the whole plan.^ 

General Sumner made this estimate for the purpose of mak- 
ing provision in his will, which he, was about writing, for the 
accomplishment of this object, and set apart two lots, the value 
of which he thought would cover all the estimated expense ; the 
proceeds of these lots were to be appropriated, after his decease, 
to this purpose. 

This clause in the will specified that the proceeds of the lots 
of land should be appropriated to planting trees in the streets of 
the settled parts of the first, second, and third sections, where 
the owners were not able to do it, under the direction of Capt. 

' For a copy of this paper see Appendix I. 



596 HISTORY. [1852. 

Barstow and such others as should be appointed by the citizens 
of East Boston for that purpose. It was also recommended that 
they should not be put out nearer than from thirty to forty feet 
to each other, nor before any person's estate, unless under a writ- 
ten agreement of the proprietor or some other responsible per- 
son that he would fence the trees around with chestnut or cedar 
posts in an uniform manner under the direction of the com- 
mittee, and warrant the life of the trees for five years ; care 
being taken, in setting the trees out, that it be with a sufficiency 
of soil to support them. Soon after his will was made the 
writer sailed for Europe. 

It should here be stated, that, in the early part of 1852, and 
wholly unknown to Gen. Sumner when he made the estimate 
just alluded to, a Tree Association was formed at East Boston 
for the express purpose of covering the Island with shade and 
ornamental trees ; and that, during the first year of its exist- 
ence, it transplanted two hundred trees, all of which were paid 
for by private subscription. 

In December, 1852, while in Paris, Gen. Sumner reconsidered 
his donation, and concluded that it was altogether desirable 
that the gift should take immediate effect, instead of waiting 
for the natural course of the will. To this end he wrote a 
letter to Capt. Barstow, from which the following is an extract: 

" In reflecting upon my purpose, with which you are ac- 
quainted, of devising two lots of land at East Boston, the pro- 
ceeds of which were to be appropriated to the setting out of 
trees for the ornament of that part of the city and for the health 
and convenience of its inhabitants, and considering that the 
city authorities have lately made handsome appropriations for 
its improvement, I think it will better promote the object I 
had in view to make a direct gift of the lots I designated, sub- 
ject to my existing contracts, and not to wait until my devise 
can have a legal effect. For by taking this course, while I am 
declining the trees will be growing, and possibly upon my 
return, Deo volente, to Boston, I may hope to see such of them 
flourishing as are set out in the spring. I therefore authorize 
you in my behalf to make the donation directly in the terms I 
used in the paper in your possession, in lieu of that intended 
devise. If the power of attorney I left with you will not au- 



1853.] GIFT TO THE TREE ASSOCIATION. 597 

thorize a conveyance to be made to yourself, you will use it by 
making a conveyance to a third person, so that there may be 
no delay or embarrassment in carrying my design into imme- 
diate effect." 

The Tree Association being in flourishing operation when 
this letter giving authority to make an immediate donation was 
received, Capt. Barstow judiciously made it the means of carry- 
ing into effect the wishes of the donor, and the feelings with 
which the gift was received are shown in the letter received 
from him in answer, an extract from which, with another letter 
from an esteemed friend, expressing similar sentiments, is in- 
serted in the Appendix.^ 

In addition to a vote of thanks, the following gratifying letter 
was addressed to the donor, through the officers of the society : 

"East Boston, Feb. 14, 1853. 

" Gen. Wm. H. Sumxer : — 

" Respected and dear Sir, — We would present to you our 
grateful and heartfelt thanks for your munificent gift of two 
valuable lots of land to the ' East Boston Ornamental Tree 
Association,' and communicated to us by Capt. Wm. C. Bar- 
stow. It is now one year since the association was organized, 
having for its object to adorn and improve East Boston, by 
planting trees in all the streets. Since its formation, about 
$600 have been contributed by individuals, which was expended 
last year in setting out trees. 

" From the encouragement the association has received, and 
with your liberal gift, we believe its object will now be attained, 
and that East Boston will yet pride herself on the beauty of 
her trees, as she now does in the skill of her mechanics. It is 
quite remarkable, and we might say wonderful, what an im- 
press all plans receive from their first founders. If a niggardly 
policy is commenced, a selfish one is sure to follow ; but when 
those who commence entertain just and liberal views, we find, 
after a lapse of time, those traces remaining ; and we trust that 
on what was once called ' Noddle's Island ' they will never be 
obliterated. Since the commencement East Boston has moved 
steadily to her present prosperous condition. Did you, or any 

1 See Appendix I. 



598 HISTORY. [1852-8. 

of its founders, believe that in 1853 it would contain fourteen 
thousand inhabitants, 9 religious societies, $100,000 invested 
in school-houses, in which more than two thousand pupils 
would receive instruction ; that the beauty of her ships would 
excel, and their fleetness outstrip, all the world has ever seen ? 

" Whatever might have been your hopes, we believe the 
sequel has fully realized your most sanguine expectations ; and 
now, when an effort is made to embellish the Island by planting 
trees, it is truly gratifying to learn that the effort is duly appre- 
ciated ; and that although you are in a foreign land, yet your 
regards for East Boston are not abated. We can assure you 
that your munificent donation shall be appropriated to accom- 
plish the object for which it is intended, in the most economical 
manner, and that your gift shall be perpetuated so long as the 
records of the association shall exist. 

" That you may receive all the benefits which can be expected 
from your foreign tour, and that, with the blessing of Provi- 
dence, you will return to your native country invigorated and in 
the full enjoyment of health, are the sincere wishes of 
" Your obedient servants, 

" Ebenezer Atkins, President. 
" D. H. Blaney, Secretary.''^ 

The Tree Association has prosecuted its objects with energy 
and success, and since its organization has expended the follow- 
ing sums of money : — 

In 1852 S589.30 

" 1853-4 3,344.94 

" 1855 1,089.10 

" 1856 1,544.19 

$6,567.53 

The association realized from the land presented by General 
Sumner — 

Lot 262 AVhite street $2,679.33 

" 225 Havre street ...... 1,411.00 

$4,090.33 
The East Boston Company also gave a lot of land to the asso- 
ciation (81 Moore street), amounting to ... $571.50 

$4,661.83 



1857.] LETTER OF MR. BARSTOW. 599 

By this assistance, the society was enabled to commence its 
operations on an extensive scale, and has already planted about 
fourteen hundred trees. 

The history of this enterprising association is given in so con- 
cise a manner in a letter recently received from Wm. C. Bar- 
stow, Esq., that the author transfers it to the narrative, believing 
that the reader will derive pleasure from its perusal. 

"East Boston, Nov. 9, 1857. 

" General W. H. Sumner. 

"My dear Sir, — Thinking that an outline of the rise and 
progress of the ' East Boston Ornamental Tree Association ' (of 
which we consider you the father), might be of some interest, I 
beg leave to state, that, in the early part of 1852, several enter- 
prising gentlemen of this place made an effort to induce the 
owners of real estate abutting on our most populous streets 
to plant trees opposite their lands and houses ; but as a large 
proportion of the owners were ' non-residents,' they did not feel 
that interest in ornamenting the streets that the ' residents ' did ; 
consequently it was in the beginning rather up-hill work. But 
even so we were not disposed to give it up, and had several 
preliminary meetings on the subject. On the 7th of March, 
1852, a general meeting of the inhabitants was held at the 
North American Insurance Company Office, in Winthrop block. 
The ' East Boston Ornamental Tree Association ' was formed 
and organized, and a sum of money sufficient to make a begin- 
ning with was subscribed on the spot ; committees were ap- 
pointed, and we went to work forthwith, and set out about 130 
trees during that spring. Our operations being confined to the 
streets in the neighborhood of Hotel square, they being at about 
the right grade, we have as a general thing set out the maple 
and elm trees, as we find they do better in our soil than other 
kinds ; and have been careful to select those of healthy growth 
and rather large size. Every tree planted by the association has 
been well protected by a strong box around it, which boxes have 
cost us about as much as the tree and the expense of planting. 

" The number of trees set out by the association up to this 
time is 1,400, and the expense $6,567.53. We are gradually 
progressing with the trees, as the city grade and pave our 



600 HISTORY. [1857. 

streets, — for we find from experience that it is money thrown 
away to plant trees where the streets are not at the right grade. 
As the paving and grading is usually done by the city at mid- 
summer, the raising or lowering a tree at that season is sure to 
kill it, unless done with more care than the city workmen use. 

" Although we have expended nearly all our funds on hand, 
still we anticipate little trouble hereafter in carrying out our 
project, as we find that very many of the property owners on 
the principal streets, seeing what an ornament the trees are, 
and having the example set by the association before them, 
as soon as the city grade or pave the street opposite their lands, 
set out the trees in front at their own expense. This relief to 
the association, together with what may be subscribed by indi- 
viduals from time to time, will no doubt enable us to carry out 
the great project you had in view in making the bequest in your 
will previous to leaving this country for Europe, which fact, 
however, was only known by yourself and me. 

"And I cannot but admire your promptness and action ; for I 
find upon referring to your letter to me dated Paris, December 
8, 1852, you instruct me to convey at once to, and to be ex- 
pended by, a committee to be appointed by the citizens of East 
Boston, two valuable lots of land (from the sales of which the 
association have realized in cash $4,090), and not to wait for 
the bequest made in your will. ' For (as you say) by taking 
this course, while I am declining the trees will be growing, and 
possibly upon my return, Deo volente, I hope to see such of 
them flourishing as are set out in the spring. I therefore au- 
thorize you, in my behalf, to make the donation directly in lieu 
of the intended devise.' 

" I at once made your intentions known to the Tree Asso- 
ciation, who, at their meeting held on the 28th January, 1853, 
passed a vote of thanks, and instructed the president to write 
you a letter of thanks also (copies of which I herewith enclose). 
All were loud in their praises for your princely gift. The news 
spread like lightning, and the newspapers came out with several 
complimentary remarks to yourself. The donation set our little 
association on its legs at once, and we went ahead that spring 
and set out from four hundred to five hundred trees, in order 
that you ' might see them flourishing on your return.' 



1834-8.] THE PUBLIC GARDEN. 601 

" The greater part of the trees set out in the spring of 1852 
and 1853 have (as you are aware) grown to a size that not only 
makes them an ornament to our wide and beautiful streets, but 
they even now throw out a shade, that, in the summer months, 
is truly grateful to all pedestrians ; it must be gratifying to 
you, my dear sir, to know, that, among the many good acts of 
your life, this donation is one that will call down the blessings 
of the present and future generations on your head. 

" I will, therefore, close after expressing what I believe to be 
the sincere wish of every man, woman, and child on the Island, 
and that is, may your shadow and that of the trees you. have 
given us, never grow less. 

" Very truly your obt. serv't, 

«' W. C. Barstow." 

The officers of the association at the present time are, — 
President, Ebenezer Atkins ; Vice-President, William C. 
Barstow ; Secretary, S. R. Field ; Treasurer, D. H. Blaney ; 
Directors, Edwin Rice, Wm. H. Calrow, Dr. D. D. Folts, S. N. 
Stockwell, Salma E. Gould, Dr. P. M. Crane, Thomas D. 
Demond, Benjamin Lamson, and Noah Sturtevant. 

These gentlemen are actively engaged in the prosecution of 
the original design, and each succeeding year the Island gives 
additional evidence of the value of this Tree Association. 



PUBLIC GARDEN. 

The "Public Garden" so called, containing about thirteen 
acres, was situated in section three, and was bounded by Sara- 
toga, Lexington, Marion, and Putnam streets. In 1834 Mr. 
William McCoUough applied for a lease of this garden, but his 
request was not granted. It was a portion of the property 
ceded by the East Boston Company to the old ferry company 
in 1835 ; and thus passed to the latter. In 1836 a fence was 
erected around it, and trees were planted within the enclosure ; 
in April, 1838, it was leased by the ferry company to Mr. Thomas 
Mason for seven years ; but, Mr. Mason not succeeding, the lease 
was soon afterwards cancelled. 
51 



602 HISTORY. [1831. 

When the ferry property was taken for debt by the East Bos- 
ton and the Eastern Raih'oad Companies in 1841, the public 
garden was equally divided between these two companies and 
held by them in fee, restricted only by the lease it was under at 
that time. 

In 1842 Princeton street was extended through the centre 
of the garden (easterly and westerly), and also Brooks 
street (northerly and southerly), and the remainder of the 
land was divided into forty-eight lots of ten thousand feet 
each, and numbered from 334 to 381, both inclusive. The 
lots were then equally divided between the two corpora- 
tions, who have since sold them to different individuals ; many 
of the purchasers have built on these lots some of the most 
beautiful dwelling-houses that are upon the Island ; and thus 
the " garden " ceased to exist. 

EASTERN RAILROAD. 

In the early part of the year 1831, the project was enter- 
tained of constructing a railroad from Boston to Salem over 
Noddle's Island. It was apparent to some, that such a road 
would be greatly advantageous to both places; that, passing 
through enterprising and business towns, it offered strong 
inducements for investment, and that, in process of time, it 
could with profit be extended further to the east. But what 
induced the writer to interest himself individually was the 
fact that the nearest, and, in all probability the most practi- 
cable, route passed directly over Noddle's Island, and if a 
road should be built with that location, the value of the Island 
estate would be immeasurably enhanced. The attempt to con- 
nect the Island with the city by the Salem turnpike and bridge 
had failed,! ^^^^ ^jj^t road had been built so as to enter Boston 
over Charlestown bridge. 

Locomotion by steam power was, at this period, considered 
in the light of an experiment. The public mind was to be 
convinced of its utility, and this formidable obstacle was to be 
met and overcome.^ It was also apparent that the proposed 

' Page 422. 

^ No railroad was at this time in operation in this country, although roads to 



1831.] THE EASTERN RAILROAD. 603 

railroad from Boston to Salem would meet with opposition 
from the turnpike company, which would vigorously object to 
being deprived of their accustomed travel. Fully aware of this 
strong source of opposition, and that in all probability objec- 
tions would be presented from other quarters, it was, neverthe- 
less, thought that the object proposed was worthy of investiga- 
tion. 

Before any public steps were taken it was considered prudent 
to have a partial survey of the route made to test the practica- 
bility of the enterprise, and to form an estimate of its cost, in 
order to obtain subscriptions for the stock. There being then 
no civil engineer in this part of the country upon whom reliance 
could be placed, Lieutenant Vinton, of the United States Artil- 
lery, a first-class scholar from West Point, and then stationed 
at Fort Independence, was thought of as a capable person, and, 
with leave from his commanding officer, was engaged, and per- 
formed his duties in an acceptable manner. 

The results were of so favorable a character that the project 
was prosecuted with increased vigor. As civil engineering, in 
its application to railways, was then in its infancy, it may 
gratify the public to give Lieutenant Vinton's valuable report 
at length. Interest will be added to this communication when 
it is stated, that, soon after, the engineer changed his military 
uniform for the surplice, and now, as the Rev. Dr. Vinton, is 
Rector of Grace church in Brooklyn, New York, where his ele- 
vated character and eminent talents secure the esteem and ad- 
miration of his hearers. 

The report is as follows : — 

Providence, Lowell, and Worcester, were in contemplation. Surveys for the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad had been made as early as 1827; but the first 
one in operation in this country was that from the granite quarries in Quincy 
to tide water ; the first loads of granite were for the construction of Bunker 
Hill Monument. To show the state of the public mind in respect to this means 
of conveyance, even as late as 1827, it may be mentioned that in that year the 
North American Review expressed the belief that horse railroads were then 
better adapted to our circumstances, but that no change or improvement could 
be foreseen which would reverse the condition ; and just before the opening of 
the Liverpool railroad, a premium of £500 was offered for a locomotive enfrine 
which should travel ten miles an hour, and carry sixteen tons ! 



604 HISTORY. [1832. 

"Fort Independence, February 13, 1832. 

" Dear Sir, — At your request I have made a reconnoissance and partial 
examination of a contemplated route for a railway to commence at N. Battery 
wharf, and to pass from thence (by ferry) to Noddle's Island, and thence over 
Noddle's and Belle islands, Oak island marsh, through Lynn ' village to 
Salem. 

" I have the honor to submit to you the following facts, and my opmion as 
derived from them, of the practicability of the proposed route. It is to be 
observed, — 

" 1st. That from the N. Battery wharf, or some other point near, the direc- 
tion N. 60 E. strikes Noddle's Island about sixty rods east of its south-western 
angle, and passes east of the hill, over a level surface on this Island, about fif- 
teen feet above high-water mark ; the prolongation of the plane of this direc- 
tion intersects the hill on Belle island (the highest point of which intersection 
is about one hundred and fifty feet above tide), and passes, east of Oak island, 
into the sea. 

" 2d. The course N. 53 E. from N. Battery, strikes the south-western angle 
of Noddle's Island and passes thence to the eastern angle of the hill on this 
Island ; the plane of this direction intersects the hill in a curve (the highest 
point of which is sixty-seven and a half feet above tide), and also intersects the 
hill on Belle island in a curve (the highest point of which is one hundred 
and thirty feet above tide), and thence passes over the eastern part of Oak 



" 3d. To avoid Belle island entirely, and pass on the Chelsea shore, the ter- 
mination of the ferry would be about sixty rods east of the western angle of 
Noddle's Island; the plane of this direction intersects the hill on Noddle's 
Island in a curve which contains the summit of the hill (about one hundred and 
twelve feet above tide). 

" 4th. The course N. 42 E. from the eastern angle of the hill on Noddle's 
Island strikes the western side of the hill on Belle isle ; the plane of this direc- 
tion intersects this hill in a curve (the highest point of which is eighty feet 
above tide), and thence passes over the western part of Oak island, and crosses 
Pines and Saugus rivers at favorable points, the width being about the same as 
at the bridge, and enters the village of Lynn near Summer street. 

" 5th. A straight course from the N. Battery or Marine Railway will pass 
over the hill on Noddle's Island at a height of seventy-five feet; and over the 
hill on Belle island at a height of one hundred feet above tide ; over Oak 
island and across Saugus river between Pines river and a small creek which 
empties into Saugus river. 

" 6th. The hill on Noddle's Island may be entirely avoided, and that on 
Belle isle partially so, by making a turn of about eighteen or twenty degrees 
on Noddle's Island ; the direction from thence to Lynn conforms nearly to the 
course pointed out in the preceding paragraphs (Nos. 4 and 5), except that it 
would pass over the hill on Belle isle eighty feet above tide. 

" 7th. The hills on Noddle's and on Belle islands are composed principally 



1832.] LIEUT. VINTON'S RFX'ONXOISSANCE. 605 

of gravel, and are of easy excavation. The latter would be very convenient 
for the construction of an embankment from Noddle's to Belle island, and from 
Belle island to Chelsea. 

" 8th. The length of embankment from Noddle's to Belle island would vary 
from twelve rods to thirty rods, according to the points of departure. 

" From these facts It appears clearly that the proposed route is practicable, 
at least as far as Lynn ; that the hills on Noddle's and on Belle islands are the 
chief obstacles ; that the former may be entirely avoided, and the portion of 
the latter which it would be necessary to excavate would be useful and neces- 
sary for the construction of the embankments ; and that a straight route very 
nearly can be obtained between the terminus in Boston and Lynn. 

" From Lynn, in a direction about N. GO E. to the oak tree near Colman's 
farm, the route is on a level of about fifteen feet above high-water mark. This 
direction continued will reach Marblehead, the route being very level, and but 
few obstructions, and these hills of a small elevation. 

" From a point in the Marblehead road about one hundred rods east of the 
oak tree to Salem may be obtained an advantageous location in the valley of 
Great Swamp, quite level, and very direct. The valley varies in its direction 
only about twenty degrees ; but the road could be perfectly straight to near 
the entrance to Salem. At a point about a half mile south of the brickkiln, 
an advantageous branch could be made to Marblehead across favorable ground, 
although not so much so as the ground between the oak tree and Marblehead. 

" The distance in the former case from the road to Marblehead is two and a 
half miles ; in the latter, about four and a half miles. 

" Fkaxcis Vixton, Lieut. U. S. Army. 

" Gcnl. W. H. Sumner, Boston." 

A day or two later he sent a map of the route to the same 
gentleman, with the accompanying note. 

" I send you the map with the straight course, passinj over the hill on Nod- 
dle's Island and the hill on Belle island, marked with dotted lines; and the 
course avoiding the hill on Noddle's Island, marked by a full line. 

"The base of the hill on Belle Island Is about 1,1G0 feet, and the base of 
that on Noddle's Island about 1,048 feet. This is their maximum length. I 
will call on you at six and a half or seven o'clock this evening." 

It was while this subject was under consideration, that nego- 
tiations were commenced between Messrs. Sumner, White, and 
Oliver, for the purchase of Mrs. Greenough's half of Noddle's 
Island. During these negotiations. General Sumner opened the 
subject of tiie railroad to these gentlemen, to whom he had 
proposed a union with him in the purchase, and secured their 
assent and cooperation. The day after the date of his letter to 
General Sumner, Lieut. Vinton sent a report of his reconnois- 
51* 



606 HISTORY. [1832. 

sance to Messrs. Sumner, White, and Oliver; but as it con- 
tains nothing in addition to the former letter, and is not 
so particular in its details, it need not here be given. 
The purchase was brought to a satisfactory issue, and on 
the 21st day of February an indenture was entered into 
between the purchasers, the fourth provision of which is as 
follows : — 

" That they will use all their endeavors and exertions to pro- 
cure the location of a railroad from Boston to Salem over the 
Island aforesaid, and to establish a ferry connected therewith 
between the Island and Boston ; and inasmuch as it may be 
found necessary or convenient, in order to carry into effect this 
object, to associate other persons in the purchase aforesaid, it is 
agreed, that, whenever it shall be decided so to enlarge the 
number of associates, each of the present parties, and such as 
shall become associates with them, shall part with shares in 
said Island, or purchase in proportion to his interest therein." 

Two difficulties presented themselves to the minds of the 
movers in this work: the first was in procuring a charter^ and 
the second to get the stock taken in case a charter should be ob- 
tained. Fully aware that a strong opposition was to be met 
and overcome in any attempt to obtain the first of these objects 
yet anticipating final success, the author conversed with Messrs. 
Perkins and Tallmadge on the subject, two prominent capitalists 
and speculators belonging to New York, in order to get them 
interested in the projected road. He took them into his car- 
riage, and driving down to the end of North Battery wharf, 
pointed out the proposed route, and all the circumstances con- 
nected with the subject. The whole enterprise struck them 
favorably, but at that time they were deeply interested in the 
Providence Railroad, and could not engage extensively in an- 
other ; but they secured a promise from the writer to give them 
an opportunity to subscribe for stock, if a charter was granted. 

To interest Salem people as much as possible in the projected 
enterprise, a proposition was made to them to this effect. After 
stating some general facts concerning the route, which have al- 
ready been given, the paper goes on to say that, — 

" This furnishes the shortest and most practicable route for a 
railroad from Salem to Boston, which would run from Salem to 



1832.] PROrOSALS TO SALEM CAPITALISTS. 607 

Smith's head. The locomotive would then run itself into rails 
on the steamboat deck, corresponding with those on the road, 
and land its passengers and goods in Commercial street in Bos- 
ton with scarcely a moment's interruption. 

" Noddle's Island contains, by Taylor's survey, 663 acres, be- 
side several hundred acres of valuable flats for wharf lots. 
That part of it which fronts on the harbor is the best wharf 
land in Boston, both on account of its depth of water (five 
fathoms) and its south-western aspect. 

" The whole Island, of which a considerable proportion con- 
sists of fine clay for bricks, is beautifully situated for building. 
It is cool and healthful in summer, and being very near to, or 
almost in, the town, and connected with the thickest settled 
part of it by a steam ferry-boat which would pass over every 
five minutes, it is thought it would immediately draw off" its 
surplus population, and soon become, like Brooklyn opposite 
New York, a populous and business part of the city. Indeed, 
several years ago, a proposition was made to the proprietors to 
purchase an undivided half of it by a company estimating the 
whole at eighty thousand dollars, to be divided into eighty 
shares, the purchasers of which stipulated to erect one house, 
building, or wharf for each share upon it the first season ; but it 
could not then be purchased. 

" One undivided half of the Island can now be obtained at 
forty-two thousand dollars, and divided so that each shareholder 
shall have an acre of land. A part of the stock is taken up, 
but one hundred shares is reserved to be divided among the in- 
habitants of Salem, to insure their aid and concurrence in the 
location of the road in the proposed direction, and on condition 
of the grantors being as shareholders of a like proportion, say 
one third of the railroad stock. 

" For this purpose the property shall be conveyed to trustees 
with power to issue scrip for shares upon payment being made 
therefor by the subscribers, and subject to such other provisions 
as they shall make. 

" Each shareholder shall pay five dollars a share on subscrib- 
ing, to be accounted for in expenses, and the number of shares 
in the company may be increased if the other proprietors of the 
Island should hereafter be induced to convey a part or the 



608 IIISTORY. [1832. 

whole of their interest to the comjjany, or to become a party to 
the association in proportion to the number of acres so obtained 
or added." 

The petition presented by General Sumner and others sets 
forth the principal points in a condensed form, and for this rea- 
son is here introduced : — 

" To THE Honorable the Senate and House of Kepresentatives. 

*' The subscribers respectfully represent that a railroad from Boston to Salem 
•would, in their opinion, greatly facilitate the communication between the two 
largest commercial places in the Commonwealth, and by branching out from it 
to Marblehead and Gloucester, and, as its advantages shall be demonstrated, 
extending it to Newburyport and Portsmouth, and the large manufactories 
eastward of it, all the towns on the eastern coast and those enterprising estab- 
lishments, may either directly or eventually participate in its benefits. 

" Your petitioners further represent, that the most direct route from the 
market in Boston to Salem is across Noddle's Island, in Boston harbor. Great 
advantages, in the opinion of your memorialists, would result to the capital and 
State from connecting that Island with the city by a steam ferry. The Island 
is directly opposite the most populous part of the city, and is within the city 
limits. It is only 132 rods from the North Battery to the Island, and by the 
erection of a wharf on the latter, the distance will be reduced to somewhat 
less than three eighths of a mile. The water at Noddle's Island point is five 
fathoms deep, and the channel ojiposite it is deeper than in any other part of 
the upper harbor. Hence it is seldom frozen ; and if a steamboat were kept 
constantly passing, it is believed, would never be frozen over. The situation 
of the Island is cool and healthful ; its hills afford most beautiful sites for pri- 
vate residence, while its extended front upon the deepest water in the harbor, 
with a south-western aspect, furnishes such opportunities for commercial and 
mechanical pursuits as the circumscribed limits of the settled part of the city 
much require for indulging the taste and skill of its enterprising inhabitants. 

" Thus the great object of extending the city settlements, in a part most re- 
quiring it, can be effected in connection with the enterprise. Commencing at 
Salem, the road would terminate at the wharf on the Island, where the steam 
ferry-boat, with rails on Its deck corresponding with those on the road, would 
be drawn up to receive the carriages and cars, which would thus continue their 
course, and, with scarcely a moment's interruption, deliver their passengers 
and o-oods in any part of Commercial street which shall be selected for that 
purpose, and which it is contemplated to extend sufficiently far northwardly 
the ensuing season to afford these advantages. 

" Your memorialists have only made the foregoing suggestions with a view 
to bring this particular course to the public notice and consideration, believing 
that it may be made to combine more private interests and public advantages 
than any other route which has been spoken of But as the most favorable 
route for the location of the road must depend upon the surveys, which have 



1835.] THE PETITION UNSUCCESSFUL. 609 

not yet been made, your memorialists submit this point, as well as tlie terms of 
the grant, to the wisdom of the legislature, and therefore respectfully pray that 
they, and such others as may associate with them, may be incorporated, with 
power to construct a railroad from Boston to Salem, in the best practicable 
route, and on such terms and conditions as the legislature see fit to grant." 

Four petitions were presented for a road to Salem across the 
Island, and five petitions for a road to Salem over the Winni- 
simet ferry. Against the Island route there were five distinct 
remonstrances, representing the prospective damage to naviga- 
tion, to water power, and other interests ; and the Salem Turn- 
pike and Chelsea Bridge Corporation remonstrated against the 
construction of the railroad on either route. The bridge had 
been built at a cost of between $55,000 and $56,000, and the 
turnpike at an expense of over $182,000 ; and it was contended 
that the contemplated railroad would divert the travel from 
these thoroughfares, and thus the income be reduced. Both of 
the routes for the road proposed entering Boston at the north 
end by means of steam ferry-boats, the Island route terminating 
near North Battery wharf, and the Winnisimet route at the 
Winnisimet ferry landing. The distance from Boston to Win- 
nisimet was 7,600 feet, and from Boston to Noddle's Island 
2,000 feet. While these different petitions were before a com- 
mittee of the legislature, the rival petitioners for the two routes 
united upon the plan of a single road from Salem to some 
place near Chelsea meeting-house, passing thence to Boston by 
two routes, one over the Island, and the other over Winnisimet 
ferry. 

This committee, in March, 1833, reported against gi-anting a 
charter. 

Commencing the undertaking anew, subscription papers for 
a railroad from Boston to Salem were opened in July, 1835, 
and on the 7th of the same month a meeting of subscribers 
was held and a committee of five appointed to confer with the 
turnpike company, and to obtain subscriptions from the towns 
in the immediate vicinity. This committee made a report at a 
meeting on the 24th, urging speedy and vigorous elTorts, in order 
to anticipate many projects then in contemplation calculated to 
throw obstacles in the way. Fully sensible of the increasing 
importance of the enterprise, the subscribers to the stock met 



610 HISTORY. [1835.. 

again on the 4th of August, and listened to a report from their 
committee. This report took the ground that a charter could 
not be obtained for a road from Boston to Salem, but that a 
union must take place between the subscribers to the Boston 
and Salem, and the subscribers to the Salem and Newburyport, 
roads. It was thought that this union would be the means of 
securing a charter, by carrying to the legislature an influence 
too powerful to be resisted. Such an union would secure the 
towns east of Salem in favor of the undertaking, and add an 
importance to the route not otherwise to be obtained. The 
report was accepted without debate ; and this fact shows con- 
clusively the then opinion of the subscribers in regard to the 
extension of the road beyond Salem. A general committee 
was appointed by the subscribers " to take all necessary steps 
for surveying a route for a railroad from Boston to Newbury- 
port, to obtain subscriptions to the stock, and to obtain a char- 
ter from the next legislature, if practicable." ^ 

The committee proceeded immediately to perform the duties 
assigned them, and convened in a few days at Salem, and every 
act of theirs indicated that they were guided wholly in refer- 
ence to a long line of road. It was decided to employ Col. John 
M. Fessenden as engineer. He had previously taken a plan 
and profile of the Salem turnpike, and had examined with great 
care the several routes through Charlestown leading to the city, 
with reference to a terminus in Boston. He was now instructed 
to satisfy himself thoroughly as to the advantages and disad- 
vantages of all the routes which could be used, and to report 
his decision as soon as practicable to a subcommittee, com- 
posed of the chairmen of the several town committees. This 
subcommittee was intrusted with the negotiations for " a depot 
and other matters connected with the terminus of the road." 

The able report of Colonel Fessenden, made in the early part 

* This committee consisted of Isaiali Breed and F. S. Newhall, of Lynn ; 
George Peabody (chairman of the committee), Larkin Thorndike, Robert 
Upton, Nathaniel Saltonstall, WiUiam Sutton, Gilbert R. Newhall, and W. H. 
Foster, of Salem; Pyam Lovett and Charles Stevens, of Beverly; Joseph 
Farley, Abraham Hammett, and Ephraim R. Miller, of Ipswich ; and John 
Porter, Caleb Gushing, Daniel Adams, 3d, and Benjamin Hale, of Newbury- 
port. 



1836.] COLONEL FESSENDEN'S RErORT. 611 

of 1836, contains, in a condensed form, the reasons for choosing 
the Island route ; and these can be best given in his own 
words : — 

" By your directions my attention was first given to the turnpike between 
Boston and Salem, for the purpose of ascertaining the facilities which the whole 
or any part of it would afford for the construction of that portion of the route ; 
the results of the examinations and surveys for this purpose were reported to 
you immediately after their completion, and were to the effect that the great 
elevations to be overcome on the road near Salem would make it necessary to 
resort to a rate of inclination inadmissible for locomotive engines, unless such 
an expenditure for grading should be made as even the free gift of the whole 
turnpike Avould by no means justify ; and further, that no part of the turnpike 
could be used for the railroad without much Increasing the length of the route, 
and seriously Injuring the turnpike for ordinary travel ; and these evils would 
have been encountered without any saving of expense in the construction, as 
compared with the route finally selected. 

" In connection with the plan of adopting the turnpike, or a part of it, and 
indeed with all the routes examined for a railroad, the different ways of ap- 
proaching Boston were considered, and those through Charlestown and East 
Boston were thought to offer the greatest facilities ; and the final determina- 
tion in favor of that through East Boston was made chiefly for the following 
reasons : — 

" 1st. It avoids the draws which would be necessary in the bridges across 
Charles and Mystic rivers. These draws are always objectionable, but I do 
not know where a route could come In contact with a more unfavorable one 
than that which would be necessary in crossing Charles river ; as is the case 
with the present bridges, the draw must be opened very frequently for the 
passage of vessels, sometimes amounting to forty per day, causing, as I think 
will be acknowledged by all, a very much greater and longer continued uncer- 
tainty in the use of the road than would be encountered In the approach by 
East Boston. Indeed, a comparison can hardly be made, and should not be 
made, in my view, for by the former route there will be frequent and positive 
delays, while by the latter, experience has shown that delay or uncertainty 
can scarcely be expected. It is true that the distance In the ferry will not be 
performed in the same time with an equal distance on any other part of this 
or the other route ; but this difference of time is less than that which would be 
required to perform the greater length of route necessary to pass through 
Charlestown. 

" 2d. The convenient and practicable termination of the road in Boston 
will be very much nearer the centre of business by the East Boston route than 
by the other. 

" 3d. The whole distance, as alluded to in the first of these reasons, is less 
by the East Boston route, and can be performed in less time. 

" 4th. East Boston is so near the termination in Boston, and Its accommo- 
dations of every description necessary for a depot so superior to any that could 



612 HISTORY. [1835. 

be obtained In the city, that a great portion or department of the depot can 
be located there, and thus save a very large amount which it would be neces- 
sary to pay to obtain only indispensable accommodations at the termination by 
the other route. 

" 5th. The cost of the road will be very much greater by the Charlestown 
route, in consequence of the damages to real estate in passing through that 
town, and the consti-uction of the necessary bridges, draws, etc. 

" 6th. At the proposed termination in Boston and depot at East Boston, 
the greatest facilities which the city offers would be obtained for the approach 
of and berths for shipping, while on the other route a number of bridges and 
a greater distance must be passed. 

" The ferry to East Boston is only six hundred yards in length, and, as I have 
before stated, experience has shown that it can easily be kept free and in use 
throughout the year ; It crosses the confluence of two rivers, the Charles and 
Mystic, and it Is the last place in the harbor which would be closed by ice 
under any circumstances. Boats may be constructed with rail tracks, which 
can be raised or lowered to suit the tide, and permit the convenient and safe 
embarkation of a whole train of cars, if it should be desirable." 

The location of the road, as detailed in Col Fessenden's valu- 
able report, is in accordance with that accuracy and excellent 
judgment which have always characterized him as a civil engi- 
neer.i 

Immediately upon the reception of this report, the subcom- 
mittee repaired to East Boston, and satisfied themselves that 
the opinion of the engineer was fully supported by the facts in 
the case. Their next object was to make as successful a nego- 
tiation as possible with the proprietors of East Boston for a 
depot on their premises. The committee knew that the termi- 
nus of a railroad on the Island would be regarded by the pro- 
prietors as of immense importance to their interests, and a 
conference was proposed. After several meetings, the following 
offer was made by the East Boston Company, in a letter directed 
to the chairman of the committee, dated August 19, 1835 : — 

" The undersigned, directors of the East Boston Company," 

"offer to cede, without any compensation other than the 

location of the railroad to East Boston, as much land on the 
Island (subject, of course, to the streets and canals, which are 
not to be obstructed) as may be necessary for the passage of a 
railroad on the south-westerly side of the road of seventy feet 

^ The cost of the Salem Railroad survey, as given in the statement of the 
East Boston Company's accounts, December 15, 1835, was $2,380.62. 



1835.] EASTERN RAILROAD TERMINUS. 613 

wide called ' Chelsea street,' until it intersects Decatur street ; 
thence a strip of land two hundred feet wide, extending from 
said street to high-water mark on Webster street, about 1,300 
feet in length ; thence a water lot of two hundred and fifty 
feet, extending about 1,000 feet to low-water mark, — making, 
in the aggregate, exclusive of the land first mentioned, about 
510,000 square feet, or nearly twelve acres, which they consider 
amply sufficient for the accommodation of all depots and other 
buildings that now are, or ever will be, required." 

On the 27th of August, the general committee met at Ips- 
wich, when the whole subject of the terminus in Boston and 
the proposal of the East Boston Company was discussed. The 
result was a vote of the committee, — 

" That the proposition made by the East Boston Company 
to this committee is such an one as will be satisfactory, with 
the following additions, namely, that the width of land offered 
be 250 feet from Decatur to Webster street, and from thence to 
low-water mark, be 300 feet ; that the railroad company be fur- 
nished gratuitously with all the material necessary for filling up 
the marsh and wharf and making the road, provided that satis- 
factory arrangements be made for passing the ferry, and the 
necessary accommodations obtained on the opposite side." 
These proposed additions were readily assented to by the direc- 
tors of the East Boston Company, in a letter to the chairman 
of the general committee, signed by the board, and dated Sep- 
tember 2, 1S35. 

At this same meeting at Ipswich, the subcommittee were 
instructed to negotiate in reference to the ferry and a depot and 
landing on the Boston side. The ferry company was distinct 
from the East Boston Company, although some individuals 
were large proprietors in both concerns. The property of the 
ferry was held in trust, and, to guarantee the exclusive right of 
ferriage to the then company, every water lot on the Island is 
sold with the provision that no ferry shall ever be run from the 
premises. The committee had no authority to make a specific 
contract with the ferry company binding both parties, and it 
was a difficult matter to determine prospectively in what pre- 
cise way the ferry should be used by the railroad company ; at 
the same time it seemed very important, that, if a charter should 
52 



614 HISTORY. [1835. 

be obtained, some arrangement should be made by which the 
raih-oad company should not be wholly dependent upon the 
will of the ferry company. It was accordingly concluded to 
obtain a bond from the proprietors for the sale of a majority of 
the shares, in case they should be wanted by the railroad cor- 
poration. In a conditional agreement, the proprietors engaged 
to furnish to the railroad company five hundred and ten shares, 
a majority of the stock in the ferry company, at the par value ; 
the purchase, when decided upon, to be paid in railroad stock. 
In addition to the boats, houses, ferry ways, etc, a valuable 
tract of land, called the " Public Garden," was then held by the 
ferry company, and was a portion of the property proposed to 
be conveyed to the railroad. 

The agreement to furnish five hundred and ten shares of the 
ferry company to the railroad was as follows : — 

"Boston, October 31, 1835. 
«' The subscribers agree to furnish to the Eastern Railroad Company, five 
hundred and ten sbai-es in the East Boston Ferry Company, at the par value, 
on the following conditions : — 

*' The ferry shall be carried on as heretofore ; whenever its net income upon 
its present rates of toll shall reach twelve per cent, per annum, the ferriage of 
the railroad travel, and the directors and agents of that company, and that of 
the residents and occupants of houses, stores, and wharves at East Boston, to- 
gether with the operatives in the manufactories, their agents and directors, and 
the agents and directors of the other companies, now or hereafter to be estab- 
lished there, shall be reduced so as to yield but six per cent., and so on from time 
to time as the increase of the travel may raise the income to twelve per cent. 
But the rates of toll may be lessened at any time so as not to reduce the in- 
come below six per cent. Any additional expenditures necessary to be made 
for the exclusive accommodation of the railroad travel shall be made at the 
expense of the railroad company, provided that the alterations made shall not 
be such as to diminish the convenience of the travel to and from East Boston. 
The purchase of the above shares in the ferry stock to be paid for in railroad 
stock at the par value. 

" Stephen White. 

" W. H. Sumner for self, and as Trustee 
to Eliza Gerard. 

" Francis J. Oliver." 



Two months later, an explanation of a clause in the above 
agreement was made, which was to this effect : — 



1835.] PETITION FOR CHARTER. 615 

"Boston, January 1, 1836. 
*' The words, ' the ferry shall be carried on as heretofore,' inserted in our 
proposal of 31st October last to the Eastern Railroad Company, are under- 
stood by us to point to the perpetuation of the ferry for its present purposes, 
iu order to secure a continuation of accommodation like the present to the 
classes of persons mentioned therein, and to the public generally. 

" Stephen White. 
"Francis J. Oliver. 

The next object of the subcommittee was to obtain a point 
of landing on the Boston side. This was a matter of consid- 
erable importance, and less easily effected than either of the 
other objects. The wharf property lying opposite the proposed 
depot at East Boston was extremely productive, and daily in- 
creasing in value. The Lewis' Wharf Corporation owned two 
or three wharves nearly contiguous, and these wharves were now 
being united so as to form one large wharf, with warehouses in 
the centre. A portion of these premises was at this time occu- 
pied by the ferry landing, and here seemed to be a favorable 
site for the passenger depot. The wharf corporation commu- 
nicated the terms upon which the land could be secured for the 
depot. These terms, dated on the 29th of October, 1835, were 
binding for six months ; but as that time passed away before 
any definite action could be taken, it was decided that nothing 
further could be done before the granting of the charter by the 
legislature. 

The location of the route beyond East Boston was then 
determined with general satisfaction to all parties. 

But the principal thing, and the one upon which the whole 
undertaking depended, yet remained unaccomplished. The 
charter must be obtained. According to the expressed wishes 
of the subscribers, means were employed to bring the subject 
of the railroad before the legislature at the September session, 
1835. Petitions were procured, containing twelve or fifteen 
hundred names, from the towns of Salem, Lynn, Marblehead, 
Beverly, Ipswich, Gloucester, and Newburyport, but the subject 
was referred to the next session. This delay gave the oppo- 
nents of the road ample time to organize and combine their 
hostility, and consequently, when the subject was called up at 
the January session, a formidable opposition was presented, and 



616 HISTORY. [1836. 

for a time seemed to threaten the speedy annihilation of all 
hope of securing the object. A committee of the legislature 
was in session seventeen or eighteen days, during which time 
every possible objection was urged which the ingenuity of ten 
or twelve professional gentlemen, with their friends, could de- 
vise. Efforts were also made to show that the sole object was 
to "get a road to Salem." On the other hand, the friends of 
the road, supported by able counsel, and an engineer well pre- 
pared on all points to meet and overcome objections, made the 
most vigorous efforts to demonstrate the feasibility and utility 
of the road, and to secure a charter for it. The whole subject 
underwent the most thorough investigation by the committee, 
and the evidence adduced to show the importance of the road 
left so little room for doubt, that the delay, which had obliged 
the projectors to meet the strong opposition with facts, statis- 
tics, and arguments, was eventually considered a fortunate oc- 
currence, as each day's examination only strengthened the 
claims for the road, and served to inspire a confidence in its 
ultimate success, seldom attainable short of actual experiment. 
Indeed, the chairman of the legislative committee, a gentleman 
of sterling sense, of great moral honesty and independence, did 
not hesitate to declare at the senate board, that, " notwithstand- 
ing he had been on the committee to consider every petition for 
a railroad granted in this Commonwealth, none had exhibited 
half the claims for a charter which had been presented by the 
Eastern Railroad." 

Time has proved the correctness of the positions taken by the 
petitioners; that the public necessity, the manufacturing and 
commercial interests, demanded the road ; that the most direct 
and feasible route was over Noddle's Island ; that it would be a 
good investment for capitalists ; and that the future prosperity of 
New England would depend, in a great measure, upon the in- 
troduction of railroads. 

On the 11th of April, 1836, the bill incorporating the " East- 
ern Railroad Company " passed the house of representatives 
by a vote of 159 to 20, having previously passed the senate 
by a vote of twenty to three. The strength of these votes is 
remarkable, especially when we consider the strong and persist- 
ent opposition to the enterprise ; and it shows the feeling enter- 



1838.] THE RAILROAD OPENED. 617 

tained by the members of the legislature of the superior advan- 
tages of East Boston for the termination of the road over the 
other routes by which it was proposed to enter Boston. 

The charter was accepted by the stockholders on the 10th of 
May, 1836, and at their first meeting it was voted that " the 
directors be requested to proceed in the prosecution of the work 
committed to them with all possible despatch." 

Ground was first broken on the Eastern Railroad on the 22d 
of July, 1836, and salutes were fired from Belmont square. East 
Boston, in honor of the occasion, and the work was thenceforth 
prosecuted with great energy.^ In a little more than two years, 
namely, on the 27th of August, 1838, the road was opened to 
Salem, where appropriate ceremonies were observed, and an 
interesting address delivered by George Peabody, Esq., the 
president of the corporation. Referring to the time in which 
the work had been accomplished, he says: "This rapid pro- 
gress, under ordinary circumstances, would have been a matter 
of surprise, but it is still more so when we reflect that it has 
been made during a depression of commercial affairs unprece- 
dented in this or any other country; a condition of things, 
which, we may venture to assert without arrogance, would have 
convulsed society and revolutionized government in any other 
civilized nation of the world. Yet, with all this acceleration, 
it is believed that no part has been slighted. Every improve- 
ment which experience could dictate or ingenuity suggest has 
been adopted, and the road constructed with special reference 
to strength and durability." In speaking of the origin of the 
road, he says : '< A subscription was first opened for a railroad 
from Salem to Boston, and papers were circulated for another 



' In this road, as in some others, it was found necessary to borrow money 
from the State. The loan was effected, and on the 18th of April, 1837, the 
State authorized the issue of scrip in the name of the Commonwealth, to the 
amount of $500,000, at five per cent., redeemable in twenty years from the 1st 
of July. The corporation was to give a bond to save the State harmless 
from any liability on account of said scrip, and to pay the interest punctually, 
and pay the principal one year before the same should be redeemable by the 
Commonwealth, and to convey their entire road, and its income and property 
and franchise, as a pledge to secure the performance of the conditions of the 
bond. 

52* 



618 HISTORY. [1837-42. 

in continuation to the east. But it was soon thought advisa- 
ble to unite the two ; and the project in the latter form was 
favorably entertained by many of the principal towns in the 
county, where a great number of shares were taken. 

" The proprietors of East Boston, who had a few years pre- 
vious made an unsuccessful application to the legislature for a 
charter to build a road to Salem, were induced to subscribe 
largely to ours, as soon as they ascertained it would be located 
through their island. The success of the enterprise is, in fact, 
very much owing to the large interest taken by these gentle- 
men, and we hope their spirited action will be compensated 
by a full share of the anticipated benefits. The object sought, 
we believe, will now be achieved, since there can be no 
doubt of the extension of this road to the confines of the 
State, and, sooner or later, to the extreme eastern section of 
the Union." 

The compliment here paid to the East Boston proprietors 
was justly deserved, as they had labored for a long time to 
secure a railroad over the Island and to the eastward, and had 
proved their interest by taking 3,250 shares in the road. 

From the books of the East Boston Company we find, that, 
on the 2d of March, 1837, the president of the company was 
authorized to obtain from the legislature, authority for the com- 
pany " to purchase and hold such an amount of shar'es as a 
majority of its directors shall think prudent and expedient in 
the capital stock of the Eastern Railroad Company." By a 
report on the 22d of May it appears that such authority was 
"obtained, the act of the legislature accepted, and that 3,250 
shares were subscribed for by the company. 

The railroad company built a pile wharf, on which they 
erected an expensive and commodious depot and car-house. 
On January 25, 1842, the first time the cars ran into the new 
building, and the first time the new boat went into the drop, at 
12 M., the building took fire and was burned down, with a por- 
tion of the wharf. The fire caught from the heat which rose from 
the chimney of the engine coming in contact with the wood- 
work overhead. This danger had been entirely overlooked, and 
the quick destruction of the new depot was a blazing warning 
to the builders, that wood, if sufficiently heated, will hum. 



1839.] CUNARD STEAM-SHIP WHARF. 619 

The history of the Eastern Railroad after this date — that is, 
from the time when its particular connection with the Island 
history ceases — is foreign to the subject of our work, and is 
easily accessible to those wishing information respecting it. 

In 1854 it was thought great advantages would be realized, 
especially in the freight department, by changing the station 
from the Island to the city, and consequently a branch was 
made through Chelsea, entering Boston at Causeway street 
near Andover street, where the passenger depot is now situated. 
This change, which went into operation on the 19th April, 1854, 
was made at an expense of |1,200,000; a considerable detour, 
of necessity, was made to avoid the ferry, and in the result nei- 
ther the company nor the travelling public are so well accommo- 
dated as formerly. The anticipated advantages in the freighting 
business was not secured, and in August, 1855, that department 
was returned to the Island, where it still, and probably perma- 
nently, remains. It is now apparent to all, that the departure 
from the original plan was inexpedient and unfortunate, a 
great expense being incurred, convenience sacrificed, and ample 
grounds being relinquished for contracted accommodations, and 
no corresponding benefit received ; but the great outlay of 
money made in the removal renders it improbable that the pas- 
senger station will ever again be changed, while it is equally 
probable that the freight will continue to be carried over the 
Island, where the extensive grounds and ample arrangements 
belonging to the railroad corporation afford every facility for 
the speedy transaction of business, and the convenience of the 
trading and travelling community. 



CUNARD STEAM-SHIP WHARF. 

Probably no one cause has operated more powerfully upon 
the prosperity of East Boston, and has had such an influ- 
ence upon the commerce and consequent growth of the city, 
as the establishment of the line of British steamers between 
Liverpool and Boston. The impetus thus given to trade 
by opening new and important channels of intercourse be- 



620 HISTORY. [1839. 

tween the two great nations of the world cannot be over- 
estimated ; the benefits received are felt throughout New Eng- 
land and the whole country. An outlet is thus made for our 
products, and an inlet for imports, indispensable for our use 
and comforts, which give a healthy and rapidly increasing circu- 
lation to our commercial system. The Hon. Samuel Cunard, 
of Halifax, Nova Scotia, a far-sighted, enterprising merchant, 
has the honor of originating and carrying into successful opera- 
tion this grand project. In the early part of 1839 he entered 
into a contract with the British government, for a term of years, 
to convey the North American mail from Great Britain to 
Halifax and Boston by vessels propelled by steam. Ocean 
steam navigation was then considered in the light of an experi- 
ment, the success of which was yet to be demonstrated. 

The first steamer that ever crossed the Atlantic was the 
" Savannah," a paddle-wheel boat of three hundred tons burden, 
built in New York in 1818, by Messrs. Fitchet and Crockett, 
and commanded by Captain Moses Rogers. The engine was 
built by Stephen Vail and Daniel Dod, of New Jersey, and of 
ninety-horse power. She sailed from New York on the 29th 
of March, 1819, to Savannah, Georgia, where she was owned. 
Thence she went to Charleston to take President Monroe to 
Savannah ; and from Savannah, on the 25th of May, 1819, 
sailed for Liverpool, where she arrived in twenty-two days. 
She was a full-rigged ship, and a fast sailer ; had steam up four- 
teen days of the voyage, and by steam alone could make eight 
knots an hour. 

Singular as it may seem, nineteen years elapsed before any 
further efforts were made to cross the ocean by steam, and the 
fact of this successful voyage appears to have been entirely 
overlooked. But this means of communication between nations 
was eventually undertaken, and successfully tested, against the 
calculations of scientific men who had examined the subject. 
The great philosopher. Dr. Lardner, proved that steam vessels 
never could cross the Atlantic ; that a ship could not carry suf- 
ficient coal to propel her across the ocean I Finally, in Bristol, 
England, a line of steamers was projected, and the first 
vessel, the « Sirius," arrived in New York on the 23d of 



1840.] ARRIVAL OF THE UNICORN. 621 

April, 1838,^ and ^the " Great Western " arrived on the same 
day. 

The earliest vessels, the Sirius, Great Western, Royal Wil- 
liam, City of Liverpool, British Queen, and the President, were 
none of them long in the trade. The line established by Mr. 
Samuel Cunard, and to this day bearing his name, was the first 
permanently successful line of transatlantic steamers ever set 
afloat. Now, after the lapse of twenty years from the sailing 
of the Sirius, there are fifteen lines of steamers, numbering 
forty-six vessels, trading between this country and Europe, and 
during this time not far from three hundred thousand persons 
have crossed the Atlantic by steam, of which the loss of life 
has been about ' one third of one per cent., or one voyage in 
three hundred. 

Mr. Cunard and his associates, full of faith, and having made 
all the preliminary arrangements, tried the experiment by send- 
ing the " Unicorn " to Boston, in June, 1840, as a pioneer of the 
regular line. Its arrival was appropriately celebrated by the 
city authorities by a public dinner at Faneuil Hall, a brilliant pro- 
cession, etc. She made the voyage in sixteen days ; iand as she 
came into port, the wharves were lined with citizens, who had 
flocked thither to witness her arrival. She was welcomed by 
salutes and a display of flags from the United States ship of the 
line Columbus, which was moored in the channel, and the 
revenue cutter Hamilton. As the Unicorn passed the Columbus, 
the band played " God save the Queen" in a spirited manner. 

The East Boston Company and Eastern Railroad Company, 
at the time the line of steam-ships was established, jointly 
owned the ferry, which in its infancy was not a paying concern, 
and were also largely interested in real estate in the vicinity, 
and, rightly judging it to be for their interest to secure the land- 
ing of the steamers at East Boston, offered for that purpose the 
accommodations which they have ever since occujiied, free of rent 
for twenty years. These accommodations then consisted of two 
pier wharves of fifty feet by 250 feet, making a dock between, 

^ Ocean Steam Navigation, by Pliny Miles, Boston, 1857, gives this date; 
Putnam's World's Progress gives June 17, 1838. 



622 HISTORY. [1842. 

and connected with the main land by a bridge twenty feet wide 
and nine hundred feet in length, the improvements costing the 
companies $40,000. Three years after this, namely, in 1842, 
the owners of the property finding that the structures (being of 
wood, and perishable) must in a few years be repaired, and not 
being in the receipt of any money from the same, sold their 
interest in the property, with the incumbrance of twenty years 
lease upon it, to Wm. H. Sumner, Robert G. Shaw, and 
Samuel S. Lewis, one third to each. The agreement to pur- 
chase the steam-ship wharf was made between Sumner and 
Lewis on the 24th of October, 1842, and on the 26th of the 
same month, Robert G. Shaw was admitted as a party to the 
extent of one third part, and by mutual agreement he was to 
take the title to the same until the parties should pay their pro- 
portions. The half of the property owned by the East Boston 
Company was purchased on the 26th of October, 1842, for 
$6,120, and the half owned by the Eastern Railroad Company 
on the 1st of November, 1843, for $5,000.^ A lease was then 
made to the Steam Packet Company, on the 18th of April, 
1844, for seventeen years from the 1st of August, 1843, that is, 
until the 1st of August, 1860, at a yearly rent of $1,000, to be 
paid quarterly, and taxes, and $600 yearly for repairs, the lessor 
agreeing to keep the property in repair for that sum. The 
premises, consisting of wharves and docks, are thus described 
in the lease : " Beginning at a point 434 feet south-westerly 
from Marginal street, and running thence south-easterly 666 
feet unto the channel, or as far as the line established by law, 
thence turning at a right angle by the water 350 feet, thence 
turning at a right angle, and running about 666 feet, more or 
less, thence turning and running at a right angle 350 feet to the 
point of beginning." The Steam Packet Company released 
that part of the estate which they had heretofore used, lying 
between the above described premises and Marginal street, 
being 450 feet long and 350 feet wide. This was subsequently 
sold, and makes a part of the Grand Junction Railway prem- 
ises. The one third owned by Gen. Sumner was conveyed by 

1 Lib. 511, foL 102. 



1840.] CUNARD FESTIVAL. 623 

him to Mr. Lewis, on the 10th of July, 1847, for 827,500, reserv- 
ing a right of way forty feet wide, running to the wharf and 
docks of the steam-ship company.^ 

On the 4th of July, 1840, an auspicious day, the " Britan- 
nia," the first ship of the line, sailed via Halifax for Boston, 
where she arrived on the 18th, making the passage, including 
the stoppage at Halifax, in fourteen days and eight hours. 
When we consider the crude state of the science of ocean steam 
navigation at that time, we must call this a remarkably suc- 
cessful voyage, and as being an auspicious beginning of a 
singularly successful undertaking. A great display was made 
upon its arrival and the reception of Mr. Cunard. This 
" Cunard Festival," as it was appropriately called, was on 
the 21st of July, 1840. A beautiful and elegantly decorated 
pavilion was erected in front of the Maverick House, East 
Boston ; there was a magnificent public dinner, at which 
two thousand persons were seated, while from the balconies 
of the hotel, which opened into the pavilion, crowds of ladies 
witnessed the ceremonies and festivities of the occasion, and 
listened to eloquent speeches. The scene at the table was 
beautiful and impressive, and long to be remembered by those 
present. The day was an epoch in the history of Boston, and 
thousands collected to celebrate the occasion. Here was the 
statesman, the merchant, the manufacturer, the exporter, the 
importer, indeed representatives of all classes interested in an 
enterprise the success of which would open new channels of 
trade, increase the commerce and prosperity of the city, and, 
with its many benefits, reach far back into the country, and , 
affect all classes of society. The highest talent in the land was / 
present, and the statesman and the orator united their enthusiasm 
with the merchant and the capitalist. "Webster and Everett, 
Judge Story, George Bancroft, Josiah Quincy, senior and junior, 
Mr. Grattan, the British consul, Geo. S. Hillard, and many 
others, distinguished in their particular spheres of action were 
here, and made appropriate speeches, in which they indulged in 



^ Lib. 581, fol. 68. These premises were conveyed to Gen. Sumner by Rob- 
ert G. Shaw, 14th November, 1844, lib. 543, fol. 62. 



624 HISTORY. [1858. 

strong imaginations, which have since been more than realized. 
As evening came, the revenue cutter, lying at anchor opposite 
East Boston, was beautifully decorated with variegated lamps 
hung in her rigging, and sent up rockets from her deck, while 
brilliant fireworks were displayed from the hills of the Island. 
The ceremonies passed off with great eclat, and gave unmis- 
takable evidence of the interest felt in the success of the 
Steam-ship Company by the citizens of Boston, and particularly 
the mercantile community. 

The accommodations of the Steam-ship Company being in- 
sufficient for the rapidly increasing business, Messrs. Sumner 
and Shaw made a contract to fill up and make solid a portion 
of the leased premises, so that suitable storehouses might be 
erected thereon.^ In consideration of this improvement, the 
company agreed to give the additional rent of $1,000 a year, as 
soon as the contract should be fulfilled. 

Soon after, at the request of the company, Messrs. Sumner 
and Shaw extended the two pier wharves fifty feet further into 
the channel, and for this an additional rent of $600 was paid ; 
so that, from the 1st of December, 1848, to the present time, the 
annual rent has been $3,200, in equal quarterly payments. 

The pier wharves are now built out to the commissioner's 
line, enlarged by widening, and wholly rebuilt of oak piles. 
Many improvements in buildings, railway tracks, and general 
accommodations, have been made upon the premises. The 
docks are suflEiciently ample for two steamers at a time, and 
have twenty feet of water at low tide. Rails are laid to the 
side of the ships, and the cargoes are discharged on railway 
trucks and run up by horse-power to the government bonded 
warehouses, a few rods distant, into which, on arrival, the cargo 
is immediately discharged under a general order from the cus- 
toms ; and from the front and rear of these warehouses, goods 
may be taken into cars and carried to any part of the United 
States or the Canadas. Of course, the facilities are just as well 
adapted for bringing goods from all parts of the country to this 
wharf for exportation. The convenience of these wharves, with 

1 August, 1845, lib. 525, fol. 98. 



1840-58.] THE CUNARD LINE ESTABLISHED. 625 

their tracks running to the sides of the vessels, and connected 
with all the roads radiating from Boston, is unequalled in any 
commercial city. The time and labor of loading, unloading, 
and reloading, as the goods are passed from one road to another 
on their way to the seaboard, and the vast expense thus incurred 
in the transfers, which, on some articles, takes away nearly all 
the profits, are, by this simple and efficient plan, all saved; and 
the importer, producer, manufacturer, and trader feel and im- 
prove the benefits which necessarily follow. 

The premises now occupied by the Steam-ship Company 
under lease are six hundred and fifty feet in length and three 
hundred and fifty in width, containing two hundred and twenty- 
seven thousand five hundred square feet, and are the most com- 
modious docks for their purposes in Boston.^ 

The Britannia was followed every succeeding two weeks by 
the other ships of the line, the Acadia, the Caledonia, and the 
Columbia; and thus the first line of steam-ships was estab- 
lished between Old and New England, and from that glo- 
rious day, July 4, 1840, regular passages have been made to 
and from Liverpool and Boston every fortnight, with remarka- 
ble promptness and success, for eighteen years ; and during 
that time only one ship has been lost, namely, the " Caledonia," 
on Seal island, swept there in a dense fog by an unusual and 
unaccountable current running into the Bay of Fundy. All on 
board, — the passengers, crew, baggage, and cargo, — were 
saved unharmed, and also every thing movable on board the 
ship, except the heavy parts of the machinery. During the 
seventeen years which have elapsed since the first voyage was 
made, two of the ships have constantly been at sea, on the 
inward and outward voyage, and not a single passenger has 
been harmed, nor a pound of his luggage lost, by the danger of 
the sea ; and only in one instance has a general average been 
made on cargo, and that for about <$10,000. 



* It has not been thought necessary to go into the minute details of the 
different conveyances of land, etc., such a particularity not being necessary to 
the narrative, nor interesting to the reader. Those who -wish to examine criti- 
cally can find some details in Suffolk Deeds, lib. 446, p. 217; 448, p. 14; 521, 
p. 289; 511, p. 102; 525, p. 93; 534, p. G2; 581, p. CG ; 581, p. 68, etc. 

53 



626 HISTORY. [1858. 

From these facts it is evident that this line of vessels is under 
an admirable management, and a regular, systematic, and ener- 
getic control, which of necessity secures success. The ships 
are of the first class, most thoroughly sea-worthy, and fitted with 
every accommodation for the safety and comfort of the passen- 
gers; the commanders are men of experience and character, 
ambitious in their duties and responsibilities, and at the same 
time prudent ; the discipline on board ship is excellent, and ex- 
tends through every department of labor ; the energy of the 
master is manifest in the crew ; and the combination of all these 
qualities, as fully demonstrated in every voyage, has obtained 
for this line of ships a reputation for safety, regularity, and 
comfort, which is as extensive as it is well deserved. 

There are various circumstances connected with steam com- 
munication between Boston and the old world, which have not 
had sufficient weight with the mercantile community. Boston 
has advantages for foreign and coasting trade over other sea- 
ports, which have not been improved to the extent that smaller 
facilities have been used in other places. The single point of 
distance is an important one. 

The distance from Boston to Liverpool is shorter than from 

Philadelpliia to Liverpool, by 370 miles. 
New York to Southampton, " 2G0 " 
New York to Liverpool, " 160 " 

The distance from Boston to Gal way is shorter than from 

Philadelphia to Liverpool, by 570 miles. 
New York to Southampton, " 460 " 
New York to Liverpool, " 360 " 
New York to Glasgow, " 280 " 

Boston to Liverpool, " 200 " 

Boston to Belfast, " 100 " ^ 

By looking at these tables it will be seen that the ocean can 
be crossed, from Boston to Ireland, in from one to two days less 
time than by any other route ; a fact which, in these days of 
time-saving and distance-saving, is of great importance to ship- 



^ These tables are from Lieutenant Maury, of the National Observatory, 
and consequently may be relied upon as correct. 



1858.] THE COMMERCE OF BOSTON. 627 

pers. But with this fact in full view, it is apparent that in the 
traffic by ocean steamers we have not kept pace with the times. 
It is with steam traffic as with other branches of industry : no mat- 
ter how small the trade may be at first, if of practical utility it 
will in time grow to great magnitude. The Cunard line is an 
instance. This line commenced alone in 1840, and in seventeen 
years we find fifteen lines of steam-ships trading between Eu- 
rope and the United States, and all except three run into New 
York. Philadelphia has one line ; and Boston, with its single 
Cunard line, stands now as it did seventeen years ago, while at 
the same time it possesses advantages as a seaport, and in 
its railroads radiating to all parts of the country, superior to 
those of any other city. 

This is not the place to discuss the commercial advantages 
of Boston, or the necessity of increased steam vessels to com- 
pete with the enterprise of New York and other cities. The 
valuable pamphlet of Pliny Miles, Esq., on Ocean Steam Navi- 
gation, treats this subject in an able manner and at length. 
Says Mr. Miles at the conclusion of one of his chapters : — 

" It requires no intricate statistical calculations to show, that, 
without ocean steamers, our trade is going into other hands, 
and departing to other shores. With a line of steamers to the 
"West Indies to connect with lines running to South America, 
we should have a share of the traffic. The race is to the swift, 
and the battle to the strong. We must meet our competitors 
with their own weapons. Entering sailing vessels with modern 
steam-ships, and expecting to carry off the prizes won by active 
commerce, is like sending a Dutch lugger of the seventeenth 
century, armed with six-pounders, into battle with a British 
screw seventy-four, bristling with long Paixhans. The com- 
merce of twenty years ago is not the commerce of to-day, and 
the sooner we carry our knowledge of that fact into practical 
effect, the better it will be for us." -^ 

The business transacted by the means of the Cunard line of 
steamers running to Boston is immense, and continually increas- 
ing. For the last fourteen years these ships have been bringing 
cargoes to the enormous amount of $15,000,000 annually, a suc- 
cess without parallel in the history of navigation, and making 
their trips with a regularity almost reaching a certainty. Long 



628 HISTORY. [1858. 

may they continue their peaceful mission, shuttle-like, moving 
to and fro, and weaving a web of national intercourse and 
friendship, which should never be severed. The English are 
now our neighbors. We hear the news from London quicker 
and oftener than from some parts of our own country. Steam 
vessels have revolutionized the intercourse and trade of the 
world ; annihilating time and space, they bind together the ex- 
tremes of the earth, and promote the brotherhood of man. 
Commerce makes man acquainted with man, nation with 
nation ; it renders one country in a measure dependent upon 
another, and thus promotes " peace, good-will to men." White 
sails, and the foam of the paddle-wheels, glisten on every sea ; 
the enterprise of trade penetrates every river, and enters every 
port ; education, religion, science, and the arts are carried from 
sea to sea and shore to shore, and thus is the world made wiser 
and better. Our own city of Boston comes in for her full share 
of the labor and the honor, and while she extends every year her 
commerce and varied forms of enterprise, and has a still greater 
sphere of action and influence in prospect, she will ever ac- 
knowledge her indebtedness to the foresight and well-directed 
efforts of the founders of the Cunard line of steam-ships. 

A change in the proprietorship of the Steam-ship wharf, and 
in the agency of the company, has lately become necessary. 
The one third of the wharf owned by Mr. Lewis has passed 
into the possession of Messrs. D. & C. Mclvor, of Liverpool, 
and the agency has been transferred from Mr. Lewis to Messrs. 
E. C. & I. G. Bates, of Boston. These changes have caused 
no interruption in the regular running and business of the 
steam-ships.i 

^ To some of oui' readers the following table of tlie number of trips made, 
and the amount of duties paid, by the steamers, during the first twelve years, 
will be interesting and valuable : — 



Year. 


Trips made. 


Duties paid. 


1840 


8 


$2,928.99 


1841 


21 


73,809.23 


1842 


18 


120,974.67 


1843 


20 


640,572.05 


1844 


20 


916,198.30 


1845 


20 


1,022,992.75 



18i6.] GRAND JUNCTION RAILROAD. 629 



GRAND JUXCTIOX RAILROAD AXD DEPOT COMPANY. 

On November 5, 1846, a letter was addressed to the East Bos- 
ton Company by S. S. Lewis, Esq., representing that he was en- 
deavoring to establish a great freight depot at East Boston. He 
had obtained control of the necessary wharf privileges, and of a 
branch railroad connecting the Boston and Maine with the 
Eastern Railroad, and thence with the proposed depot; the 
length of this branch was three and a half miles, and a length 
of three miles more, over a perfectly level sm'face, would unite 
it with the Lowell, Fitchburg, Worcester, and Western Rail- 
roads, and also with the proposed " Air-line " to New York ; 
forming a grand junction of all these roads with the freight 
depot at East Boston, by means of which the valuable products 
of the Canadas, of northern New York, and of the great West, 
might come to Boston for sale and shipment ; and by which 



Tear. 


Trips made. 


Duties paid. 


1846 


20 


1,047,731.75 


1847 


20 


1,199,971.78 


1848 


22 


649,178.50 


1849 


22 


961,708.51 


1850 


21 


1,322,383.30 


1851 


23 


1,805,059.30 



A few additional statistics of one department of Boston commerce may be 
appropriately inserted in this connection. 

The Canada imports via Boston from 1848 to the 1st of January, 1858, have 
been as follows : — 



1848 




S28,420 


1849 




24,729 


1850 




108,967 


1851 




532,700 


1852 




1,709,953 


1853 




4,947,484 


1854 




5,178,911 1 


1855 




4,970,408 


1856 




4,787,336 


1857 




3,589,343 « 


1 The propellers came to Boston this 


year. 

53* 


2 Portland competes f 



630 HISTORY. [1846. 

the importations of cotton, coals, plaster, etc., British manufac- 
tures, and emigrants for the Canadas and the West, could be 
readily transported to the manufacturing districts and the upper 
and distant countries. 

The first outlay for this improvement would amount to nearly 
a million dollars. In consideration of this expenditure, and of 
the prospective advantages to the East Boston Company in the 
increase of business and the consequent advance in their prop- 
erty, he asked, in behalf of the Chelsea Branch Railroad, that 
the East Boston Company should grant sufficient land to build 
a double track along the south-east side of the Eastern Rail- 
road, from Marginal street to the channel in Chelsea creek near 
the free bridge ; and also grant the lot of land, with the flats 
and appurtenances thereto, near said bridge, marked "D" on 
the plan of East Boston, and valued in the catalogue at $3,600; 
these donations of land to be on the condition that the branch 
railroad be constructed connecting the Eastern with the Boston 
and Maine routes within the time specified by the charter to be 
applied for. He thought that the East Boston Company could 
well afford to do this, if the proposed improvements should be 
made. The subject was referred to Messrs. Sumner, Ward, 
and Whitmore. 

On November 20 this committee reported, that, in their 
opinion, the project of Mr. Lewis would be of great public 
utility, and particularly advantageous to East Boston ; much 
more so than either the Eastern Railroad or the British steam- 
ship wharf, to both of which the East Boston Company had 
made large contributions ; and, although a large part of the East 
Boston Company's land had been divided since those contribu- 
tions were made, the committee thought that the direct and in- 
cidental benefits to its remaining property fully authorized the 
grant prayed for. 

The committee, having viewed the ground, were of the 
opinion that the public convenience, as well as the objects of 
Mr. Lewis, would be better promoted by crossing Chelsea creek 
beloiv or to the westward of the free bridge, than above it, and 
with less cost to the East Boston Company ; in the first case, 
he would have to build two thousand feet less of road, and would 
not be obliged to purchase of individuals their separate lots, ex- 



1847.] LOCATION OF THE EAILROAD. 631 

cept to a very trifling extent ; at the same time the curve would 
be less, and the car depot 1,800 feet nearer to the depot com- 
menced on the harbor. Among the direct advantages to the 
company would be, that the facility which it would give for fill- 
ing up the residue of the company's low lands east of the railroad 
would raise the remaining lots to more than double their former 
value ; and that the lands to be given for a car depot on the flats 
in the broad part of Chelsea creek, instead of on lot "D" (bounded 
by Byron, Bremen, Addison, and Chelsea streets), would make a 
difference in favor of the company of $9,640. 

This route, however, was not adopted, and on March 15, 1847, 
an agreement was made between the East Boston Company and 
Mr. Lewis to the following effect : The company granted to him, 
for the use of the Chelsea Branch Railroad Company, the right 
of way of forty feet wide over their lands at East Boston on 
either of the following routes : — 

1. Commencing at the lot of land near Chelsea creek marked 
"D;" thence running to and across the Eastern Railroad; 
thence along the southerly side of said railroad to Marginal 
street, or as far westerly as the company's lands may extend. 

2. On a line commencing at the above lot " D," thence run- 
ning to a point at or near the north-west corner of the cemetery, 
and between it and lot No. 8 on the south-east corner in sec- 
tion 4 ; thence on the line extended so as to strike the southerly 
side of Cottage street at a point on the north-east side of Island 
street ; thence along the side of Cottage street to a point at or 
near lot No. 125 on that street ; thence under Cottage street to 
and across Marginal street to the proposed depot on the south- 
erly side of the Eastern Railroad depot. 

The company also granted to him, for the use of the branch 
railroad, the lot " D," with the flats before it extending from the 
free bridge to the railroad dam ; to be taken possession of when- 
ever the building of the road should be commenced, provided 
this be within three years ; and on the completion of the road 
the company agreed to convey, by fee-simple deeds, the lot " D," 
with the flats and the right of way ; the last subject to the pro- 
visions mentioned in the grant of the first right of way, with 
the additional one that the road across the basin in East Bos- 



632 HISTORY. [184G-51. 

ton should be made solid within three years from the time of 
building the road. In consideration of these agreements, Mr. 
Lewis released the East Boston Company from the grant of 
lands and right of way voted to him, November 20, 1846. 

The railroad company selected the first-named route, locating 
the road on the south-eastern side of the adjoining Eastern 
Railroad. 

The wharf lands and water lots extended from the premises 
of the Eastern Railroad south-easterly on Marginal street 1,650 
feet, running out to the harbor commissioner's line. In July, 
1847. these were conveyed to the Grand Junction Railroad and 
Depot Company, which was incorporated by the Massachusetts 
legislature in the same year. Since then they have filled up a 
tract of land of about thirty-three acres, or 1,465,920 feet, by 
removing earth from Chelsea by railroad ; have constructed a 
permanent sea-wall some six hundred feet from Marginal street, 
and have built eight pile wharves extending from it about three 
hundred feet to the harbor commissioner's line. The wharves 
are about seventy-five feet wide, with a dock between each (of 
the same width). Between Marginal street and the sea-wall 
most of the flats have been filled up ; making 1,058,251 feet of 
land, 183,195 feet of oak piers or wharves, and 244,474 feet of 
docks. This property has been valued by competent judges at 
about a million and a half of dollars, and is continually increas- 
ing in value. 

In 1850, Mr. Lewis purchased for the Grand Junction Rail- 
road Company the two wharf lots numbered 1 and 2 in sec- 
tion four, between the Chelsea free bridge and north-east line 
of water lot No. 3, for forty-five dollars the running foot, for 
ten per cent, down, and the remainder in six months with 
interest. In case a railroad track should be laid across the 
bridge or Chelsea street to the land or wharves south-westerly 
from the bridge, it was not to be used with steam power, and 
was to be provided with gates and kept free from obstructions, 
with the usual restrictions as to a ferry. 

In 1851, the deed of block " D " was given to the railroad 
company, including all the flats in front of it lying north and 
east of Addison street to low-water mark, or as far as the law 



1858.] BUSINESS FACILITIES. 633 

allowed, between the Chelsea free bridge and the Eastern Eail- 
road. The time for building the road was also extended, not 
to exceed four years from March, 1851. 

The expectations of Mr. Lewis twelve years ago seem to be in 
progress of realization. The advantages of receiving and trans- 
porting merchandise at these wharves are superior to those of 
any other locality. The largest sized vessels can discharge 
their cargoes directly into cars for immediate transportation to 
any part of the country, or into the ample warehouses for 
storage ; and the cars, coming in with the various produce of 
the land and sea, can be unloaded directly into the vessels ; this 
saves the whole expense of truckage, a very important item. 
This advantage, in connection with its excellent wharves, must 
secure to the road a large and ever-increasing business. 

In addition to the bonded warehouse, used chiefly for the 
storage of goods received by the Cunard steamers, there are 
upon the wharves two large warehouses, each 300 feet long and 
52 feet wide, filled with the various articles of northern and 
southern produce. About sixty loaded cars arrive daily ; a 
short time since, according to the East Boston Ledger, there 
arrived in one day from Chicago 900 barrels of beef and twelve 
barrels of eggs, which were immediately shipped to New York. 
What greater proof could be desired of the advantages of this 
road than this fact, that Chicago finds it cheaper and more 
expeditious to send its New York freights byway of the Grand 
Junction Railroad, than to take the more direct route with its 
many unloadings and its expenses of truckage? The largest 
East India cargoes ever received in Boston have been dis- 
charged at these wharves ; six or eight large ships at a time 
may be loading or discharging their cargoes here. Means for 
enlarging and facilitating the business of the road are constantly 
increasing, and a new storehouse has recently been erected, 220 
by 30 feet, capable of storing 40,000 bushels of salt and grain. 

The connection of all the principal roads with East Boston 
seems to make our city the natural port for the shipment 
of the goods and produce of New England and Canada. If the 
Grand Trunk Railway from Portland to the Canadas comes 
into the hands of the Grand Junction Railroad Company 
as has been contemplated, the trade from the great North-west 



634 HISTORY. [1858. 

must be secured to the metropolis of New England. In any 
event, East Boston cannot fail to be the centre of an immense 
shipping and forwarding business, from the establishment of 
the Grand Junction Railroad within its limits. 

The " Depot No. 1," so called, on Marginal street, is now 
valued at over a million and a half of dollars. It embraces 
about 33 acres, containing large and substantial storehouses, 
which are always well filled. The income derived from the 
bonded warehouses, transportation, and wharfage, and the rent 
of their piers to the Eastern, Worcester, and other railroads, 
was, in 1854, over |50,000, and now is considerably more than 
this, and sufficient to pay all expenses and the interest on their 
debt. The " Union Eoad," so called, was united by the legis- 
lature of 1854-55 to the Grand Junction road. The " Depot 
No. 2 " is near the bridge, on the shore of Chelsea creek, 
on block " D," and, with the flats adjoining, is estimated 
at over |300,000. This accommodates the increasing busi- 
ness of that portion of East Boston and Chelsea, especially 
that in ship timber, without encumbering the grounds at the 
principal depot. The road is nine miles in length, and nearly 
encircles the city, terminating at its intersection with the Boston 
and Worcester Railroad in Brookline ; and it is in no part 
more than three miles distant from State street. 

As to the prospects of this company, it may be said that the 
principal depot is worth more than the whole cost of the invest- 
ment. With the unrivalled advantages enjoyed by East Bos- 
ton for commercial, manufacturing, and mechanical operations, 
and the rapid development of its resources, it is beyond a doubt 
that the property will constantly increase in value, and soon be 
among the most desirable in the city. 

Such are the designs and purposes of the Grand Junction 
Railroad and Depot Company, one of the most extensive and 
apparently lucrative plans in all respects which were ever under- 
taken in this country. But the project has been greatly retarded 
and put back in its development by the unfortunate position in 
which all the interior railroads are pecuniarily involved, it hav- 
ing been part of the original plan to unite all these roads in 
Boston upon these deep water premises, and to lease perma- 
nently to each, portions of the same premises, for doing their 



1835.] THE FIRE DEPARTMENT. 635 

business thereon, and making their own improvements in depot 
buildings and warehouses, and thus save the Grand Junction 
Company the cost of the outlay. This being understood at the 
beginning of the enterprise, no capital was provided for the pur- 
pose of covering the premises with buildings, and to this fact 
may be attributed the present want of success. With the re- 
quisite warehouses and buildings upon the premises to accom- 
modate both the commercial and railroad requirements, there 
could be no better or more productive property in Boston ; it is, 
therefore, only a question of time, and sooner or later we shall be 
sure to see it clearly the great railroad shipping depot and com- 
mercial entrepot of the city. Especially is the importance 
of this great work seen, when we take into view how vastly 
the interior or agricultural portion of the country exceeds the 
seaboard. The one with its millions of fertile acres constantly 
augmenting the amount of its productions ; while, on the other 
hand, our shipping and harbor accommodations are already 
developed, and their extent and capacity not only measured, but 
absolutely limited, and mostly improved. 

These apparent elements in the future commercial progress 
of the country, we have reason to believe, have been heretofore 
generally overlooked and disregarded. But the time is coming, 
and in our view may be seen in its advancement, when Boston 
and New York, with all their harbor capacity, all their enter- 
prise, and all their energies, will afford no facility for the busi- 
ness of the interior that will not be called into requisition. 
Boston must, then, possess herself of those advantages, with- 
out which she will ultimately fail in her ambition to become 
a great commercial emporium. 

riRE DEPARTMENT. 

As early as the commencement of 1835, the citizens of East 
Boston thought that the safety of the place demanded that a 
fire engine should be placed there. Mr. Guy C. Haynes there- 
fore prepared the following petition, obtained the requisite sig- 
natures, and presented it in January of that year " to the Hon- 
orable the Mayor and Aldermen of the city of Boston." 



G36 HISTORY. [1835. 

" The subscribers, residing at East Boston, respectfully repre- 
sent, that during the past year there have been erected at East 
Boston, and are now in progress of finishing, about fifty dwell- 
ing-houses and other buildings, including a large and commodi- 
ous hotel, an extensive and costly sugar refinery, a foundery, and 
an iron ware manufactory, a neat and convenient school-house, 
ship-yards, and smitheries. That there are now about twenty- 
five families, and extensive contracts have been made for erect- 
ing, as soon as the season opens, dwelling-houses, workshops, 
and other accommodations for a rapidly increasing population. 
" Your petitioners are now ready to form themselves into a 
company to take charge of an engine, and most respectfully 
request that the mayor and aldermen would place under their 
charge an engine for the purpose of rendering the assistance 
that may be required, should they unfortunately be subjected to 
the calamity of fire ; and as in duty bound will ever pray. 

" Guy C. Haynes, 
" John Pierce, 
" Setii E. Benson, 



In aid of this petition. General Sumner offered a lot of land 
for the purpose of building a house, as a donation ; providing, 
however, that there should be erected thereon a brick building, 
to be used for no other purpose than for the appropriate uses of 
the fire department of the city of Boston, the dimensions of the 
building being specified in the deed. 

The petition met with a favorable reception, and on the 15th 
of January a meeting was held at the house of George O. 
Hagar (innholder) for the purpose of organizing an engine 
company. Of this meeting Guy C. Haynes was chosen chair- 
man, and Benson Clock, clerk ; and it was the first meeting of 
the citizens of East Boston ever called for any public purpose. 
It was fully attended not only by the members of the company, 
but by the citizens generally, who felt a great interest in having 
an engine placed upon the Island. 

The officers elected were, Theodore C. Allen, foreman ; F. 
A. Bailey, second foreman ; Daniel French, third foreman ; Al- 
bert Benson, clerk; B. F. Spooner, foreman of the hose; John 



1835-7.] FIRES AT EAST BOSTON. 637 

Pierce, treasurer ; Guy C. Haynes, Benson Clock, and George 
O. Hagar, committee. The company consisted of fifty-one 
members with their officers ; and on the 26th of January the 
company marched to Boston and received from the city an 
old engine, called " Gov. Brooks," No. 11, and returned 
with it in the steamboat " Tom Thumb." A carpenter's shop 
belonging to the sugar refinery, and situated on a wharf 
south of the refinery, was used for an engine-house during the 
winter. 

In 1836, the city erected in Paris street a handsome brick and 
granite engine-house, two stories high, and of the same style 
as the double engine-houses in the city proper. The lot on 
which this house was built contained 2,500 square feet, and was 
part of the four acres ceded to the city for public purposes by 
the East Boston Company, according to a provision to that 
effect in their charter. Some difficulty arising as to the choice 
of a foreman of the company, for a time the engine was manned 
by citizens ; but, in the fall of 1837, an organization was ef- 
fected by the choice of Hiram Bird for foreman, R. P. Morrill, 
assistant, and S. Keen, clerk. The first fire after the incorpora- 
tion of the East Boston Company was in a small building used 
for heating water, and situated at the south-westerly end of 
Maverick square. This was burned in the autumn of 1833. 
The second fire was that of a dwelling-house belonging to the 
Malleable Iron Company, situated on the corner of Meridian 
and Eutaw streets, on the 1st of May, 1836 ; the building was 
repaired for a trifling sum. The third fire was on the 23d of 
November, 1837, in a small building on Webster street, used by 
Mr. John Flower for making varnish. The fourth was in an un- 
finished house on White street, on Sabbtith noon, 19th of May, 
1838. The fire was probably the work of an incendiary, and a 
strong southerly wind prevailing, it burned very quickly. As 
the distance from the engine-house was about a mile, and the 
hill steep, the engine did not arrive at the scene of conflagration 
until the building had nearly burned down. A new house, 
nearly finished, on the same spot, was blown down; it was 
rebuilt and nearly finished outside, when it was blown down a 
second time; after this, it was not rebuilt. Thus it appears, 
that, during the first five years of East Boston, only five fires 
54 



638 HISTORY. [1839. 

occurred ; in this respect, the East Boston Company were pecu- 
liarly fortunate. Experience at a fire, which broke out in a 
building used for the manufacture of turpentine, in August, 
1838, proved that the engine was wholly unserviceable ; and 
great dissatisfaction was manifested toward the city govern- 
ment for not furnishing a better one. Frequent meetings of 
the company were held, votes to disband were often passed and 
as often rescinded, until at length Capt. Barnicoat, then chief 
engineer, put an end to the affairs of the company by placing a 
padlock on the door of the engine-house. The citizens then 
took the matter seriously in hand, and presented a petition for 
a new engine, which was granted. The new engine, built by 
Hunneman, called " Maverick," and numbered eleven, was 
placed in the house in February, 1839, and the new company 
was organized on the 28th of the same month, with Eleazer 
Johnson as foreman. This company received the same salary 
as the department in the city proper, and they turned out at all 
the alarms in the city, but did not go over, unless the fire was 
in sight and appeared to be large. Says a humorous news- 
paper writer in the Fireman's Advocate : " This company was 
composed of three styles of men. The first were old men, with 
excellent judgment regarding distances of a fire ; the second 
were middle-aged cripples, exceedingly smart, and wanted to 
go to every fire ; the third were young men, but uncommonly 
lazy. At every alarm the engine was taken out and carried to 
the corner of Paris and Sumner streets. At that time the 
southerly side of Sumner street was high-water mark, and as 
there was but one wharf built out from the street, the view of 
Boston was but very little obstructed. After having stepped 
on the above-named corner, the three parties would take their 
respective stations ; then came the tug of argument. The old 
ones would immediately argue that the fire was either in 
Charlestown or Cambridge, if in that direction ; or, if in the 
other, it was in Roxbury or Dorchester, in their opinion, coupled 
with the remark that ' fire is awful deceptive.' The cripples 
would contend that the fire was near the ferry, and stick to it 
until the young ones would join the old ones, and give it as 
their opinion that they had all better go into Kendall's, take a 
drink, and then take the tub home, to which all parties would 



1840-41.] THE "MAVERICK" ENGINE COMPANY. 639 

agree, and immediately repair to the bar-room and take some- 
thing, after which they housed the engine, 

" It was always a noticeable fact, that there were more mem- 
bers present at roll-call than at any other time during an alarm. 

" This company chose officers at every quarterly meeting ; 
and it was almost a sure thing that Eleazer Johnson would be 
unanimously reelected, notwithstanding the assertion of more 
than one half of the company that they would not vote for him 
on any account." 

On the 11th of March, 1840, the city government passed an 
order which gave perfect satisfaction. By it the salary of the 
company was reduced to one half the sum paid to the compa- 
nies in the city proper, and they were not required to come out 
at alarms in Boston, except in case of a large fire and by order 
of an engineer. 

At a meeting of the company on the 7th of September, 1840, 
John N. Devereux was chosen foreman, and nothing transpired 
worthy of note until January, 1841, when the following order 
was received from Capt. Barnicoat. 

"Engineer's Office, City Hall, Jan. 19, 1841. 
"To the Ofiicers of Engine Company No. 11. 

"Gents., — You are hereby notified to give notice to your 
company, that, in case of an alarm of fire in the city, they must 
assemble at the engine-house, and, should you see a light or fire 
that in your opinion would warrant your coming, you will pro- 
ceed with all possible despatch ; but in no case to leave after 
eleven o'clock, P. M., unless sent for by an engineer. You will 
also have the roll called at all alarms. Wm. Barnicoat, 

" Chief Engineer Boston Fire Department." 

By this order, the duties of the company were restored to 
what they originally were, but the remuneration was but one 
half the amount previously received. The company naturally 
objected to this, and, after having become satisfied that it was 
impossible to have the pay restored to its former amount, dis- 
banded, on the 26th of May, 1841, and delivered the engine to 
the board of engineers. 

It was with considerable difficulty that another company 



640 HISTORY. [1842. 

could be found to take charge of the engine after the disbanding 
of the Maverick engine company ; but, on the 17th of June, 
thirty men having signified their intentions to do fire duty, a 
company was organized with the choice of Levi Whitcomb as 
foreman, John Bachelder, assistant, and F. A. Mason, clerk. 
A new constitution and by-laws were adopted, and the company 
entered upon their duties under favorable prospects. There 
were no fires of importance after the organization of this com- 
pany until the 26th of January, 1842, when the Eastern Railroad 
Depot was burned. The fire commenced about eleven o'clock 
in the morning, and the company was not dismissed until six 
in the evening. Some of the members thought this was 
too severe service, and, considering that they were receiving 
only two cents an hour for the labor they rendered the city, 
quitted the fire, leaving the engine on the wharf. At the next 
meeting of the company, twenty members were discharged for 
neglect of duty, leaving the engine at a fire, and insulting the 
foreman. 

It will be new to most of our readers to learn that a statue 
was ever erected to the memory of Samuel Maverick, yet such 
is the fact ! A brass image of the old royalist was placed on 
the front of the branch work of the engine, at considerable 
expense to the company, but one night it was stolen. Great 
excitement followed ; different individuals were accused of the 
theft, and several search-warrants were issued and served, but 
the "brazen image" could not be found. Several years after 
the theft, some boys, who were playing on the third section, 
found the lost image, the rain having washed the dirt from the 
place where it had been buried. It never found its way back 
to the Maverick company, but is now in the possession of a 
club called the " East Boston Soclers." The company deserve 
credit for their praiseworthy effort to perpetuate in brass the 
name of Maverick ; and although their experience has taught 
them, that the image may be lost, yet a record of the life and 
deeds of the first grantee of Noddle's Island will prove a more 
enduring monument to his memory than brass or marble. 

After the lapse of three months, the company was again full, 
and on the 7th of March, 1842, a meeting was called for the 
election of officers for the ensuing six months. Thomas French 



184-2-46.] NEW FIRE COMPxVNIES FORMED. 641 

was elected on the first ballot, and declined the office ; on 
the next ballot, A. S. Foss was elected, and accepted. Levi 
Whitcomb, the former foreman, displeased at his rejection, im- 
mediately took steps to have another engine and company on 
the Island, and in the following August he procured from the 
city an engine called the Old North (soon exchanged for Wash- 
ington, No. III.), which he numbered " I." and proceeded to 
organize a volunteer company ; of which, says the newspaper 
writer before quoted, " Levi Whitcomb was chosen foreman, 
and Levi Whitcomb for assistant, and Levi Whitcomb for 
clerk, steward, and standing committee." The engine was 
housed in a building belonging to her officers, located on lot 73, 
Saratoga street, near Central square. 

There were numerous fires daring the winter of 1842 and the 
spring of 1843, and the citizens came to the concUision that 
another engine was needed, and that the fire companies should 
be rewarded for their services. On petition of the company, 
pay was granted to No. I., and the number changed from I. to 
XIX., and at the new organization of this company, Samuel 
Pingree was chosen foreman (1846). Capt. Seaver soon suc- 
ceeded him, and the company was reorganized by the city. 

The increasing number of fires on the Island incited the citi- 
zens to make exertions to procure additional means of security, 
and, in aid of the petition of Alfred Holmes and others, they 
petitioned the city for another engine on the volunteer plan. 
This was granted, and a small engine called the Eliot, formerly 
used by No. XV., was sent over, and a new company organized 
under the name of " Protection, No. IV.," composed principally 
of old firemen who had previously belonged to different com- 
panies in the city. They took a great interest in the matter, and 
soon brought about a manifest improvement in the condition of 
the fire department of the Island. This was the third engine on 
the Island. About the same time Capt. William Hunt formed 
a company, which took charge of the hook and ladder carriage. 
A new engine-house was built the same autumn on Meridian 
street, near Central square, and No. XIX. was placed there 
immediately after the building was finished. 

In 1846, it was thought by the city government that an 
assistant engineer was needed, and Thomas French, a resident 
54 



642 HISTORY. [1851-58. 

of the Island, was appointed. This was an admirable selection, 
and gave universal satisfaction. Upon the death of Mr. French, 
Anson Elms succeeded him as engineer. Previous to this 
appointment he had filled the office vacated by the death of 
Alfred Holmes. 

In 1851, " Hydrant Company, No. VI." was formed from 
engine company No. IV., and the engine company was dis- 
banded. This brings the record up to the formation of " Web- 
ster Engine Company, No. XIII.," Captain Joseph H. Bates, 
an old and experienced fireman. On the 7th of June, 1855, a 
new engine took the place of the " Old North." This was 
called the " Dunbar Engine," in honor of the Assistant En- 
gineer, Joseph Dunbar. 

It is not expedient, in such a work as this, to detail the sub- 
sequent transactions and changes in the fire department of the 
Island. These are all of recent date, and of no particular inter- 
est to the reader. As now organized (1858), the 7th district 
(East Boston) department is as follows : — 

No. 9, Maverick Engine, Sumner street, John P. Somerby, Foreman. 
No. 10, Dunbar Engine, Central square, JosepTi Baker, " 

No. 13, Webster Engine, Chelsea street, Thomas B. Tilton, " 
No. 2, Washington Hook and Ladder, Paris street, Charles Simmons, Fore- 
man. 

No. 6, Deluge Hose, Paris street, Joseph Barnes, Foreman. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



CHURCHES AND SCHOOLS. 



The existence of a Baptist church at Noddle's Island, from 
1665 to 1679, has already been described at length. From the 
latter period, more than a hundred and fifty years passed away 
before the new impulse of the plans already delineated brought 
together a population whose religious wants caused the forma- 
tion of the churches now existing. 

ORTHODOX CONGREGATIONALIST. 

Maverick Church.— Oa July 23, 1835, Rev, George W. 
Blagden commenced evening religious meetings in East Bos- 
ton, in a small school-house on Paris street, a little below 
the end of Hotel, now Henry street 

In the autumn of that year was made the first movement 
towards the establishment of a church, by the gathering of a 
few persons for prayer in a private house near the corner of 
Sumner and Bremen streets; this house was built by Mr. John 
Peirce, and was the third house erected on the Island. In the 
spring of 1836, the place of meeting was changed to the house 
on the corner of Princeton and Meridian streets, where the 
Rev. William M. Rogers preached the first sermon. Rev. Seth 
Bliss and other clergymen came over after the afternoon ser- 
vice, and preached in this house. On the 31st May, 1836, a 
council met at the house of Aaron Ordway (on Sumner street, 
between London and Liverpool streets, now numbered 72), and 
a church was organized, consisting of four males and six fe- 
males. It was called the " First Congregational Church in 
East Boston." It was next resolved to build a chapel. The 



644 HISTORY. 

use of the land was given by one of the members, and in one 
month the chapel was completed. It was in Maverick street. 
The late venerable Dr. Woods of Andover, on July 3, 1836, 
preached the first sermon in the chapel, and administered the 
communion to the infant church for the first time. Six addi- 
tional members were then admitted. Christians of other de- 
nominations attended the services in the chapel, and there was 
laid the foundation for those feelings of Christian kindness 
which have ever characterized the different denominations in 
East Boston. 

The chapel being found too small to accommodate the rap- 
idly increasing society, after much deliberation it was con- 
cluded to build a church at a cost of about $7,000, and, in 
December, 1836, the work was commenced. The East Boston 
Company generously gave 11,000 feet of land for the site of 
the edifice ; in June of the same year, the superintendent had 
been authorized to expend $150 towards defraying the expenses 
of public worship on the Island for that year, without regard 
to sect. The lot given by the company was on the corner of 
Porter street and Central square ; this was exchanged with Mr. 
B. F. Butler for a more convenient lot on the corner of Mave- 
rick and Havre streets. The church was erected April 13, 
1837 ; and on the 19th of July the house was dedicated, and 
Rev. William W. Newell was installed as pastor. 

The society procured a new organ at a cost of $1,000. At 
the time of Mr. Newell's installation the church numbered 
twenty members ; his ministry continued four years, during 
which time fifty-five members were admitted. In 1838 the name 
of the church was changed to that of the " Maverick Church 
and Society," in accordance with a vote on the 7th July, 1837. 
Aside from the fact that Samuel Maverick was an Episco- 
palian, this name is very appropriate ; the compliment to 
the first settler on the Island is in every respect a worthy one, 
and the members of the church can look back with pleasure 
and pride to the sturdy royalist and firm Episcopalian, whose 
name their flourishing church and society are destined to per- 
petuate. In 1839, James W. Gerard, Esq., of New York, pre- 
sented the society with a bell. 

On May 9, 1841, Mr. Newell was dismissed at his own re- 



CHURCHES. 645 

quest, on account of ill health ; and on March 2, 1842, Rev. 
Amos A. Phelps was installed as the second pastor. Mr. Phelps 
was discharged by request in May, 1845, and was never again 
settled. During his ministry forty-nine members were added 
to the church. He left on account of sickness, and died in 
about two years afterward. In the mean time the society had 
so increased that it became necessary to erect a larger church. 
Accordingly, at a meeting of the proprietors, January 24, 1844, 
it was voted to sell their house and land ; a committee, consist- 
ing of Messrs. Lovejoy, Haynes, and Butler, was appointed, 
who deeded the house and land to the Catholic bishop, Bene- 
dict Fenwick, to whom possession was given February 1, 1844. 
This committee made arrangements with Col. Messingcr, of 
the Maverick House, to hold the meetings of the society in the 
Maverick hall until a new church could be built. Feeble as 
the church was, the work was prosecuted with great vigor and 
with considerable personal efibrt. 

A lot of land was purchased on the corner of Sumner street 
and Maverick square ; and on August 2, 1844, the corner-stone 
of the present commodious edifice was laid. On the 10th of 
November the society began to worship in the vestry of the 
new church, and the church itself was dedicated February 13, 
1845, The cost of the church and land was about $30,000. 

On the 1st of January, 1846, a new bell, weighing 2,200 
pounds, and the first and only public clock (having four dials), 
were placed in this church ; the entire cost of the bell and clock, 
about $1,100, was obtained by private subscriptions, principally 
through the exertions of Benjamin Lamson, Esq. 

After Mr; Phelps left, the church was without a pastor for a 
year and a half. On the 19th of November, 1846, the Rev. 
Robert S. Hitchcock was installed ; he was dismissed at his 
own request, by reason of ill health, November 1, 1850; dur- 
ing his ministry ninety-two members were added to the church. 
He was next settled in Baltimore, Maryland. 

Rev. Rufus W. Clark was installed December 3, 1851 ; from 
this time to March, 1855, 183 members were added to the 
church. The church then numbered 308 members, there having 
been connected with it from the beginning 416 members. 
About three hundred families are now connected with the churcli 



646 HISTORY. 

and society; the church, on the 1st of January, 1858, had 377 
members, and the congregation numbered, eight hundred per- 
sons. This society has contributed liberally to benevolent 
objects. In 1849 the contributions amounted to $459; in 
1852, to $836 ; in 1853, to $946 ; in 1854, to $1,204 ; in 1855, 
to $1,578; in 1856, to $1,402. 

The Rev. Mr. Clark, to whose efforts this church is much 
indebted for its great prosperity, was, at his own request, dis- 
missed, on the 8th of April, 1857, very much to the regret of his 
church, congregation, and society in general. During his min- 
istry at East Boston, 275 persons were added to the church. 
A few days subsequent to his dismission, he was installed in 
Brooklyn, New York, over the South Congregational church. 



UNIVERSALIST. 

Webster Street Church. — The first meeting of the Univer- 
salist society was held in the hall of Mr. Pollard, March 18, 
1838. On September 8, 1839, the society removed into the 
old bath-house, which had become vacant from the Lyman 
school having taken possession of their new building. Decem- 
ber 7, 1842, the corner-stone of their church, on the corner of 
Webster and Orleans streets, was laid ; the church was dedi- 
cated July 6, 1843, Rev. S. Cobb being the pastor. It 
was occupied by the society for a short time only, and was 
afterwards used by the Unitarians; it is now occupied by 
the Universalists again. Financial troubles caused the society 
to sell their church, and it finally fell into the hands of Stephen 
Locke, Esq., and is now owned by his widow. 

The society removed to Jones's hall, Lewis street, which was 
appropriately fitted up for the purpose. The Rev. A. St. John 
Chambre was installed pastor, October 8, 1853. Mr. Chambre 
remained with the society till June, 1855. His successor, the 
Rev. J. S. Barry, occupied the pastorate about a year. In 
April of 1856 the society removed again to the Webster street 
church, where they now worship under the ministry of Rev. J. 
W. Talbot. 



CHURCHES. 647 



Central Square Church. — The first meeting of this society 
was on October 22, 1843, in Jones and Lombard's hall, on 
Lewis street. Public services were immediately commenced, 
and Rev. Hiram A. Graves was engaged to supply the pulpit 
for one year. Measures were taken to form a church, and in 
1844, August 14, articles of faith and a covenant were adopted, 
and the church was formerly recognized by a council, Novem- 
ber 7 of the same year. Mr. H. A. Graves's health being 
feeble, he was succeeded by his father, Rev. Joseph M. Graves. 

The hall, which had been fitted up at an expense of nearly 
$600, was totally destroyed by fire early on the morning of 
January 14, 1845. The next Sunday the society worshipped 
in Maverick Hall, where they remained for four months ; in 
consequence of the demolition of the building, they again re- 
moved, and were accommodated by the Maverick«society with 
a convenient place of worship for three months, until a new 
hall was erected on the former site. 

Mr, Graves sent in his resignation, June 7, 1847, which 
was accepted, and he removed to Methuen. For six months 
there had been no pastor, when Rev. Miles Sanford, recently 
of Chicago, Illinois, was invited to become such ; he was in- 
stalled December 26, 1847. On August 19, 1849, a new chapel 
in the Winthrop Block was dedicated. Before the last removal 
the "free-seat" system had been tried, but without giving sat- 
isfaction ; on entering the new chapel the usual method of rent- 
ing the pews was resumed. Mr. Sanford closed his connection 
with the church in January, ]851, and accepted a call from 
Gloucester. After an interval of five months. Rev. James M. 
Sykes, the present pastor, then of Chelsea, accepted the pas- 
torate of the church, and commenced his labors, July 1, 1851. 

After much agitation of the subject, the society concluded to 
build a church, and, having raised a subscription of $16,000, on 
May 18, 1854, the corner-stone of the new church was laid ; in 
September of that year they commenced worship in the base- 
ment. The house was publicly dedicated on the 4th of April, 
1855. It is built in the Lombardic style of architecture, having 



C4S HISTORY. 



spire 150 feet high. It contains 118 pews, and is in all re- 
spects well adapted to the wants of the society. The entire 
cost of the land, building, and furniture, was about $28,000. 
It is a very handsome structure, and is situated on Meridian 
street, near Central square. 



METHODISTS. 

Methodist Church. — The first meeting of the Methodist So- 
ciety was in a wardroom of the Lyman school-house, on the 
29th of September, 1839, and the first minister was the Rev. 
Mr. Davenport. The Rev. J. W. Merrill officiated during a 
part of the year 1841. During the year 1842, a small one-story 
wooden meeting-house was built on the corner of Meridian 
and Paris streets, costing, with the land, |2,600. This building, 
which is no-^ used for a city school-house, was dedicated on 
the 4th of January, 1843. Rev. Daniel Richards was next 
appointed by the conference, and labored one year. -The next 
minister was the Rev. David H. Merrill. He was succeeded 
by Rev. Joseph A. Merrill, who remained with the society until 

1845. His successor was the Rev. Joseph Whitman, under 
whose labors a very extensive revival was enjoyed. The society 
was now increasing very rapidly, and a larger church was 
needed. During Mr. Whitman's ministrations, which continued 
two years, the present brick building was erected, at a cost of 
$18,000. The corner-stone was laid on the 4th of November, 

1846, and the church was dedicated on the 26th of May, 1847. 
It is seventy-three feet long by forty-eight feet wide, with gal- 
leries, and will seat about seven hundred people. The location 
is good, being at the junction of Meridian, Havre, and Decatur 
streets. 

Mr. Whitman was succeeded by the Rev. Henry E. Hemp- 
stead, who was followed by the Rev. James Porter. His suc- 
cessor was the Rev. C. S. Macreading, who was followed by 
the Rev. Lorenzo R. Thayer. The present pastor is the Rev. 
Daniel E. Chapin, 

The church is now in a very prosperous condition, numbers 



CHURCHES. 649 

one hundred and sixty-one members, and has a flourishing sab- 
bath school of two hundred and fifty pupils. 

Bennington street Church. — The growth of this part of the 
city, and the impossibility of accommodating all who desired 
seats, rendered it expedient to form another congregation. Con- 
sequently, a second jMethodist church and society was organized 
in May, 1853, principally by individuals who belonged to the 
Meridian street Church, and is now progressing under favor- 
able auspices. The Rev. Chester Field was the first pastor ; 
he continued two years, and was succeeded by the Rev. R. W. 
Allen. Rev. N. D. George is the present pastor. The church 
now numbers (May, 1858) about one hundred members ; has a 
large and flourishing sabbath school, and flattering prospects 
of success. 

They have not yet erected a church edifice, but worship in 
Central Hall on Bennington street, owned by Gen. Sumner, 
which they rent at $400 a year. 



EPISCOPALIAXS. 

St. John's Church. — This society was organized on the 25th 
of November, 1845, and consisted of seven members, two males, 
(John Watson and William H. Calrow), and five females. 
They commenced worship in October, 1845, and their first 
meetings were held in a small store under Ritchie Hall, where 
they were continued until 1848, when they removed to a more 
convenient room directly over the hall, which they occupied 
until June, 1852. 

This society has been singularly unfortunate in its church 
edifices. They laid the corner-stone of a new church on the 
corner of Paris and Decatur streets, on the 11th of November, 
1850 ; the house was erected soon after, but was blown down 
on the 23d of December. It was erected the second time about 
the middle of January, 1851, and, on the 16th of April following, 
in a violent north-east storm, accompanied by the highest tides 
ever known at East Boston, it was again blown down. It was 
in this storm that the iron light-house on Minot's Ledge, off 
Cohasset, was carried away, and two lives lost. During the 



650 HISTORY. 

year the church was put up a third time, and in June, 1852, 
they commenced worship in the vestry, the upper part being 
then unfinished. 

To remedy some previous informalities, the society was 
reincorporated on the 23d of June, 1850. 

The Rev. N. G. Allen officiated for a time, but resigned the 
charge in the spring of 1853. In August of that year the rec- 
torship was accepted by the Rev. John Irwin, formerly incum- 
bent of St. Thomas's Church, Montreal. At the time of his 
acceptance, the church edifice was unfinished, and the society 
was incumbered with a debt of nearly $3,000. This debt was 
paid off chiefly by the kindness of members of Trinity and St. 
Paul's churches of Boston, and the building was consecrated, 
free from debt, on the 13th of November, 1855. 

The Rev. John Irwin resigned the rectorship on the 12th of 
April, 1857. On the 6th of September, 1857, the Rev. Samuel 
John Evans, of the diocese of New Jersey, succeeded the Rev. 
Mr. Irwin. The parish is now in a more flourishing condition 
than it has been for some years. A deeper religious sensibility 
than hitherto, prevails, and harmony of feeling and action per- 
vade the body. 

During the present season a debt of nearly three hundred 
dollars has been paid, through the exertions of the Ladies' Sew- 
ing Society and others connected with tile church. 

The number of families is about 66 

Number of sabbath school scholars enrolled on the list, . 166 
Number of teachers in the sabbath school ... 20 

The officers for 1858 are these : Wm. H. Munroe and Daniel 
Byron, wardens ; Jesse Hanford, Charles F. Gardiner, Thomas 
Cassidy, Ruggles Slack (since deceased), Henry Jones, Wm. H. 
Calrow, and Wm. H. Thorndike, vestry; John Watson, treas- 
urer ; and Robert R. Kent, clerk. 

UNITAKIANS. 

Unitarian Church. — The first preaching in East Boston was 
by ministers of this denomination. 

The first meeting of the Unitarian Society took place in 
Ritchie Hall, on the 14th of September, 1845 ; although occa- 



CHURCHES. 651 

sional meetings had been held previous to this time. No clergy- 
man, however, was regularly settled until 1847, when the Rev. 
Leonard Jarvis Livermore received a call, and was ordained 
on the 24th of March of that year. During this month the 
society moved from Ritchie Hall to the Webster street church, 
originally erected by the Universalists, and now occupied by 
them. Mr. Livermore voluntarily resigned on the 21st Feb- 
ruary, 1851 ; and the society continued about a year without a 
settled minister. During this time it was very small in num- 
bers, discouraged in feeling, and feeble in condition. At one 
period, indeed, it nearly approached extinction, and was only 
saved therefrom by the vigorous exertions and self-sacrificing 
spirit of a few devoted members. 

Several candidates for settlement preached during the year 
1851, among whom was the Rev. Warren H. Cudworth, who, 
on the 7th of December, 1851, received a call to become the 
pastor of the society, and, on the 17th of March, 1852, was duly 
ordained in the Maverick church, the use of which had been 
generously proffered for the occasion by the standing committee 
of that society. 

The ordination exercises were participated in by Rev. Messrs. 
Miles, Francis, Holland, Mussey, Harrington, King, and Bowen, 
were well attended, and gave very general satisfaction. 

On the 1st of February, 1852, the society ceased to worship 
in the Webster street church, and removed to Ritchie Hall, on 
the corner of Henry street and Maverick square, in which their , 
first meetings were held. 

While here its growth was so constant and encouraging that 
measures were entered upon to secure the erection of a church 
edifice. These efforts were crowned with success, and, on the 
29th of December, 1852, the church situated on the corner of 
Maverick and Bremen streets, and now occupied by the society, 
was dedicated to the worship of Almighty God. 

The subjoined account of the dedication exercises, and of the 
church itself, is taken from a report published the next morning 
in the Boston Journal : — 

" The services were introduced by a voluntary on the organ, 
after which an invocation was offered by Rev. Artemas B. 
Mussey. The choir then sang in an excellent manner the 



652 HISTORY. 

anthem, ' O give thanks unto the Lord, call upon His name,' 
etc. Selections from the Scriptures were read by Rev. James 
I. T. Coolidge, after which Rev. Frederick D. Huntington, in a 
very eloquent and affectionate address, extended to the new 
church the ' salutation of the churches,' in the course of which 
he defined the Unitarian belief, and most tenderly and elo- 
quently exhorted the members of the church to make it a living, 
fruit-bearing branch of the true vine. 

" A hymn of dedication was then sung, after which the sermon 
was preached by the pastor, Rev. Warren H. Cudworth, from 
the text recorded in 1st Chronicles, 29th chapter, 14th verse — 
' Who am I, and what is my people, that we should be able to 
offer so willingly after this sort? for all things come of thee, 
and of thine own have we given thee.' The sermon was an 
able production, and appropriate to the occasion. At its con- 
clusion a prayer of dedication was offered by Rev. Calvin 
Lincoln. Another hymn followed, after which Rev. Mr. Hunt- 
ington offered the concluding prayer. The services then closed 
with the anthem, ' How holy is this place ! ' and a benediction. 

" The church is a neat modern structure, painted white, and 
ornamented with green blinds, giving the exterior a pleasant 
appearance. It is sixty feet long by forty-four feet wide. The 
basement is divided into a vestry forty-three feet by twenty- 
five, and a ' parish parlor,' neatly fitted up with carpet, chairs, 
sofas, tables, engravings, etc., where social and church meeting 
and Bible classes convene. It will seat from fifty to one hun- 
dred persons. These rooms are so located as to be easily con- 
nected by folding doors, which it is the intention of the society 
eventually to do. The main entrance to the church is from 
Maverick street. On crossing the threshold, the worshipper 
enters the vestibule, which is circular in form, and is twenty- 
five feet wide. From the vestibule, stairs lead on each side to 
the floor of the church, which is raised six feet above the floor 
of the vestibule. The floor of the church is 431- feet by 58^. 
There are sixty-two pews, divided by side aisles, and capable 
of comfortably seating four hundred persons. The pews are 
painted a light drab, and furnished with a mahogany cap and 
arm, are constructed without doors, and are furnished with 
cushions, covered with crimson damask. The church is neatly 



CHURCHES. 653 

carpeted, and lighted with gas. The furnishing was done by 
the ladies of the society, who certainly deserve much credit for 
the neat manner in which the work is executed. 

" The pulpit is of mahogany, swell front, with columns, and 
is much lower than pulpits generally are constructed, — a com- 
mendable feature, inasmuch as it brings the minister down 
among the people, and tends to remove the distance, which is 
too often felt to exist between him who ministers at the altar 
and those who worship before it. The orchestra is in the rear 
of the pews, directly over the vestibule, and is raised four feet 
above the floor of the church. It is ten feet deep by thirty feet 
in breadth, and is furnished with a superior organ. On its front 
is a clock, surrounded by gilt scroll work. 

" The interior walls of the church are seventeen feet high, 
and are very handsomely ornamented with fresco panel work. 
The ceiling is tastefully ornamented with a centre piece of 
fresco work. The rear of the pulpit is also very prettily fres- 
coed, and has the inscription — 

" ' The Lord our God is one Lord.' 

In the centre of the panel work, on the right of the pulpit, is 
this inscription : — 

" ' Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy 
soul, and with all thy mind, and with all thy strength, and thy neighbor as 
thyself. There is none other commandment greater than these.' 

And on the left the following : — 

" * Let your light so shine before men that they may see your good works, 
and glorify your Father which is in Heaven. Love your enemies, bless them 
that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them who despite- 
fuUy use you.' 

" The paint is impervious to water, and is the first of the kind 
used in the city. The entire cost of the edifice and land is 
about $8,500, which is very moderate, considering the excel- 
lence of the location, and the neatness, beauty, and conven- 
ience of the structure. 

" The church and society have now a place which they can 
call their home, and a pastor to watch over their spiritual inter- 
ests in whom they are united, and whose heart is warmly en- 
55* 



654 HISTORY. 

gaged in the noble work to which he has been called. With 
such advantages, and the blessing of God resting upon their 
efforts, they will go on increasing in prosperity and usefulness." 

Since the erection of this church, the prosperity of the society 
has been steadily on the increase. The sabbath school, which 
in 1852 only numbered about fifty members, has now two 
hundred; and the families connected with the parish have 
increased during the same interval from between fifty and sixty 
to one hundred and twenty. The average attendance at the 
regular pubhc services of worship on the Sabbath has also 
largely increased. The financial condition of the parish is one 
of the most encouraging features of its present state. Start- 
ing in 1852, without any means or resources except those 
derived directly from the contributions of the members, it has, 
besides supporting the regular Sabbath worship, bought land, 
built and furnished a house, provided libraries, etc., whose 
aggregate value now amounts to nearly twelve thousand dol- 
lars. 

For more than a year the musical part of the service in this 
church has been performed by the congregation. This change 
was introduced at the earnest solicitation of the present pastor, 
and thus far has proved more economical, acceptable to the 
worshippers, and devotional in its effect, than the performances 
of a hired quartette or of a large voluntary choir. 

Another change, equally radical in its nature and beneficial in 
its tendencies, has been introduced by a vote of the society, by 
which the usual afternoon service has been transferred to the 
evening, and the afternoon is devoted to the sabbath school, 
and to the instruction of an adult Bible class. 

This society now bids fair, under the blessing of God, to be- 
come one of the most flourishing and united societies on the 
Island. 

CATHOLIC. 

In the settlement of East Boston, many adopted citizens, 
for the most part from Ireland, and their immediate de- 
scendants, held a conspicuous place. They were among the 
first, who, with strong arms and willing hearts, came to level 
the hills, fill up the low lands, drain the marshes, erect docks. 



CHURCHES. 655 

and map the Island with its present wide and spacious streets 
and pleasant squares. The names of Crowley, McManus, and 
Cummisky, are among the first, with whom contracts were en- 
tered into for the general improvement. Mr. Daniel Crowley 
was the first to build, on Maverick street, the third private 
dwelling erected in East Boston. 

With the rapid growth of this delightful portion of the city, 
destined to become the great depot of our increasing commerce, 
many others professing the creed of the Catholic church, with 
the above, here sought either employment as mechanics, trades- 
men, or laborers, or, crossing over from the more densely popu- 
lated parts of the city, came to purchase lots or erect private 
dwellings for themselves. 

On account of increasing numbers, and the inconvenience of 
leaving their families to attend divine service in the city proper, 
it was proposed by Mr. Daniel Crowley and others to erect, with 
the approbation of Rt. Rev. B. J. Fenwick, then Bishop of Bos- 
ton, a place of worship for themselves. While deliberating upon 
the most desirable site for this object, a legally notified meeting 
of the " Maverick Congregational Society," came together on 
the twenty-fourth of January, 1844, at which a vote was passed 
to sell their meeting-house and land for the sum of five thou- 
sand dollars ; that a committee of three be raised to carry this 
into effect, and that the treasurer, Mr. W. R. Lovejoy, be au- 
thorized to sign a deed of conveyance to such person as the 
committee should designate. The Catholics, availing them- 
selves of this friendly and favorable opportunity, came forward 
the first of February, six days after this suggestion, as willing 
purchasers of the property, and thus secured for themselves and 
children a place to assemble for public worship. 

The house having undergone some alterations and an altar 
having been erected, it was dedicated to God, under the patron- 
age of St. Nicholas. The first clergyman appointed was Rev. 
Father N. I. A. O'Brien, who held this situation till March, 1847, 
when he was called back to the Cathedral. He was succeeded 
by Rev. Father Charles McCallion, who, for the better accommo- 
dation of the increasing numbers, and with the sanction of Rt. 
Rev. Bishop Fitzpatrick, successor to Rt. Rev. Bishop Fenwick, 
enlarged the church some forty feet, and administered to the 



656 HISTORY. 

wants of the congregation till November, 1851. He was suc- 
ceeded by Rev. Father Wiley, who held the responsible situa- 
tion till he died, April 19, 1855. 
X To afford to the still increasing number of Catholics, more 
ample church room, the necessity of which may be deduced 
from the fact, that, while in 1844 the number baptized was 
fifty-eight the baptisms for 1854 were three hundred and thirty- 
eight. Rev. Father Wiley, a few months previous to his death 
projected, with the approbation of Rt. Rev. Bishop Fitzpatrick, 
the erection of the present new, substantial, and imposing stone 
edifice, which stands on the corner of Maverick and London 
streets, on a line with the first church on the corner of Maverick 
and Havre streets ; an intermediate space of thirty-five feet 
being left between the two, upon which the parochial residence 
is built. 

Encouraged by the anticipated zealous cooperation of the 
congregation, he laid the foundation and completed the base- 
ment walls of this noble structure, which is sixty by one hun- 
dred and thirty-two feet in the interior, and for the most part 
above ground and well lighted. Having contracted for ma- 
terials, and made other arrangements to further the work, he 
could do no more. In the fifty-second year of his age and 
twenty-eighth of his priesthood, he was prostrated on the bed 
of suffering from which he never rose. 

The day of the funeral obsequies of Father Wiley, the Rev. 
F. X. Branagan was sent to attend the spiritual necessities of 
the congregation, while the Rev. Father Fitton, a native of 
Boston, and a former associate with Father Wiley at the Ca- 
thedral, where both labored for a time after being ordained 
together, having just completed the magnificent church at 
Newport, R. I., was solicited to accept the pastorship of East 
Boston. As soon as arrangements could be made by Rt. Rev. 
B. O'Reilly, Bishop of the Hartford diocese, he came to carry 
out the views of his departed bosom friend, Father Wiley. It 
is here, properly speaking, that the present plan of the church 
was adopted, which has been carried on since, under his imme- 
diate supervision. 

We will here give a brief description of the new church of 
" our Holy Redeemer," so called, the particulars of which have 







iiEiE^MC^rsio 



EAST BOSTON. 



CHURCHES. 657 

been given to us by the pastor, to which we are permitted to 
add, that all who feel disposed to view the chaste decoration 
and appropriate finish of the interior are at liberty at any time 
to examine, by calling at the parochial residence. A picture of 
this church is on the opposite page. 

" The plan of the church is Gothic of the thirteenth century 
style, one hundred and ten by sixty-two feet in the interior, with 
a chancel twenty-eight by twenty-three feet, and sacristies on 
either side. The main walls are covered with a span roof, with 
ornamental slating. The interior is divided into finely propor- 
tioned nave and aisles, and is of sufficient height for beauty of 
effect, voice, ventilation, and all other conveniences. At the 
termination of the north aisle, in front of the church, there 
is a very substantial as well as ornate tower or steeple, of 
nearly two hundred feet in height, which forms a conspicu- 
ous beacon for the guidance of travellers for miles around. In 
this is placed a sweet-toned bell, weighing upwards of two 
thousand pounds, from the foundery of Messrs. Hooper, the 
generous donation of Mr. Daniel Crowley. The walls are 
massivie and of solid masonry, supported by buttresses, all from 
the quarries of Rockport, and built in the very best manner by 
Mr. James Devine. The roof, spire, and turret were by Mr. 
Thomas Murphy. The plastering and stuccoing of the interior, 
which is distinguished for its chaste simplicity and purity of 
design, was by Mr. Peter McCann. The tracery finish of the 
galleries, by Messrs Manson, Peterson & Co., and the finish of 
wainscotting, pew^ing, etc., by Mt. Thomas Cassin. The cabi- 
net-work and entire of wood finish is all of seasoned chestnut 
merely shellacked and varnished, and makes a very elegant, 
durable, and rich finish, without the additional expense of paint. 
The high altar and tabernacle, designed by P. C. Keely, Esq., 
with its elaborate carving, emblems, and ornaments, and the 
chapel altars of the blessed and immaculate virgin, together 
with that of St. Joseph, and their rich statuary from Munich, 
were all the gift of the generous daughters of the congregation 
and their friends. A very conspicuous feature in this new 
edifice is the style of the windows, which, being lancet, so 
called, with emblematic designs in the heads, are filled as usual 



658 HISTORY. 

with stained glass and borders, while the lead sash is inserted 
in skeleton frames, that rise and fall with ordinary weights and 
pulleys, whereby abundant ventilation is given in summer, and 
the cold is shut out in winter." 

Every foot of this church, which accommodates about 
eighteen hundred persons, is occupied on Sundays, while the 
old church, so called, is filled with a congregation of seven hun- 
dred children gathered together for catechetical and other 
religious instruction, attended by the pastor and his assist- 
ant alternately. The basement contains a very select paro- 
chial library, and is fitted up for singing and other occasional 
meetings. 

The organ, from the celebrated establishment of Messrs. 
Simmons & Fisher of Boston, is an instrument of rare sweet- 
ness, purity, and of unequalled magnificence of tone. Exter- 
nally it is twenty-six feet high, twenty-nine feet wide, and ten 
and a half feet deep, and of a style corresponding with the 
architecture of the church. It is of very novel construction, 
being built so as to show the nave window of the church 
between its principal parts. The key-board is extended from 
the front of the instrument, and is seen projecting from the 
front of the gallery after the style of the choir organs in Euro- 
pean cathedrals, — the organist facing the altar. Internally it 
is a splendid specimen of skill, and has many new and peculiar 
improvements, among which may be named the increasing 
pressure system and the pneumatic valve balance chamber, for 
which a patent has been a|J^lied. Although the organ con- 
tains but thirty-four stops, yet by means of the improvements 
named, and others which we have not space to describe, the 
body of tone undoubtedly surpasses that of any organ yet built 
in this country, and at the same time all the nice shadings of 
power and quality are preserved in a wonderful degree. 



UNION CHAPEL. 

In the year 1851, in that part of the Island on which the 
Union Chapel is now situated, from a population of hun- 
dreds, probably less than twenty persons were regular attend- 



CHURCHES. 659 

ants at any Protestant place of worship on the Sabbath, and 
the locality was noted for vice. At length the " Boston City 
Missionary Society," sustained by the Orthodox Congrega- 
tional churches in the city, employing Miss Armeda Gibbs 
to labor in East Boston, she soon visited that much neglected 
place. Her first visit was on a chilly day in the month of Oc- 
tober, 1851. Unmistakable evidences of deep depravity were 
seen in every direction in her lonely walk among entire stran- 
gers.. Depressed in spirits, weary, and cold, she called at a 
respectable looking house, rang the bell, and was kindly invited 
in, which invitation she cheerfully accepted. After conversing 
a few moments, she said that she was anxious to gather some 
of the children in the place into a sabbath school, if a suitable 
place could be obtained. The old lady with whom she was 
conversing immediately exclaimed : " Bless the Lord ! that is 
just what we have been praying for." It seemed providential, 
rather than accidental, that the first family she visited was com- 
posed mostly of devoted Christians. The next day five ladies 
met in the first religious meeting probably ever held in that 
part of the Island. That small beginning was the commence- 
ment of what is called the " Union Chapel Enterprise." Some 
two or three weeks passed before a suitable room for a sabbath 
school could be obtained, when a Christian brother kindly 
offered a room in his house. The next Sabbath, October 26, 
quite a number of parents and children assembled, but the pro- 
ject was relinquished till a more suitable place could be obtained. 
A general prayer-meeting was however held, and from that pe- 
riod one or more have been regularly held every week. During 
the ensuing winter the city erected a school-house on Chelsea 
street, and, as one room was unoccupied, the proper authorities 
generously permitted them to occupy the other free of expense. 
A sabbath school was organized February 18, at which time 
sixty-three adults and children were present. They were aided 
by the generosity of the sabbath school connected with the 
Maverick church. 

In the month of March the Rev. Mr. Deering, an aged Ortho- 
dox clergyman from Chelsea, was obtained to preach on the 
Sabbath ; his services were most acceptable. Miss Gibbs con- 
cludes one of her monthly reports to the " City Missionary 



660 HISTORY. 

Society " by stating : " A deep solemnity rests upon the con- 
gregation as they hear the gospel dispensed, and I trust the 
time is not far distant when we shall hear the sound of the 
church-going bell, and that that part of the Island will yet be 
vocal with the praises of God." In a subsequent report she 
writes : " Our school and meetings were increasing in numbers 
and interest, when we were suddenly notified that we must 
vacate the room, as it would be needed for another primary 
school, which was about to be organized." It became necessary 
to disband or to build a house. A subscription book was circu- 
lated; different evangelical societies manifested a deep interest 
in the object, and nearly two thirds of the amount requisite to 
erect a suitable place of worship was soon subscribed in East 
Boston. An appeal was then made to the churches in the 
city proper, who nobly responded, and in less than three 
months from the time that notice was given that the school- 
room would be needed, a neat and commodious chapel, ca- 
pable of seating between four and five hundred, was erected 
on Bennington street, on land generously leased, free of ex- 
pense, by the East Boston Company, and all expenses had 
been paid by friends of the enterprise. The city authorities had 
kindly permitted them to worship in the school-house till the 
chapel was completed, and also generously gave a bell, which 
is of great value, not only to those who worship in the chapel, 
but in case of fire, to all residing in that community. 

As the church was designed for a union chapel, and free for 
all who should be disposed to worship there, it was deeded to 
nine trustees connected with the Orthodox Congregationalist, 
Baptist, and Methodist Episcopal churches in East Boston, 
namely, Messrs. Joseph Robbins, John Atkins, Nichols Litch- 
field, Richard Beeching, James M. Reed, Joseph Garrett, Joseph 
J. Bragdon, Horace Richardson, Thomas Boswell, and their 
successors. On the 17th of November, 1852, the chapel was 
dedicated, on which occasion it was densely filled with an 
interesting and attentive congregation. Rev. R. W. Clark of 
the Maverick church (Orthodox), Rev. J. N. Sykes of the Win- 
throp (now Central square) church (Baptist), Rev. C. S. Mac- 
reading of the Meridian street church (Methodist Episcopal); 
and Rev. N. G. Allen, of St. John's church (Episcopal), took 
part in the dedicatory services. 



CHURCHES. 661 

Rev. Mr. Deering continued to preach on the Sabbath till the 
spring of 1854; but it became evident that the interests of the 
enterprise required the labors of a clergyman to attend also to 
pastoral duties. It was also just as evident, that the congrega- 
tion were unable to support a minister. 

In this time of need, in March, 1854, the board of the " Bos- 
ton City Missionary Society," in view of the importance of 
that field of labor, voted " to employ at the usual salary, a 
clerical missionary to preach in the chapel on the Sabbath, and 
to perform the ordinary missionary labor on other days, he re- 
ceiving from other parties any such additional compensation as 
they might contribute." In connection with this liberal and 
catholic proposition, the " Young Ladies' Colporteur Society," 
and the "Juvenile Missionary Society," both connected with 
the Maverick church, agreed to contribute 8100 each toward the 
support of preaching, which sum they have paid annually up to 
the present time. Other friends of different denominations 
have, in a variety of ways, afforded important assistance. 

In June, 1854, Rev. Luman Boyden, then most pleasantly 
situated as pastor over a flourishing society (Methodist Epis- 
copal) in the beautiful village of Waltham, was invited by the 
trustees to take charge of this enterprise ; at the same time he 
received a commission from the City Missionary Society. At 
first hesitating, he finally concluded to accept the invitation, and^ 
on the first Sabbath in July, entered this important field of labor. 

On the first Sabbath, but forty were present in the forenoon, 
including children ; in the afternoon sixty, and about one hun- 
dred, including teachers, in the sabbath school. For several 
months the congregation was discouragingly small. But the 
congregation and sabbath school at length gradually increased,, 
and in a few months the prospect was quite encouraging. 

In December, 1854, by the unexpected failure of a large 
manufacturing establishment, many who worshipped in the 
chapel were deprived of employment. Quite a number of 
them had saved of their hard earnings enough to erect con- 
venient houses, and were expecting to spend their days on 
that section in East Boston. They lingered for a season^ 
but necessity at length compelled pne after another to leave,, 
and during the years 1855 and 1856 about sixty families^ 
56 



662 HISTORY. 

connected with the Union chapel left the city in consequence 
of that failure and the general depression in business. This 
loss has been severely felt, especially as many who removed 
were some of the most active and devoted members. But 
other families removed to that vicinity ; quite a number be- 
came connected with the Union chapel, and at present the 
congregation and sabbath school are greater than at any 
former period. 

The largest number that has been present in the sabbath 
school at one time is 170. Mr. Hiram A. Stephens, a member of 
the Central square Baptist church, is the superintendent, which 
office he has filled most acceptably for more than three years. 
His predecessors were Mr. John Atkins, Methodist, and Deacon 
Wilder, Baptist. The teachers and officers of the school are 
connected with different evangelical churches, the majority of 
them being members of the Orthodox church. Messrs. Ivory 
Harlow, Gilbert Stephens, and Miss Armeda Gibbs, all of 
whom are members of the Orthodox Congregational church, 
have had classes from the time the school was organized. 

From this brief sketch it will be seen that trials have been 
endured, and sometimes disappointment realized. But in the 
darkest hours the laborers on the field had much to encourage 
them. Every candid, intelligent person, acquainted with the 
past and present, will cheerfully acknowledge that the necessary 
.arrests by the police, considering the increase of population, are 
less numerous; that there is much less open, outrageous vio- 
lation of the Sabbath; that the morals of those who attend 
public worship at the chapel will compare favorably with the 
other religious congregations in the city, and that there has been 
a great improvement in the morals of the community generally. 

PRESBYTERIAN. 

Second Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church. — The First 
Associate Reformed Presbyterian church in Boston was re- 
organized November 26, 1846. The Rev. Alexander Blaikie, 
the pastor, was installed July 18, 1847. Their place of wor- 
ship is in Central Hall, 19 Milk street. The Second Asso- 
ciate Reformed Presbyterian place of worship was opened, in 



SABBATH SCHOOLS. 663 

the Webster street church, which had been erected by the 
Universalists in 1842, on the Sabbath, April 3, 1853, under the 
charge of Rev. David A. Wallace, as assistant of Mr. Blaikie. 
Mr. Wallace was installed pastor on the 15th of November, 
1854 ; the church was organized in August, 1854, and very soon 
after removed to a new edifice erected on Meridian street, where 
they at present worship. 

Mr. Wallace having assumed the charge of a western col- 
lege, the Rev. H. H. Johnson, who now ministers to the soci- 
ety, became his successor. 158 members have been received 
since the church was established, and at present it is in a pros- 
perous condition. 



SABBATH SCHOOLS. 

The account of the different churches which immediately 
precedes naturally embraces many points connected with the 
sabbath schools ; it has, however, been thought best to speak of 
each school separately. 

The first sabbath school eflbrts were made on the 13th of 
July, 1834. Two ladies, Mrs. Haynes and a niece of Mrs. Dr. 
Jeffries, gathered the children of the Irish laborers on the island 
into a house on Webster street, and there taught them the 
Scriptures. The children were very destitute. Some came 
without shoes, some without hats, and some with hardly any 
clothing. The travelled path from the third section to Webster 
street was then by the way of the beach at the west end of 
Maverick street, and at high tides this method of communica- 
tion was cut off. The school was subsequently removed to the 
"boarding-house," on Maverick street, and was continued until 
cold weather. 

The Maverick sabbath school commenced on the 3d of July, 
1836, with more than forty scholars; in January, 1858, 517 
were reported as then belonging to the school, and full statistics 
show that it is one of the largest of the Orthodox Congrega- 
tional sabbath schools in Massachusetts. Its largest average 
for any one month the past year (1857) was 476. 

The sabbath school connected with the Baptist church com- 
menced in October, 1843, in the wooden building on Lewis 



664 HISTORY. 

street, under the superintendence of Deacon E,. Barker, with 
about seventy scholars and eleven teachers, and a library of 
about two hundred volumes. The school remained in that hall 
until it was destroyed by fire, in January, 1845. It then occu- 
pied successively the old hall, the bath house, the brick hall in 
Lewis street, Winthrop hall, the vestry of the Maverick church, 
and, finally, the vestry of the new Central Square Baptist 
church. This school has prospered, and in January, 1858, num- 
bered 292 members, with a library of 668 volumes. 

The " Fourth Section sabbath school," as it is sometimes 
called, connected with the Union chapel, has already been spo- 
ken of in the notice of that missionary enterprise. It is in a 
flourishing condition, and the average attendance during the 
past year (1857) has been 123, while the largest number reached 
on any one Sabbath has been 170. The average attendance 
for the month of January, 1858, has been 149. The school has 
a library of five hundred volumes. 

The Episcopal sabbath school has 116 members enrolled 
upon its list, having considerably increased since the settlement 
of Rev. Mr. Evans. 

The Presbyterian sabbath school numbers sixty members, 
and is still increasing. 

The sabbath school connected with the First Methodist 
church (Meridian street) numbers two hundred members; and 
the number connected with the Second Methodist church (Ben- 
nington street) is 190. 

The Unitarian sabbath school contains two hundred pupils 
and twenty-seven officers, and additions are constantly made. 

The Catholic sabbath school now numbers about seven hun- 
dred scholars. 

The Universalist sabbath school embraces 125 members, and 
comprehends both the children and as many of the adults of 
the society as can be induced to attend. 

In the sabbath schools of East Boston there is an average 
attendance of more than 2,400 scholars. The good that is in 
this manner effected, by moulding the minds and hearts of the 
children, and by fitting them for future usefulness and happi- 
ness, cannot be calculated, and certainly it cannot be overesti- 
mated; and on the successful continuance of such schools 



SCHOOLS. 665 

must depend much of the future morality, religion, and even 
the worldly prosperity and happiness of this section of the city. 



The schools of the Island ward, of course, form a part of the 
general system of the city of Boston. These are under the 
care and control of the school committee, consisting of the 
mayor, the president of the common council, and six members 
chosen in each of the twelve wards, making seventy-four mem- 
bers of the board, and a superintendent elected by this body, 
and acting under their authoiity, devoting his whole time to 
advancing the interests of the schools. There are in Boston 
205 primary schools, designed for children from four to seven or 
eight years of age, and containing 12,655 scholars ; eighteen 
grammar-schools, intended for scholars from seven to fifteen 
years of age, and containing 11,200 ; three high schools, 
namely, one Latin or classical school, designed for fitting stu- 
dents for college ; one English high school, established to pre- 
pare young men for business, and one girls' high and normal 
school, designed to give a finished education to young ladies, 
and to prepare those who desire it for teaching. These high 
schools generally contain about two hundred scholars apiece, 
thus making six hundred pupils in the three, and 24,455 in all 
the public schools. 

This condensed statement of the city arrangement renders it 
unnecessary to go further into the history of our school system. 
Its importance, its admirable adaptation to the end in view, and 
its absolute necessity for the support of our form of govern- 
ment, are too well understood to need elucidation. A short 
description of the schools on the Island is all that is necessary .i 

The order of dates of the first scho(3ls is as follows : — 

The first primary school in East Boston was opened on the 
4th of January, 1836, in a room in one of the houses of the 
Malleable Iron Company, on Meridian street, third section. 



^ Mr. Guy' C. Haynes, whose liouse was the first built at East Boston, and 
who is well acquainted with the Island history since the formation of the East 
Boston Company, furnishes some focts of the early schools. 

56* 



666 HISTORY. 

Eliza Pierce, teacher ; Guy C. Haynes, committee ; number of 
scholars of all ages, thirty-eight. The second school com- 
menced on the 10th of May, 1836 ; Anna M. Merrill, teacher. 
The third school was opened on the 25th of January, 1841, in 
the first section ; Elizabeth Lincoln, teacher. The fourth 
school commenced on the 26th of April, 1842 ; Miss Cheever, 
teacher. The fifth school began on the 9th of May, 1843 ; 
Miss L. Osborn, teacher. 

The public schools now in operation, under the control of 
the city government, are three, — the Lyman, the Chapman, and 
the Adams.i 

Lyman School. — Established in 1837. Present building 
erected 1846. Cost, $13,596.27. This school comprises that 
portion of East Boston lying west of the railroad, and south of 
a line commencing at the Mystic river, and running easterly 
through Central square and Porter street, along its continuation 
to the bay on the east. It was first gathered with forty pupils, 
kept in a chapel, and was named for the Hon. Theodore Ly- 
man, fifth mayor of the city, in 1834-5. A handsome library 
was presented to the school by that gentleman in 1847. The 
original house was built in 1837, and was destroyed by fire in 
January, 1846. The present building was erected the same 
year upon the same site, on the plan of the Brimmer, and will 
seat 386 pupils in the main rooms. Four rooms on the lowest 
floor are also occupied, each seating fifty-two pupils, and three 
rooms in an adjoining building. Albert Bowker, previously 
usher in the Eliot school, was the only master from the time of 
its establishment until his resignation, in December, 1845. In 
March, 1846, Mr. Lincoln, then usher in the Brimmer school, 
was elected his successor. The school was then reorganized, 
and from a school for both sexes it was changed to separate 
schools for each sex. Mr. Lincoln took charge of the boys, and 



' For many of these statistics the writer is happy to acknowledge his indebt- 
edness to Albert Bowker, Esq., who has the honor of being the first male teacher 
upon the Island, and who labored long and successfully in establishing in the 
new ward that system of discipline and instruction which characterizes its 
.schools. 

I 



SCHOOLS. 667 

Mr. Ordway, usher in the school, took charge of the girls. He 
was subsequently elected master. 

In 1854, the Lyman school was reorganized on the single- 
headed plan ; the boys' and girls' departments were united, and 
the whole school was placed under the charge of Mr. Lincoln. 
The school numbered at that time about seven hundred pupils. 

The Adams school, which was organized in 1856, took 363 
pupils from the Lyman ; Mr. Lincoln was its master, but he 
was subsequently transferred to the Lyman, of which school 
he is at present the master. The Lyman school numbers now 
648 pupils. 

Chapman School. — This school comprises that portion of 
East Boston lying north of a line commencing at the Mystic 
river and running easterly through Central square and Porter 
street, along its prolongation to the bay on the east. Its house 
is located on Eutaw street. The situation is elevated and 
healthy, commanding an extensive prospect of the harbor and 
the surrounding country. The building is a finely proportioned 
brick structure, combining all the modern improvements, and is 
an ornament to that section of the Island in which it is situ- 
ated ; it was erected in 1850, and cost $28,022.79. 

The school was organized April 22, 1850, in two separate 
departments. Loring Lothrop was appointed master of the 
girls, and John P. Averill of the boys. The number of pupils 
at the opening of the school was 425, — 220 girls and 205 boys. 

In 1852, Mr. Lothrop having been elected master of the nor- 
mal school in the city proper, John F. Nourse was appointed 
to fill his place. Mr. Nourse performed the duties of his office, 
with much credit to himself and profit to his pupils, until he 
was suddenly removed by death, January 17, 1854, when Per- 
cival W. Bartlett was placed at the head of the girls' depart- 
ment. In 1856 the two departments were united, and the whole 
school placed under the charge of Mr. Averill, Mr. Bartlett hav- 
ing been transferred to the Adams school. 

There are, at the present time, in the Chapman grammar- 
school, twelve teachers and 645 pupils, — 332 boys and 313 girls. 
The number of scholars in the primary schools is 778, — 381 
boys and 397 girls, with twelve teachers. 



668 HISTORY. 

Adams School. — Percival W. Bartlett, Master. — This school 
comprises that portion of East Boston lying east of the rail- 
road, and south of a line commencing at the Mystic river and 
running easterly through Central square and Porter street along 
its continuation to the bay on the east. The school-house is 
situated on the corner of Sumner and Larason streets, nearly 
opposite Belmont square, and is the largest and best arranged 
building for the purposes designed, of any in the city. It was 
erected in 1856, and cost $57,903.37. Its situation is admira- 
ble, being on the high ground on the first section, and com- 
manding a magnificent view of the city, the harbor, rivers, and 
a dozen towns and villages. It is a brick building, five stories 
high, and covered with mastic, so as to be perfectly dry at all 
times. It is divided into eighteen separate rooms, each com- 
fortably accommodating sixty-four pupils, or eleven hundred 
and fifty-two in the aggregate. A spacious hall for the accom-, 
modation of the assembled pupils forms an important feature 
in the internal arrangement of the house. Its situation secures 
the best possible light, and it is furnished with apparatus for 
warming the rooms by steam, with the intention of obtaining a 
moist and luxurious heat without the usual inconvenience of 
dust and smoke. The ventilation is so perfect that one enter- 
ing blindfold from the street in school hours would be unable 
to detect his presence in a crowded room. Every convenience 
is here found for profitable study : every room contains fifty 
square yards of blackboard ; and globes, philosophical appara- 
tus, a library of reference, and thorough teachers, leave nothing 
to be desired. This house is a credit to the city, and an orna- 
ment to the Island. Its location, construction, external and 
internal arrangements, are all in reference to the best interests 
of the scholars. The basement story is designed for primary, 
and the other rooms for the various classes in the grammar- 
schools; and while the schools in the building are for both 
sexes, the entrances for the boys and girls are by separate doors, 
and their play-yards are entirely separated from each other. 
The plan of thus preventing intercourse between the sexes is 
here carried out with rigor, while in other schools upon the 
Island no such restriction is made. Each system has its warm 
partisans; and time, experience, and careful judgment must 



SCHOOLS. 669 

decide which system is best adapted to advance the true inter- 
ests of schools. 

The house was dedicated on the 15th of October, 1856. At 
the appointed hour the exercises were opened by a beautiful 
hymn, sung by the children. The Scriptures were then read by 
the Rev. C. S. Porter, of South Boston. Prayer was offered by 
Rev. Mr. Chapin, of East Boston. A song was then sung with 
much taste and spirit by the pupils, conducted by Mr. S. H. 
Southard. Interesting addresses were made by Rev. Messrs. 
J. N. Sykes, R. W. Clark, W. H. Cudworth ; also by Nathan 
Bishop, Superintendent of our Public Schools, and Dr. Ephraim 
Buck. A farewell song was next sung. Prayer was offered by 
Rev. Mr. Cudworth, and the benediction pronounced by Rev. 
R. W. Clark. 

The school was organized on the 1st September, 1856. It 
now contains about 622 pupils belonging to the grammar- 
schools, and about 483 belonging to the primary schools. 

The annual reports and published statistics keep the public 
well informed as to the studies, methods of discipline, and 
other matters pertaining to the welfare of the schools ; there is, 
therefore, no need of such information here. The changes also 
as to teachers render entire lists of little value in a work of this 
kind. It is enough to say that at the present time (1858) 
Hosea H. Lincoln, John P. Averill, and Percival W. Bartlett 
are respectively masters of the Lyman, Chapman, and Adams 
schools; and Rev. Warren H. Cudworth, Edwin Wright, and 
Rev. James N. Sykes respectively chairmen of committees. 

Whatever East Boston owes to the business activity of its 
founders, its continued and highest prosperity must greatly 
depend on the institutions described in this chapter. This the 
projectors have ever had in mind; and, with a wise liberality 
and foresight, have spared neither labor nor expense in fostering 
the churches and schools of the Island ward. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

INDUSTRIAL OPERATIONS. 

The plans which resulted in the formation of the East Bos- 
ton Company have been described ; the various direct and per- 
manent improvements made by that company as to ferries, 
streets, sewers, railroads, and ornament, have also been suffi- 
ciently explained. It is proper now to record the various indus- 
trial enterprises, which were either originated by the projectors 
of the general improvements, or have been attracted by the 
peculiar advantages of the Island, and which give employ- 
ment to an enterprising and thrifty population. These will be 
noticed somewhat in detail. 

EAST BOSTON TIMBER COMPANY. 

In order to give a new impetus to the business of East Bos- 
ton, and thus to increase the value of land and property in 
general, it was proposed, by Mr. Stephen White, to purchase 
Grand island in Niagara river, which was covered with valuable 
timber. Upon this island he proposed to build saw-mills, and 
cut and prepare the timber for transportation ; and, bringing it 
by the Erie Canal to tide water, dock it at East Boston. The 
landing upon the shores of the young city of such a great sup- 
ply of lumber would, of necessity, bring thither a great many 
workmen, and, on account of the convenience of obtaining 
lumber of all kinds with little or no transportation, manufactur- 
ing establishments would be erected upon the Island. 

Acting upon this belief, the East Boston Company, on the 
5th of October, 1833, authorized its superintendent to sell to 
Stephen White and his associates 80,000 feet of marsh land be- 



1834.] THE TIMBER COMPANY. 671 

tween Border and Liverpool streets, at the nominal price of 
three cents per foot, for establishing a timber and lumber yard 
and dock. The flats in front, with dirt for filling in a wharf 
and the flats, were given by the East Boston Company to 
encourage the undertaking. 

The East Boston Timber Company was incorporated on the 
28th of March, 1834, " for the purpose of sawing and preparing 
at East Boston, by steam or water power or otherwise, and of 
vending ship and other timber, plank, boards, staves, joist, 
scantling, and all and every other article prepared and manufac- 
tured from wood." The petitioners for the charter were James 
W. Paige, Francis J. Oliver, and Gideon Barstow, who, with 
their associates, were incorporated as a company for the pur- 
poses just mentioned, and with power to hold and manage real 
estate to the amount of $75,000, and personal property to the 
same amount. It will be noticed that the name of Stephen 
White does not appear among the petitioners, although he was 
by far the largest stockholder in the new company. His name 
was included among the associates. A precedent was estab- 
lished in this case, which was frequently followed in subsequent 
petitions, that is, to withhold the name of the person or persons 
most deeply interested, and thus to prevent the impression, 
which otherwise would be given, that the different plans and 
improvements were supported by the same individuals. 

The principal stockholders were Stephen "White, Gen. W. H. 
Sumner, Francis J. Oliver, L. F. Allen of Buffalo, and Dr. 
Barstow of Salem ; these gentlemen were also the directors of 
the company. William Fettyplace was the superintendent, and 
Seth Brooks, surveyor. The land purchased of the East Bos- 
ton Company measured 540 feet each on Liverpool and Border 
streets, and 160 feet each on Maverick and Decatur streets, and 
the fiats in front. In 1835 the company constructed upon their 
water lot in front, extending from Border street to the harbor 
commissioners' line, a wharf 300 feet long and 50 feet wide, 
the solid part being much wider. They also erected a ware- 
house three stories high, and formed a timber dock 200 feet 
square. This wharf, with the stores upon it, is now called 
Clifton's wharf, and is one of the most valuable in East Bos- 
ton. It is owned by John Clifton, Esq., formerly a merchant 



672 HISTORY. 1837-40. 

of Salem, but now one of the most enterprising citizens of East 
Boston. 

Tliis was the depot for great quantities of oak timber and 
plank, which were transported from the Timber Company's 
mills at Grand island, which was also owned by the company. 
The supply of the best quality of timber thus brought to the 
Island exerted a very beneficial effect upon the business and 
consequent prosperity of East Boston and vicinity, furnishing 
abundant material for the ship carpenters of the towns engaged 
in this branch of business. 

The company pursued its operations through the stringent 
years of 1837, 1838, and 1839, until 1840, when it suspended, 
and the property was sold. Its affairs at this time were in a 
very complicated condition, owing to its connection with 
various other companies ; to go into the details of the long 
course of embarrassment and litigation would of itself fill 
a volume. In a general way, it can be said, that, by an 
agreement with the stockholders, a sale of property was made 
under an execution of the Hancock Bank ; and the New Eng- 
land Bank, which held the assets of the Fulton Bank, which had 
discounted the company's notes to the amount of many thou- 
sand dollars, and was a creditor, levied its execution on the 
personal estate. 

The real estate was first sold to Ozias Goodwin, Esq., of 
Boston, for $10,000. It included Border street, which was not 
made, though laid out over the water ; for this reason Mr. Adan, 
the East Boston Company's solicitor, believed it to be a sala- 
ble property. Mr. Goodwin offered to take the estate at the 
price named, if Border street was included in the deed. This 
it was found the company had no authority to do, as the street 
was laid out on the plan ; the property, therefore, was divided 
into lots, which were bought by Messrs. Samuel Hall, Richard 
Soule, R. B. Forbes, John Clifton, and others ; the greater 
part, however, was bought by Mr. Hall, to whom it proved a 
very lucrative speculation. 

The water lots include Clifton's wharf and one of Hall's 
ship yards, the floating dry dock, railway, and timber pens. At 
the present time the value of the upland, in an ■unimproved 
condition, may be estimated at fifty cents per square foot; and 



1837-40.] THE TIMBER COMP ANY. 673 

the value of the water frontage of 540 feet is not less than one 
hundred dollars the running foot ; making nearly $100,000 in 
all. This increase in 23 years from $2,592 to $100,000, con- 
sidering even the sums spent upon it, is quite remarkable ; but 
is only one of many instances which might be cited to prove 
the foresight of those who first cherished the idea of making 
East Boston a valuable part of the city. 

During the " hard times " from 1837 to 1840, the Timber 
Company, the stockholders of which were personally liable, had 
been forced to borrow largely, more particularly from banks in 
Buifalo, from the North American Life Insurance and Trust 
Company of New York, to which company Grand island was 
mortgaged as collateral for the amount of its loan of $240,000, 
from the Morris Canal Company, the Fulton Bank of New York, 
and the Hancock Bank of Boston. Upon the failure of the Tim- 
ber Company to meet its obligations, the Hancock Bank sold the 
real estate, as before mentioned. This and the New England 
Bank received the notes, endorsed by several of the stockholders 
of the company. 

Soon the Canal Company became embarrassed, and i.ts bank- 
ing-house, a valuable building in Williams street, New York, 
was offered for sale, no other property being noticed in the 
advertisement. When the time of sale arrived, the creditors of 
the Canal Company said, that, according to the law in such 
cases, the real estate could not be sold until all the personal 
property had been disposed of. Upon this announcement, and 
without any notice to the public or to the Timber Company, the 
notes of the Timber Company, being part of its personal estate, 
were offered for sale, and purchased at a nominal price by Mr. 
David Selden, of New York. He came to Boston, and, finding 
that he could not levy upon the Timber Company, as its prop- 
erty was all under attachment, and that Gen. Sumner had some 
visible property, which had been put under attachment by the 
Canal Company, prosecuted the suit which the Canal Company 
had commenced, in which the individual property of the stock- 
holders was held, intending to levy upon him as a member of 
the company. Mr. Selden endeavored to make a compromise, 
but Gen. Sumner, standing upon ground which he considered 
tenable, declined any compromise, and permitted the suit to go 
57 



674 HISTORY. [1837. 

on ; but just before it would have come to trial it was discon- 
tinued by Mr. Selden, who perceived that the case would be a 
difficult one to prosecute, and that a successful issue would be 
very doubtful. 

In 1837, a proposition had been introduced by Stephen 
White, President of the East Boston Timber Company, to ob- 
tain a controlling interest in the City Bank of Buffalo, and thus 
effect loans to the company by conducting the City Bank 
through its agents. General Sumner opposed this proposition 
as being illegal and going beyond the strict limits of the char- 
ter, which restricted their capital to $150,000, only half of 
which could be personal property, required their business to 
be conducted at East Boston, and limited it to preparing and 
vending ship and other timber. Although strong opposition 
was made to this plan, Mr. White was determined to carry it 
into execution, and, by obtaining proxies, came prepared with 
votes to effect his object ; and, at a meeting of stockholders in 
1838, it was voted to purchase shares ; they were bought the 
same year by the directors; these shares, together with the 
interests of other friendly stockholders, gave the company the 
control of the bank by influencing $168,000 of the capital of 
$400,000. Drafts and notes were given for the consideration of 
the shares purchased by the Timber Company, a part of which, 
or the renewals of them, constituted the grounds of the judg- 
ment afterward recovered against the company in New York. 
Determined not to be involved in any of the complicated affairs 
of a bank in Buffalo, either by vote or implication, at the time 
the vote was passed and in the face of all the rest of the stock- 
holders, General Sumner entered his protest (a special vote 
consenting) on the records of the company against the votes 
ratifying this contract with the City Bank. The protest is in 
the following words : — 

" AVilliam H. Sumner, wlio A-oted in the negative on the foregoing resolutions 
relating to the contracts and proceedings of the City Bank of Buffalo, enters 
his protest against the votes and the authority of this company to pass the same, 
they being in his opinion not authorized by the charter, nor being compre- 
hended within its powers; and requests that this paper be entered on the 
records. (Signed) W. H. Sumner." 



1840.] SUITS. 675 

His reason for this apparent particularity was, tliat a stock- 
holder might individually be bound, if he was present at a meet- 
ing when an illegal vote was passed, if he did not protest against 
the authority of the company to bind him by the vote; but by 
protesting on the record he gave notice to any and all who 
looked at the record to see if the agent who signed the notes 
of the company had its authority to do so, that the authority 
vested in the agent for that purpose was beyond the power of 
the charter. The valid arguments presented by General Sum- 
ner, and his foresight in having the protest recorded at the time 
the vote was passed, furnished him with a sufficient defence in 
the troublesome suits which followed. 

The City Bank of Buffalo failed in 1840, and its effects, a 
part of which were the notes of the East Boston Timber Com- 
pany, were placed in the hands of William L. Marcy (since 
secretary of state under President Pierce), who was appointed 
by the State as receiver. This was a private banking company, 
and to obtain its charter had pledged security to the State. In 
this capacity Mr. Marcy commenced a suit against the Timber 
Company, upon which, in May, 1840, judgment was recovered 
in the State of New York. The defence of this suit had been 
amply provided for. J. S. Taloott, Esq., an eminent lawyer of 
New York, had been employed to conduct the defence ; but 
Mr. White neglected to advance the fees, and on account of 
this delinquency the counsel abandoned the suit when it came 
to trial, and the unexpected result followed. Perceiving that the 
object was to bring a suit in Massachusetts upon this judgment 
with the intention of levying upon the individual stockholders, 
General Sumner filed a bill in chancery in the Circuit Court of 
the District of Massachusetts, praying for an injunction in the 
action which had been instituted in the name of Marcy against 
him as a member of the company. The case was tried before 
Justice Woodbury in the Circuit Court of the United States, 
B. R. Curtis being attorney for General Sumner. Judge 
Woodbury, in an able and learned opinion, sustained the point 
made by the complainant that the company had exceeded the 
limits of the charter in purchasing shares in the City Bank, 
and that he from the commencement having opposed the pur- 



676 HISTORY. [1833. 

chase as illegal, and being ignorant of the suit in New York 
until long after the judgment was rendered against the com- 
pany, was not liable as a member of it.i 

To say nothing of the vexations of an attachment of prop- 
erty for several years, the failure of this company brought upon 
the complainant the loss of twenty-eight or thirty thousand 
dollars, and, in some respects, was a serious hinderance to the 
advance of East Boston. 

It is interesting to notice how this great failure, which to all 
appearance seemed destined to put a great check upon the pros- 
perity of the Island, in the end resulted for its great benejfit; and 
it only shows, that prosperity, Phoenix-like, may rise from the 
ashes of ruin. Upon the failure of the Timber Company the 
material for ship-building was scattered at East Boston in pro- 
fusion, and the thought occurred to some individuals that these 
materials could be converted into ships there as well as at Med- 
ford and other ship-building towns. There is no doubt that 
this fine collection of valuable lumber was the original incentive 
to the ship-building which is now so successfully and extensively 
carried on at the Island. On the whole, then, the failure of the 
Timber Company was not without its benefits. Its establish- 
ment gave rise to an immense business, and its failure made 
the fortunes of the purchasers of its estates. 



EAST BOSTON WHAKF COMPANY. 

The East Boston Wharf Company was incorporated March 
26, 1833, the principal corporators being Messrs. A. C. Lom- 
bard, S. S. Lewis, R. G. Shaw, W. B. Reynolds, C. Henshaw, 
A. Binney, J. Kendrick, and D. D. Brodhead. 

The East Boston Company granted to the East Boston 
Wharf Company the land and water lots, beginning on Sum- 
ner street opposite Paris street, and running on the former 
510 feet south-easterly ; then at right angles in a straight 
line to low-water mark; on the line of the channel 510 feet; 



' See Woodbury and Minot's Reports, Vol. III. p. 105, Sumner v. Marcy. 
Mrs. White, the widow of Stephen White, was obliged to defend the chancery 
suit before she could institute her own claims, but signally failed. 



1833.] EAST BOSTON WHARF COMPANY. 677 

and then north-easterly to Sumner street parallel to the second 
line. In the middle, by agreement, was to be made a public 
highway seventy feet wide, from the ferry landing to Sumner 
street, to be for ever kept open by the Wharf Company for the 
accommodation of the travel to and from the ferry (this street 
is now called Lewis street). The land was conveyed subject 
to this right of way, and to the right of the East Boston Com- 
pany to use the slips, landing, and wharves, at the end of said 
public highway, for all purposes connected with a ferry, as long 
as any ferry should be maintained between Boston and said 
highway. 

On December SO, Messrsi. Sumner and Brodhead, on the 
part of the East Boston Company, were appointed a committee 
to cause to be prepared proper indentures between the com- 
pany and the East Boston Wharf Company, so that the rights 
of both in the wharf might be effectually secured. On ac- 
count of some misunderstanding of the original agreement, 
these indentures had not been prepared in August, 1834; on 
tlie 26th of that month, Mr. S. S. Lewis was added to the 
above committee, who were instructed to report as soon as 
practicable. 

About the middle of July, Messrs. H. Cummisky and P. 
McManus, under contract with the East Boston Company, 
commenced removing the earth from Smith's hill, upon which 
the garden lay, north-west of Hotel square, to fill in and make 
the street and wharf from the square to the ferry. The solid 
contents of the East Boston Wharf, supposing it to be 1,100 
feet long and 320 feet wide, and the filling eleven feet deep, 
would amount to 17,926 cubic squares ; of wliich, Mr. Cum- 
misky, in January, 1835, had filled up from Smith's hill, 10,247 
squares, at 62J cents per square ; all this, with many hundred 
squares of dock mud, and seven hundred squares of solid wharf, 
only filled in about two thirds of its area. Besides this, Mr. 
Cummisky filled in one thousand squares between Smith's hill 
and Hotel square, near the company's wharf, at $1.12 per square. 
This spacious wharf extended from the upland, near the ]\Iave 
rick House, 1,150 feet towards the channel, with a width of 
320 feet, and a dockage on each side of one hundred feet in 
width. The walls were built of heavy granite, of an average 
57* 



678 HISTORY. [1834-37. 

thickness of seven feet, with buttresses ; the space between the 
walls was filled up with solid earth. The whole comprised a 
surface of more than eight acres ; of this about two acres were 
solid at the head of the wharf, one of which was purchased by 
the Sugar Refinery for $8,000 in 1834. The wharf was not 
completely filled in until 1837. Soon after, the East Boston 
Wharf Company sold the remainder of their wharf lot on the 
south side of Lewis street to the Eastern Railroad Company. 
All the property of the "Wharf Company on the north side of 
Lewis street has since been owned by two parties, and has 
lately become the property of one individual. 

On the 1st of July, 1835, the East Boston Wharf Company 
sold to A. C. Lombard, Esq., for $27,500, a portion of their 
premises on the westerly side of Lewis street, measuring 220 
feet on Sumner street, five hundred feet on Lewis street, and 
220 feet parallel to the first line, one hundred of which was a 
dock to be for ever kept open for his use. 

The Wharf Company also conveyed to the East Boston Ferry 
Company the wharf at the end of Lewis street, with slips and 
flats in front, or south-westerly 150 feet on a street sixty feet 
wide. This was afterwards released, and the Ferry Company 
took another lot fifty feet on Lewis street and twenty-four feet 
on the south-west end. 

On the 21st of August, 1837, the East Boston Wharf Com- 
pany sold to the Eastern Railroad Company, for $45,792, their 
wharf from Webster street (on the easterly side of Lewis street) 
834 feet four inches towards the channel, and 121 feet nine 
inches wide to the dock, subject to the right of the Sugar Re- 
finery to land goods of any kind at rates of wharfage not 
exceeding one third of that charged by the Commercial Wharf 
Company in Boston. This comprised 101,584 square feet. 
The Railroad Company also purchased of the Wharf Company, 
for $5,000, the dock ninety-eight feet three inches wide, mak- 
ing the rest of the southerly border of the sugar-house estate. 
The portion of the East Boston Wharf thus purchased, between 
Webster, Marginal, Lewis, and Bremen streets, was afterwards 
purchased, and is now occupied, by the Boston Sugar Re- 
finery. 

The value and business of the wharf of late years has. greatly 



1834.] BOSTON SUGAR REFINERY. 679 

increased. It has ample accommodations for the discharging 
and loading of the largest sized ships, and on the wharf are 
erected forty-five brick buildings, as warehouses, stores, shops, 
dwellings, etc. Fifteen of the large brick stores are used as 
United States bonded stores. The property has a frontage of 
1,868 feet on Lewis, Sumner, and Webster streets. 



BOSTOX SUGAR REFINERY. 

The Boston Sugar Refinery was the first manufacturing es- 
tablishment at East Boston. The sugar-house was erected in 
1834, and was enlarged and improved in 1850 ; it now extends 
on Lewis street from Sumner to Marginal street. 

The project of establishing a sugar refinery on a large scale 
and on the most approved plan, in Boston or its vicinity, was 
first conceived by John Brown, Esq. With this object in view 
he visited Europe in 1833. After encountering many obsta- 
cles, of which the most serious was the proverbial jealousy of 
the craft in England, he at length succeeded in procuring the 
desired information, and made all the necessary arrangements 
for the machinery and the workmen to carry the scheme into 
successful operation. 

A charter of incorporation was obtained, dated INIarch 25, 
1834, the principal petitioners for which were John Brown, 
Richard Soule, and George Hallett. These with their asso- 
ciates were authorized to manufacture and refine sugar, and to 
buy and sell it and all articles necessary in its manufacture 
and refining, — with power to hold real estate to the value of 
$70,000, and personal estate to the amount of 8180,000. The 
capital stock was divided into 2,500 shares, at $100 a share. 

A piece of land 220 feet square was purchased of the East 
Boston Wharf Company for $8,000, and the erection of the 
building was commenced in the spring of 1834, before the ferry 
was opened ; it was not finished till 1836. The building is of 
brick, 136 by seventy-five feet, and eight stories of unequal height, 
but averaging eight feet ; the foundation walls arc of stone, 
five feet thick at the bottom, resting on a bed of blue clay forty 
feet deep ; the brick walls are three feet thick at the base, dimin- 
ishing successively in the third, fifth, and sixth stories, and above 



680 HISTORY. [1836. 

that having a thickness of sixteen inches. About 2,200,000 
bricks were used in its construction. Hiram Bosworth was the 
master carpenter, Gardner Greenleaf master mason, George Hal- 
lett and Eichard Soule building committee. The plans and 
specifications of the building and machinery were procured in 
London by Mr. Brown, who also engaged Mr. Charles W. 
Woolsey, of Connecticut, to superintend the refining operations. 
It is a singular fact, that both Mr, Brown and Mr. Woolsey per- 
ished during the burning of the steamboat Lexington on Long 
Island Sound, January 13, 1840. 

The main building contained a steam-engine of twenty-five 
horse-power. The number of workmen employed in 1836 was 
about eighty, who were able to refine twenty-five thousand 
boxes of sugar annually, working only by day, and fifty thou- 
sand, working night and day. Attached to the refinery was a 
dwelling-house with a brick pediment front ninety by twenty- 
eight feet, and eight wooden stores of one story each, with 
sheds and outbuildingo.^ 

The enterprise received a severe blow at its very commence- 
ment, which would have been fatal had it not been for the in- 
domitable perseverance of Richard Soule, Esq. A croaker in 
England wrote to some of the largest stockholders, probably 
from interested motives, informing them that an establishment 
conducted in the manner proposed by Mr. Brown would cer- 
tainly prove a failure, as new processes and new machinery 
would soon revolutionize the art of refining sugar in England ; 
and he accordingly advised them to have nothing to do with 
any establishment on the old plan. Some stockholders, Robert 
G. Shaw among the rest, became alarmed, and sold their stock 



^ In October, 1834, the workmen of the refinery were put to great incon- 
venience by the -withdrawal of the steamboat Tom Thumb from the ferry. 
This was for want of patronage. Small row and sail boats were at this time 
the only means of conveyance. On several occasions the workmen were un- 
able to get across from Boston in consequence of storms, and they were obliged 
to suspend the building operations at the refinery. In fact, there seemed to 
be danger that the works would be given up during the winter from this cause ; 
hence, Mr. Scholfield, as clerk, was authorized to send a petition to the East 
Boston Company requesting the replacing of the Tom Thumb. This boat 
was put on again, and ran till the opening of the regular ferry in May, 1835. 



183G-40.] BOSTON SUGAR REFINERY. 681 

in the concern for just what it would bring. This, of course, 
was a heavy blow in the early stage of the business, and was 
felt by all the East Boston interests ; the building was nearly 
up, and large sums had been expended, and were still to be 
raised to meet pressing demands. Its friends fought manfully 
against this panic, and the prejudice of the public ; but so great 
was the incredulity in regard to the success of the enterprise, that 
few persons paid any attention to it until the loaves of beauti- 
fully refined sugar appeared in the market. The first meeting 
took place in May, 1836, after which public attention was 
directed towards it ; the purity and reasonable price of the arti- 
cles produced were such that the refinery gradually grew into 
favor. Its affairs went on most prosperously till the years 1837 
to 1839, when the stringency of the money market cramped 
this with every other business ; failures on every hand, high 
prices, heavy debts for cargoes of sugars, the failure of Messrs. 
John Brown and Company, who were large proprietors in the 
refinery, and to which they were greatly indebted, and the un- 
fortunate deaths of Mr. Brown and Mr. Woolsey, — all conspired 
to oppress its energies ; it was consequently forced to stop pay- 
ment in 1840, and its affairs went into the hands of assignees, 
who, according to Mr. Soule, the chief manager at the time, 
cut and slashed into its property without mercy and with utter 
recklessness. It soon recovered itself, however, and has been a 
flourishing corporation to the present day. The creditors of 
John Brown and Company received payment in full for the 
principal and interest of their claims. The Sugar Refinery has 
since paid all its liabilities as they became due. 

hi 1838 and 1840, complaints were entered to the East Bos- 
ton Company against the refinery as a nuisance. This had 
been thought of even in 1834, when Messrs. White, Lewis, and 
A. Binney were appointed a committee, before the works went 
into operation, to ascertain if the refinery would create a nui- 
sance, or be in any way injurious to the interests of the com- 
pany. The refinery necessarily consumed a large quantity of 
bituminous coal, the thick smoke of which, charged with float- 
ing carbonaceous matters, was a source of annoyance on wash- 
ing days to the good dames of the neighborhood. There did 
not seem, at that time, to be any practical way of meeting this 



682 HISTORY. [1835. 

difficulty; and the occasional annoyance was, in the public 
estimation, very much overbalanced by the impulse which the 
establishment gave to the growth of East Boston. It was after- 
wards obviated by raising the chimney thirty feet higher, and 
by a method of consuming smoke, then new, but quite com- 
mon at the present time. Another annoyance, amounting 
sometimes to a positive nuisance, arose from the reburning of 
animal charcoal in a small building on the corner of Lewis and 
Webster streets. The stench from this source was such that 
the people in the neighborhood were obliged to keep the win- 
dows of their houses closed, even in the hottest weather. This 
necessary operation for the refining process was afterwards 
performed in a more remote corner of the grounds, and no ill 
effects are perceived from it. 

The company found great difficulty in obtaining a sufficient 
supply of water, upon which the success of the undertaking 
depended, and expended a great amount of money in sinking 
wells. The first effort to obtain this sine qua no7t, was in Feb- 
ruary, 1835, when, under the direction of John Pierce, a cele- 
brated well-digger, a well was dug seventy-five feet in depth, and 
bricked up with a foot wall ten feet in the clear. The supply 
obtained being insufficient, the company employed a Mr. Marsh 
to increase the depth by boring. He soon came to a ledge of 
slate stone, and, after piercing it about eighty feet, the volume 
of water was increased ; but it was of such bad quality that 
the well proved a failure. This well, which was about one 
hundred and fifty-five feet deep, was near the corner of Sumner 
and Lewis streets, and directly under the foundation of an ex- 
tension of the sugar-house which was afterwards made. In the 
fall of 1849 the well was opened to the light by the workmen, 
when the new foundation of the extension was in progress, and 
its top covering carefully replaced. Not long after the first well 
was finished, the company employed a Mr. Slade to sink a well 
near the foundation of the chimney, and the work was prose- 
cuted to the depth of sixty feet, but, no water appearing, it was 
decided to abandon this also, especially as fears were enter- 
tained that the foundations of the chimney would be injured. 
Deeming it inexpedient to experiment further in this neigh- 
borhood, the company again employed Mr. John Pierce to 



1842.] BOSTON SUGAR REFINERY. 6S3 

dig a well at a distance from the sugar-house. A spot was 
selected on the corner of Maverick and Havre streets, on ac- 
count of the springy nature of the ground. This well w^as 
about twenty feet in diameter and eighteen feet in depth. A 
very good supply of water was found, enough to warrant the 
laying an iron pipe through Paris street from the well to the 
sugar-house ; this was the chief source of supply until the 
autumn of 1843. Late in the season of 1842, a well was sunk 
in Maverick square, near the south-east corner of the Maverick 
church, and near the corner of Sumner street and Maverick 
square, fifty feet deep and fifteen wide, by Jonathan Pierce. 
Finding no water, Mr. John Pierce was employed to sink this 
well deeper. Starting with a diameter of seven feet, and leaving 
the old. stoning all in, he prosecuted the work until he reached 
the ledge, at the distance of one hundrfed and three feet below 
the surface. Still finding no water, he began with Artesian 
augers with a four-inch bore to penetrate the rock, and finally, 
at a depth of two hundred and sixty feet below the surface of 
the ground, a large supply of water was found. This was con- 
ducted to the sugar-house in pipes, and supplied the wants of 
the refinery until the introduction of the Cochituate. This 
well is in a good state of preservation, and is still in use by 
the company, although the Cochituate water is the main sup- 
ply, especially for the boilers. 

It is to be regretted that no scientific examination was made 
of the geological formation of the Island as indicated by the 
strata pierced in the several wells ; for the wells were of such a 
depth that investigations of this nature could have been suc- 
cessfully made. Mr. G. E. Pierce, speaking in general terms 
from his recollections, says : — 

" Of the wells near the house, and the one in the square, the 
digging was nearly the same ; namely, what is commonly 
called hard pan, — the same as is found on all the hills in East 
Boston ; generally, alternate veins of blue and yellow pan, — 
in some cases very hard and stony, presenting the usual vari- 
eties found in diluvium formations in Boston harbor. The 
ledge under the well in the square I can describe from personal 
observation. On the top it was very hard and shelly, but as 
the augers descended it was found to be much softer, with hard 



684 HISTORY. [1852. 

and soft layers, or veins, alternately. At the depth of about 
thirty feet in the rock, a small spring was reached. As the 
augers descended, small springs were found in seams, and 
the volume of water began to increase. At the depth of one 
hundred feet in the rock, the springs were found much more 
powerful, and at this stage of the work the water had risen up 
and filled the large excavation to within about thirty feet of the 
surface of the street. The augers were from a platform about 
twenty feet from the surface, and about this time a pump had 
to be kept in constant use to keep the water down. There was 
found a vast difference in the toughness of the rock; some days 
the auger would bore six feet easily, — the next day perhaps 
another vein would be struck, so very hard as to enable the 
gang with their greatest efTort to sink not over two feet. Such 
strata were always indicated by a change of color, being much 
darker, — the soft rock much resembling chalk, and nearly as 
soft. Finally, at the depth of 157 feet and 10 inches, the auger 
having suddenly dropped down 3 inches in the rock, there was 
a great increase of water, and the company decided to go no 
deeper, and ordered the pipes to be arranged and the well cov- 
ered up." 

These recollections of Mr. Pierce, although only general, are 
still interesting and valuable as being the only reliable infor- 
mation on the subject. The rock or ledge spoken of is a slate 
rock, which seems to underlie the whole of East Boston, and 
extending across the channel appears again in Boston and the 
other neighboring towns. A little fact connected with the 
well under the Maverick church may give opportunity for a lit- 
tle geological speculation. Says Mr. Fettyplace, who lived in 
the square : " When the refinery depended chiefly or entirely 
upon this well, it was taxed so hardly as to exhaust the sur- 
rounding springs and force in the salt water." 

The extent to which the refining of sugar is carried on at this 
establishment would seem almost incredible to those unac- 
quainted with its history and capabilities. From 1842 until 
early in the year 1852 the amount annually refined was about 
the same as prior to that period, under the superintendence of 
Mr. Woolsey, namely, about seven million pounds. Since 
1852, a complete renovation in the machinery and apparatus 



1832.] MAVERICK WATER POWER COMPANY. 685 

has been made, so that a successful competition can be carried 
on with the best sugar refining estabUshments in the country. 
The quantity of sugar refined per annum, at the present time, 
is about twenty-five million pounds, or twelve thousand five 
hundred tons. To accomplish this vast amount of business, a 
force of about two hundred men is required, and the annual 
consumption of five thousand tons of coal. Of course, the 
expenses are very great ; for instance, the comparatively small 
item of ferriage alone, amounts to twelve hundred dollars a-year. 
The capital is now ^500,000, and the market value of the 
shares is about at par, or $1,000 each. 

MAVERICK WATER POAVER COMPANY. 

Prominent among the plans of the East Boston Company, 
was a proposition to create a water power at East Boston, 
traversing the Island from east to west. In December, 1833, 
General Sumner, and Messrs. Oliver and Lewis, were appointed 
a committee on the part of the East Boston Company, with 
full powers to negotiate for the sale of the lands and flats 
necessary for the creation of this water power. 

The Maverick Water Power Company, on certain conditions 
to be hereafter mentioned, proposed to construct and maintain 
for ever a permanent stone dam of two sufficient walls, to be 
filled solid with earth between them, to run from the east point 
of Camp hill to the point at West Wood island, on or near a 
line surveyed by T. P. Saunders in 1832 ; and also a dam 
across the cove from West to East Wood island ; the first 
area would enclose about 186, and the second about seventy 
acres. The dam was to be at least forty feet wide, properly 
railed, of a sufficient height, and to be maintained as a public 
highway by the new company until it should be accepted and 
maintained by the city. At suitable places proper floodgates 
were to be constructed to admit and retain the water at 
the highest known flood-tides. From the pond thus created 
were to be maintained two canals or sluiceways, one to run 
nearly in the direction of the old creek, the other in a direction 
between Bainbridge and Decatur streets to the water on the 
west side, of the island, — as represented on the plan of Sept. 1, 
58 



686 HISTORY. [1834. 

1834 ; the largest canal, between Bainbridge and Decatur streets, 
was to be about 180 feet wide. All the necessary privileges 
were to be granted by the East Boston Company as then agreed 
upon, under suitable restrictions. These it is unnecessary to 
narrate particularly, as the project never was put into practical 
operation. Upon the petition of Messrs. Stephen Locke, Ben- 
jamin Lamson, and Joseph Ripley, an act of incorporation was 
granted on the 5th of April, 1836, to the " Maverick Water 
Power Company," with authority to hold real estate to the 
amount of $75,000, the whole capital stock not to exceed 
$100,000. The water power was estimated as equal to forty 
mill powers ; but it was feared that the new company would 
be unable to accomplish its work with the proposed capital ; it 
would also interfere with the location of streets, and with the 
views entertained by the East Boston Company of the future 
necessities of the Island. The project was therefore abandoned. 
The plan of streets, etc., on the Island was changed, the canal 
site was built over, and the lots in section two were renum- 
bered. 



MERCHANTS' MARINE RAILWAY. 

William Gardner and others, in 1833, wished to purchase 
lands and flats of the East Boston Company for the purpose of 
establishing a marine railway. These persons not accepting 
the terms of the company, other gentlemen applied for the land 
for this purpose. On March 27, 1834, on the petition of Messrs. 
William Savage, John Binney, George Hallet, and others, an 
act of incorporation was granted, constituting the " Merchants' 
Marine Railway " at East Boston, for repairing ships and ves- 
sels ; with power to hold real estate to the amount of $50,000, 
and a capital stock of $50,000, with liberty to increase the same 
to a sum not exceeding ^200,000. On March 30, 1835, addi- 
tional authority was given to purchase and construct hydraulic 
docks, and all other machinery and improvements necessary to 
build and repair vessels. It was contemplated to establish 
inclined planes enough for six ships at the same time. The 
site was to have been in section two, comprising the upland 
between Border and New streets, and the flats bordering on 



1834.] MALLEABLE IRON AND STEEL COMPANY. 687 

Sumner street from Liverpool street to the old steamboat 
landing, or between Allen's mast-yard and the present Weeks' 
wharf. 

In April, 1838, the East Boston Company offered to sell the 
water lot at 820 the front foot, and to take pay for it in the 
stock of the railway company. This railway was not built. 

In March, 1839, another company, consisting of B. T. Reed 
and others, had it in contemplation to build a railway as pro- 
posed by Messrs. Savage, Binney, and Hallet and others, and 
on nearly the same site. The lot was offered to these gentle- 
men for 85,400, provided a company should be formed within 
three months to construct marine railways equal to those on 
Commercial street, payment to be made in the railway stock at 
par, clear of all assessments. The proposal was not accepted, 
on account of pressure in the money market. There are now 
on this lot three separate railways; Cunningham's wharf and 
the landing of the People's ferry form part of it. 



MALLEABLE IRON AND STEEL COMPANY. 

On November 5, 1834, the superintendent of the East Boston 
Company submitted a proposition from Mr. Joseph Mariner for 
the purchase of the lot in section three, marked "D" on the 
plan of September 1, 1834, and of twenty-three lots of upland 
near the same, for manufacturing purposes. He was accord- 
ingly authorized to sell this land on such terms as he should 
consider expedient. 

This land was purchased for the "Boyden Malleable Iron 
and Steel Company," which was incorporated March 6, 1835. 

The petitioners for the charter, Messrs. George Darracott, 
Joseph Mariner, and William B. Dorr, and their associates, 
were authorized to manufacture all kinds of iron and steel ware, 
and to plate, paint, and enamel the same ; with power to hold 
real estate to the value of 8100,000, and personal estate to the 
amount of $200,000. 

On May 8, 1835, the company purchased land bounded as 
follows: On Lexington street 553 feet, seven inches; on Marion 
street 700 feet ; on Monmouth street 218 feet, eight inches ; on 



688 HISTORY. [1835. 

Meridian street 766 feet, reserving the two streets, Eutaw and 
Trenton, each fifty feet wide; and lot 155, on the corner of 
Lexington and Marion streets, one hundred feet square : and 
the land between Meridian and Border streets, and the continu- 
ation of Eutaw and Lexington streets, marked "D," with the 
flats in front, subject to the usual ferry prohibition. 

These were 286,818 feet of upland at ten cents a foot . . . $28,681.80 
Lot No. 155, 10,000 square feet at twelve and a half cents a foot 1,250.00 

Flats 1,000.00 

S30,931.80 

On the 12th of December, 1835, the company had built ten 
houses, which entitled them to a deduction of fifteen per cent, 
on the cost of the land on which the houses were built, accord- 
ing to the terms of sale then established by the East Boston 
Company ; they received this discount on the cost of 231,568 
feet, or on $23,156.80, which amounted to $3,473.52. 

They also erected a solid wharf, with granite walls. Their 
foundery building was commenced November 10, 1834, and the 
roof was put on December 27 of the same year, only seven 
weeks after. The hammer and the trowel were not allowed to 
rest on the Sabbath, such was the haste of the company to 
occupy their new building. The foundery building was of brick, 
two hundred feet long, fifty feet wide, and two stories high, with 
an attic ; the engine-house, eighty feet by forty, was also of 
brick, two stories high, with an attic, and contained a steam- 
engine of forty-horse power. Besides their foundery at East 
Boston, they had property in New Jersey connected with the 
business. 

The operations of this company commenced in 1835, and 
were continued for some years, employing at times about three 
hundred workmen, and making about fifteen tons of malleable 
iron castings in a week. The erection of their dwelling-houses 
commenced early in 1835, and in the course of the year they 
formed quite a village of mechanics, occupying between thirty 
and forty houses in the third section, the rent of which in Bos- 
ton would have been from seventy-five to three hundred dollars 
each. 

Speculation entered into the plans, and, as is often the case, 



1834.] SHIP-BUILDING. 689 

defeated its own ends. It was found to be an unprofitable 
concern, and, on March 13, 1839, all the unfinished stock and 
materials on hand were sold at auction. The real estate, con- 
taining about 470,000 feet of land, with the foundery building, 
and thirteen dwelling-houses, was sold on May 28, 1839, for 
$42,000 ; and the company was dissolved. The factory and 
wharf in front were purchased by Noah Sturtevant, Esq., who 
for a time used them for his soap and candle factory and oil 
refinery ; the premises are now improved by Morrell Cole, Esq., 
as a linseed-oil refinery. 

The whole real estate was appraised, bought in by the 
stockholders, and resold to Messrs. Sturtevant and Noble, who 
obtained a greater part of the property at a very low price. Mr. 
Noble bought the New Jersey property ; and Mr. Sturtevant 
and Mr. Ebenezer Atkins the factory at East Boston, with five 
hundred feet of wharves and water lots for about 820,000, 
which now being occupied for wharves and ship-yards is esti- 
mated by the purchasers as of much greater value. 



SHIP-BTJILDING. 

Ships built at East Boston are found on every sea, and in 
every port, nebly sustaining the fame of their constructors. 
The Island, being situated at the head, and in the most pro- 
tected part, of Boston harbor, surrounded by deep water, and at 
a point in which centre railroads from all parts of the country, 
affords unusual advantages for the transportation to its several 
yards, of timber and all other necessary materials from the 
States or the Canadas. These facilities have been improved in 
a most wonderful manner. Docks and ship-yards, workshops 
and timber sheds, lie along the sloping shore between the spa- 
cious wharves. Iron founderies, forges, and machine-shops make 
the air merry with the clatter of hammers ; and a busy crowd 
of workmen give life and animation to the place. At East 
Boston can be obtained every thing necessary for the construc- 
tion of vessels of every description, from the fishing yacht to 
the ship of three thousand tons, from the steam-pile driver or 
the powerful tow-boats to the magnificent ocean steamer, the 
masterpiece of human skill. To the skilful workmen of the 
58* 



690 HISTORY. [1834-39. 

Island, wood and iron are alike. "White sails, of the most ap- 
proved cut and rig, vie with the strong engine in bearing the 
vessels over the water ; and, in foreign ports, the name of East 
Boston is a passport of a vessel's good qualities to all ship- 
owners. 

The first vessel built in East Boston was the ferry-boat " East 
Boston." She was built just east of where the sugar-house 
now stands, by Messrs, Clock and Upton from New York, and 
was launched August 9, 1834. The second was the " Mave- 
rick" steam ferry-boat, built by Brown and Bates, and launched 
January 28, 1835. The third ferry-boat, the " Essex," was the 
fourth vessel built, being launched November 4, 1835, and was 
constructed by the builder of the Niagara. 

The first square-rigged ship launched from the shores of Nod- 
dle's Island was the Niagara, on the 24th of September, 1835, 
a merchant vessel of four hundred and sixty tons, from the yard, 
of Brown, Bates, and Delano, Central square, and owned by 
Stephen White, Esq. This ship, whose keel was laid October 
8, 1834, was built of white oak timber and plank brought from 
Grand island, in the Niagara river, via Erie Canal, to Albany, 
and thence in coasting vessels to East Boston. The third ferry- 
boat, the Essex, which was launched on the 4th of November, 
1835, was built by the same persons who built the Niagara, in 
the same place, and of similar material. 

With the launching of the Niagara, a new era was inaugu- 
rated in the history of East Boston. From that time to the 
present, this important branch of industry has been steadily 
increasing, subject of course to the temporary depressions in 
the business community ; until now, in this respect, the Island 
exceeds all other places in the State, if not in the country. 
Here have been launched the largest merchantmen in the world, 
the finest modelled, most capacious, and swiftest ships which 
sail the ocean. Here also was built the first iron steam-ship 
constructed in this country. 

From 1835 to 1839, nothing was done in ship-building; but 
in 1839, Samuel Hall, who had been engaged previously in this 
business in Marshfield and Duxbury, removed to East Boston 
and established the enterprise on a firm basis. In April of that 
year he commenced the work of preparing a ship-yard about 



1839-52.] SHIP-BUILDING. 691 

where the west end of Maverick street now is. In May he laid 
the keel of the " Akbar," the first ship that he built in East Bos- 
ton. She was built for Captain Bacon, and was launched on 
the 8th of October, 1839. From that time until the present, 
Mr. Hall has been engaged in ship-building, and has built some 
of the largest, fastest, and best ships that ever " skimmed the 
seas." The names of these (as well as those of the other 
builders) appear in the list which will be given in this chapter ; 
here it is enough to mention the " Game Cock," the " Oriental," 
the " Wizard," and the « Highlander." Mr. Hall has built 
eighty vessels, of all kinds, at East Boston. 

The next in point of time, as well as in the extent to which 
he has prosecuted the business, stands Donald McKay. He 
moved to East Boston in 1845 from Newburyport, where he 
had built several fine vessels. His first ship built in East Bos- 
ton was the " Washington Irving," built for Messrs. E. Train & 
Co.'s line of Liverpool packets. The fame of Mr. McKay's 
vessels is too well known to need mention. The " Sovereign of 
the Seas," " Romance of the Seas," •' James Baines," and the 
" Great Republic," are but a few of the ships which secure his 
reputation. 

Mr. Daniel D. Kelley commenced building, it is believed, in 
the year 1848. Only a portion of his attention has been given 
to building, he having done repairs during the last twelve years 
amounting to $400,000. Among his vessels are the " Edwin 
Forrest," of eleven hundred tons, and the pilot-boat " Fanny," 
which made the passage from Boston to San Francisco in one 
hundred and seven days, which, for a boat only seventy-one 
feet long, is unprecedented. 

Messrs. Jackson and Eivell commenced building in East Bos- 
ton in 1848 on Border street. Mr. Ewell has retired from the 
firm, and the yard is now carried on by Mr. Jackson. Several 
very fine vessels have been launched from this yard. The 
" Queen of Clippers " and " Meridian " are among them. 

In 1852, Paid Curtis^ one of the most enterprising and skil- 
ful of the Medford ship-builders, came to East Boston from 
Medford, and purchased a lot fronting three hundred feet on 
Border street, and extending to the commissioners' line, and 
has now one of the largest and most convenient yards on the 



692 HISTORY. [1839-53. 

Island. He commenced his first ship in East Boston in the 
spring of 1852, and has built some very fine vessels, among 
which are the " Reporter," the " John E. Thayer," and the 
" Golden Fleece." 

In 1853, James E. Simpson purchased a wharf lot on Mar- 
ginal street, on which he has built a dry dock for repairing 
vessels. The first vessel was taken in on the 14th of March, 
1854. 

In 1854, the Messrs. Boole purchased the upland and water 
lot on the north-east corner of Webster street, opposite the 
estate of Dr. Jeffries, and established there their ship-yard. 

In later years, other names have been added to this list, and 
have increased the business and fame of the Island. 

The discovery of gold in California gave a wonderful impetus 
to the ship-building interest; in a short time a magnificent 
fleet of clipper ships was built for the fast increasing trade of the 
new State, and for the flood-tide of emigration which set to 
California. " Month after month, ships surpassing in beauty and 
strength all that the world had before produced, were built and 
equipped by private enterprise, to form the means of communi- 
cation with the new land of promise. Our most eminent ship- 
builders and most enterprising merchants vied with one another 
to lead in the great race round the Horn. The established 
rules which had for years circumscribed mechanical skill to a 
certain class of models were abandoned, and the capitalist con- 
tracted only for speed and strength. Ships varying in size from 
1,500 to two thousand tons were soon built and sent to sea, and 
their wonderful performances, instead of satisfying, increased 
the desire to excel, — to be first upon ' the world of waters ; ' 
and this desire has known no abatement even to the present 
day. The Flying Cloud (Captain Cressey), built by Mr. McKay, 
on her first passage not only made the quickest run from New 
York to San Francisco ever known, but attained the highest rate 
of speed on record. Her passage was made in eighty-nine days, 
and she ran in twenty-four consecutive hours 374 geographical 
miles. Such sailing as this astonished all nautical men, and 
immediately gave a world wide fame to East Boston clippers. 
Mr. McKay, not satisfied with this triumph of nautical skill, 
and believing that perfection in modelling had not yet been 



1853.] SHIP-BUILDING. 693 

attained, determined that he would benefit from the informa- 
tion gained from past experience, and build a clipper which 
should outsail the Flying Cloud. He carried this idea into 
execution, and produced the Sovereign of the Seas, of 2,400 
tons, then the largest, longest, and sharpest merchant ship in 
the world. She did not make so quick a passage to San Fran- 
cisco as the Flying Cloud, yet although she was dismasted, she 
beat the swiftest of the entire fleet of clippers which sailed 
about the same time, seven days ; and, on the homeward pas- 
sage, made the greatest runs ever recorded. In twenty-four con- 
secutive hours she ran 430 geographical miles, or fifty-six more 
than the greatest run of the Flying Cloud ; and in ten consecu- 
tive days she ran three thousand one hundred and forty-four 
miles, and in eleven months her gross earnings were $200,000." ^ 

Mr. McKay next built the Great Republic (1853), the largest 
merchantman in the world. In the construction of this mam- 
moth vessel, 1,500,000 feet of hard pine were used ; 2,056 tons 
of white oak ; 336i- tons of iron ; 15,653 yards of canvas in a 
suit of sails ; and 50,000 days' work upon her hull. She was 
towed to New York ; before she left that port, she was burned at 
the wharf; but her top-works were rebuilt, and she has been a 
very successful ship, and was in the employ of the English 
and French governments during the Russian war. Her 
greatest speed has been 413 miles in twenty-four hours. 
On a late voyage she made the trip from New York to San 
Francisco in ninety-one days, which, nott^dthstanding the light 
winds experienced, is one of the quickest runs on record. An 
extract from her log shows that she reached the equator in 
fifteen days and nineteen hours after leaving New York, — a 
feat altogether without parallel. She logged on some occasions 
as much as nineteen knots an hour. 

The Flying Cloud and Sovereign of the Seas have been 
spoken of as vessels of remarkable speed ; but these are not the 
only ones whose sailing qualities secure our admiration. The 
following clippers, built at East Boston by Donald McKay, 



* Mr. McLean, formerly of the Boston Atlas, to whom the writer is indebted 
for information on this subject. 



694 



HISTORY. 



[1857. 



sailed from New York for San Francisco, and made these 
extraordinary passages : — 





Tons. 


Passage. 


Tons. 


Passage 


Flying Cloud, 


1,700 


89 days. 


Bald Eagle, 1,600 


107 day 


Flying Fish, 


1,600 


92 " 


Empress of the Sea, 2,250 


118 " 


Sovereign of the 






Staghound (via Val- 




Seas, 


2,400 


103 " 


paraiso), 1,550 


112 " 



The Westward Ho (of 1,700 tons) sailed from Boston to 
San Francisco in 107 days, and the Staffordshire (of 1,950 
tons) in 101 days. These passages show an average of 103 
days and fifteen hours ; which have not yet been equalled by 
the same number of ships by any builder in the world. 

While these instances are given of the speed of a few of 
M'Kay's vessels, those from other yards equally demand our 
praise, but no statistics are at hand. 

A notice should here be given of the iron steam-ship "Le 
Voyageur de la Mer,''^ built at East Boston, and launched on 
the 25th of February, 1857. For several years iron has been 
extensively used, in Europe, in the construction of steam ves- 
sels of the first class for vessels of war, and for general mari- 
time purposes ; but, notwithstanding the superior quality of 
American iron, both as to ductility and toughness, it has been 
but little used here as a principal material in ship-building, 
owing to its high cost as compared with English iron, — yet a 
cost which bears butr a small proportion to the intrinsic value 
of our metal, when subjected to the severest tests in comparison. 
It is a remarkable fact, that to the Pacha of Egypt belongs 
the credit of developing a new branch of ship-building in this 
country. The honor of applying this material for the first time 
to the construction of a first-class vessel, belongs to East Bos- 
ton. The contract for building this splendid vessel was given 
to Mr. Geo. A. Stone, a young man, and a native of Boston, 
who, connected with a business house in this city, had been for 
several years a resident of Syria ; the contract was given to 
him after a visit to Alexandria, where he had a personal inter- 
view with the pacha. The models and details of the ship were 
funished by Samuel H. Pook, our distinguished naval construc- 
tor, who has done full justice to his high reputation. 



1857;] )' SHIP-BUILDING. 695 

She is 1,300 tolns burden ; her length is 216 feet, breadth of 
beam thirty-seven feet, and her depth is twenty-two feet. The 
iron used in her construction is of the best quality of hard rolled 
American iron, made for the express purpose by William 
Sehell and James Hoven of Norristown, and Verree and 
Mitchell of Philadelphia ; each plate having been submitted to 
the most careful examination before it was accepted. Her 
stern posts, stern, and counter timbers, are solid forgings of the 
best scrap iron. The work of moulding and riveting the frame 
and plates was done by Messrs. Holden and Gallagher, of East 
Boston. Owing to the thickness of the iron and weight of the 
metal, it became necessary to make machines especially adapted 
for cutting the plates, punching the rivet-holes, and moulding 
the form. Three thousand plates were required for the hull; 
the weight of iron is 881,000 pounds, and no less than 300,000 
rivets have been used ; these rivets were heated to a white heat 
when put in, and, being counter-sunk upon the outside, ham- 
mering has so com.bined t!ie rivets with the plates that a per- 
fectly smooth surface is presented to the eye, broken only by the 
lap of the strakes. The iron-work of her outside varies from 
three eighths to three fourths of an inch in thickness. Her 
frames are of iron, in the shape of a right angle, with a base of 
three inches, to which the outside plates are riveted, and a per- 
pendicular of six inches. Between the perpendiculars, she is 
filled in with hacmatack frames, and is, inside, more thoroughly 
built than any wooden ship of her size, besides the addition of 
the usual strength of iron outside. She has two flush decks, 
and her machinery and boilers are below water-line. The wood- 
work was executed under the direction of Mr. Augustus Samp- 
son, and will bear comparison with any work of the land ever 
before completed in this country. 

By the division into six water-tight compartments, the iron 
pipes, which run the whole length of the ship, and the two 
Worthington pumps, capable of discharging 3,200 gallons per 
minute, and driven by steam, or, together with the pumps, con- 
nected with the engines, 12,800 gallons, the vessel is equally 
secure in case of fire or leaks. 

The main boilers, four in number, were designed by James 
Montgomery, Esq., and built by J. S. Underbill, of the Dry 
Dock works, New York. 



696 HISTORY. ( 

The engines were built at the Atlantic worjks, East Boston. 
They are oscillating engines of about eight; hundred horse 
power, very compactly arranged, with as gre^at a regard for 
economy of space as is consistent with safety of action. The 
iron-work is massive, but of superior finish ; the cylinders are 
fifty-four inches diameter, with three feet lengthji of stroke ; the 
great shaft which drives the propeller is thirteen inches in diam- 
eter ; the propeller itself is fifteen feet six inches: in diameter. 

Le Voyageur de la Mer is rigged as a full ship. Her rigging 
and sails, as well as every thing else used in her construction, 
are of American material and manufacture. Capt. Frank O. 
Eldridge had a general supervision of the work, and will com- 
mand the steamer on her first voyage, and nntil she is delivered 
to her illustrious owner. Capt. Eldridge is well known to our 
shipping merchants as an able and successful commander, late 
of the ship Nor- Wester, one of the finest ships out of the port 
of Boston, in which he made some of the best passages on 
record. 

The exquisite finish of all the details in her deck arrange- 
ments, and throughout the whole ship, renders it evident that no 
expense has been spared, and the vessel will be a model of neat- 
ness and beauty, strength and speed, and admirably fitted in 
every way as the steam yacht of a sovereign prince. 

The following is a list of vessels which have been built at 
East Boston, and is as complete as a critical examination of 
the sources of information at our disposal would allow.* The 
great proportion of first-class vessels will show the rapidity 
with which the Island has taken her place with the most exten- 
sive ship-building towns. 



* In this table, the names of the builders, so far as they can be ascertained, are desig- 
nated in the following manner : — 

1 Brown, Bates & Delano. " Kobert E. Jackson. i« Pratt & Osgood. 

2 Samuel Hall. w Andrew Burnham. i' Samuel Hall, Jr. 

3 Donald McKay. " Brown & Lovell. ^^ Joseph Burke. 

4 Daniel D. Kelly. ^"- C. F. & H. D. Gardiner. ^^ E. & H. 0. Briggs. 
6 A. & G. T. Sampson. i^ Hugh R. McKay. 20 William Kelly. 

6 Jackson & Ewell. " G. & T. Boole. 21 otis Tufts. 

7 Paul Curtis. is William HaU. 22 Biirkett & Fyler. 

8 Jarvis Pratt. 



1834-51.] 



VESSELS BUILT AT EAST BOSTON. 



697 



Year. Name. 




Ton?. 


Year. 


Name. 


Tons. 


1834 East Boston* (steam ferry 




1847 Minstrel 2 




boat) 






" 


Arrow ^ 


78 


1835 Maverick ^ (steam 


ferry 




" 


Era 2 


187 


boat) 






" 


Samoset - 


734 


" Esse.K ^ (steam ferry 


-boat) 




" 


Moses' 


700 


'• Niagara ' 




4C0 


u 


Ocean Monarch * 


1,301 


1839 Akbar = 




C42 


" 


Peterhoff^ 


500 


" Galena 




99 


" 


Telegraph "• 


119 


1840 Barnstable 2 




372 


" 


Anglo American ^ 


704 


" Sultan 




355 


" 


Iosco ' 


26 7 


1841 Walpole 




G12 


" 


A. Z.' 


700 


" Spartan 




188 


1848 Belle 2 


65 


" Massachusetts "' 




353 


" 


Jenny Lind * 


533 


1842 Zephyr ' 




148 


" 


Martha Worthington 


180 


" Andrew Bastow 




198 


" 


L. Z.' 


897 


" Gazelle - 




115 


" 


Caleb Curtis " 


186 


" Belle '- 




74 


" 


Uncle Amasa 


70 


1843 Antelope " 




372 


1849 


Plymouth Rock => 


960 


" Fanny 




84 


" 


Hazard - 


400 


" Frolic " 




88 


" 


Helicon ' 


400 


1844 Sappho 2 




319 


a 


Eagle ' 


199 


" Coquette ^ 




437 


" 


Edmund Dwight ^ 


200 


" Citizen " 




360 


11 


Reindeer ^ 


800 


" Midas - 




186 


" 


Eutaw ^ 


199 


" Edith - (propeller) 




407 


" 


Lantao ^ 


593 


1845 Carioca 




1G3 


" 


Parliament ' 


998 


" Peytona 




269 


" 


Olive Clark'' 


92 


" Massachusetts ^ (propeller) 


750 


1850 


Moses Wheeler ' 


900 


" AVashington Irving ^ 


t 


751 


" 


Cornelius Grinnell ^ 


1,118 


" Despatch "■ 




88 


« 


Sultana ' 


400 


" Montezuma ^ 




90 


<' 


Race Horse ^ 


514 


" E. B.Forbes =1 (iron 


steam 




<' 


E. F. Pratt 


140 


tug) 




330 


" 


Antarctic ' 


1,116 


" Samuel Cook 




125 


" 


Surprise " 


1,262 


184G Odd-Fellow 




229 


" 


Daniel Webster ' 


1,187 


" Anglo-Saxon ^ 




894 


" 


Meridian ^ 


1,350 


" Lacon 




175 


" 


John Bertram ^ 


1,100 


" New World ' 




1,404 


» 


Zaza 


140 


" MaiP 




190 


" 


Staghound ' 


1,534 


" Solon 




66 


1851 


Game Cock "- 


1,392 


" Emporium 




78 




Andes ^ 


450 



* Clock & Upton, of New York. 

t First ship built at East Boston by Donald McKav, for Train's line of packets. 

59 



698 


HISTORY. 


[1851-55. 


Year. Name. 


Tons. 


Year. Name. 


Tons. 


1S51 Mermaid - 


500 


1854 Lightning ^ 


2,083 


" Flying Cloud ^ 


1,782 


" Bostonian * 


1,100 


" Staffordshire ^ 


1,817 


" Panther ' 


1,260 


" R. B. Forbe.s - 


756 


" Swallow ^ 


1,435 


" North American ^ 


1,464 


" Abby Whitman 


232 


" Winchester '^ 


1,474 


" Champion of the Seas ^ 2,447 


" Flying Fish = 


1^505 


" Northern Eagle ^^ 


665 


" Sea Bird ' 


315 


" Arcadia " 


705 


" A. Devereaux * 


115 


" Fanny MacHenry ■' 


1,237 


" Hoogly - 


1,2G4 


" Fatherland '- 


1,542 


1852 Lady Franklin ^ 


475 


" Barreda Brothers '^ 


770 


" Old Hickory * 


432 


" Enoch Train " 


1,650 


" Julia Anna ° 


200 


" James Baines ^ 


2,526 


'' Golden Fleece " 


967 


" Warren Hallet 


199 


" Polynesia " 


1,075 


" Commodore Perry ^ 


1,964 


" Sovereign of the Seas ^ 


2,421 


" Blue Jacket ' 


1,791 


" Aurelia 


200 


" Santa Claus ' 


1,256 


" Laurillia ^ 


1,5 


" Weymouth " 


1,370 


" John Giljiin - 


1,075 


" Oriental " 


1,654 


" Queen of the Seas " 


1,400 


" Benin ^ 


692 


'^ Westward Ho ' 


1,650 


" John E. Thayer ' 


1,918 


" Winged Racer « 


1,767 


" Blanche Moore "^ 


1,787 


" Bald Eagle = 


1,704 


" Zephyr * 


1,200 


" Golden AVest ' 


1,400 


" Indiaman '^ 


1,165 


" Flying Childers = 


1,150 


" Halcyon ''' 


671 


1853 Empress of the Seas ^ 


2,200 


" Japan ^ 


1,964 


" Radient ' 


1,300 


" King Lear •' 


1,936 


" Fire Fly ' 


385 


" Friend * (pilot boat) 


69 


''• Cleopatra '' 


1,550 


" Jane^ 


66 


''■ Queen of Clippers "^ 


2,200 


" Fanny * '• " 


84 


" Star of Empij-e ^ 


1,635 


1855 Zephyr ^ 


1,184 


" Wizard "' 


1,600 


» Alert "- 


1,194 


" Chariot of Fame ^ 


2,000 


" Donald McKay * 


2,594 


" Wyvern 


73 


" Defender ^ 


1,413 


" Amphitrlte " 


1,687 


" Robert H. Dixey ' 


1,252 


" Fearless ^ 


1,200 


" Azor ' 


430 


" Lightfoot <= 


1,996 


" Empress ' 


1,293 


" Reporter " 


1,100 


" Abbott Lawrence * 


1,497 


" Edwin Forrest * 


1,200 


" Golden Fleece ' 


1,585 


" Mariner ' 


1,230 


" Elvira '' 


1,138 


" Romance of the Sea ' 


1,500 


" Quickstep '■ 


523 


" Well Fleet' 


1,260 


" Hayward P. Cashing 


(re- 


" Eringo " 


323 


measured) 


159 


" Challenger •' 


1,400 


" Halcyon ' 


93 


" Mystery - 


1,200 


" Antelope " (steamer) 


415 


" Great Republic ^ 


4,556 







1855-58.] VESSELS BUILT AT EAST BOSTON. 



699 



Year. Name. 


Tons. 


Year. 


Name. 


Tons . 


1855 S. A. Stevens* (steamer) 


140 


185G 


Joseph Peabody '" 


1,198 


" Emerald ^^ 


1,079 


1857 


Martha " 


1,19 7 


" Thos. Jefferson * 


995 


" 


Manuella ^ 


2G7 


" Ganges '' 


1,253 


" 


Amelia " 


2G7 


" General Warren '^ 


340 


" 


Borneo " 


772 


185C Dragoon ^ 


1,433 


" 


Gemsbok ' 


6G2 


" ILarry of the "West » 


998 


" 


John Patterson " 


102 


'' Endeavor ' 


1,137 


u 


Fortuna ' 


G59 


" Lucy and Harriet ' 


909 




Belvedere ' 


1,197 


'' Norseman ^ 


811 


" 


Almatia '» 


4 73 


" Amos Lawrence ' 


1,39G 


u 


Indian '^ 


78 G 


" Mastiff ' 


1,030 


" 


Laughing Water " 


925 


" Minnehaha ' 


l,/595 


" 


May Flower "^ 


81G 


" Henry Hill ' 


568 


" 


Salacia * 


451 


" Adriatic ^ 


1,327 


« 


Moneka '' 


4G2 


'^ Baltic * 


1,720 


ii 


Edith '- 


34 


" Orion '' 


1,297 


" 


Young Raven 


15 


" Evelyn ' 


1,197 


" 


Wide Awake (iron steamc 


•)t •5- 


" ]\Iary Bangs " 


958 


" 


" Voyageur de la Mer 


" 


" Sea King' 


1,1GC 




(iron steamer) 


1,250 


" Endymion " 


1,327 


(Sec description on a j^revious 


" Plutarch '* 


1,322 




page.) 




" Pomona" 


1,181 


" 


Argentine-' (iron steamei 


) 118 


" Calliope '* 


280 


1858 


Cashangar '- 


1,09 


" Achilles '' 


529 


" 


Princess '^ 


1,080 


" Florence " 


1 ,04.5 


" 


Peruvian '° 


1,1G5 


" Ceylon >^ 


71G 


" 


Princess Royal ■' 


1,210 


" Susan Howland " 


1,137 


" 


Highlander '■ 


1,049 


" Benares " 


1,440 


" 


Phaselus " 


24 


" Favorite'* 


1,039 


" 


^lanjoor' (steamer) 


81G 


" Suffolk 


7G 




Syren 


81 


" Whip " 


18 









A reliable and weil-informed writer, in 1850, thus spoke of the 
facdlities at that time for building ships at the Island: — 

"There are now in East Boston four ship-yards, and two 
more in state of preparation, for building the largest class ships, 
in each of which, two or three vessels can be in the process of 
con.struction, as has frequently happened, at the earae time. 
There are also five other yards and docks for building and re- 
pairing, with a floating dock and two marine railways; two 
extensive spar-making establishments, a number of sail-makers' 



* James E. Shnpson. 



t Oliver Holder 



700 HISTORY. [183^. 

and riggers' lofts, with a great number of smaller establish- 
ments and shops connected with and dependent upon the busi- 
ness of ship-building and repairing. In fact, there is probably 
no place in the United States, certainly none in New England, 
where may be found so many of the requisites and conveniences 
for ship-building. The constant employment of more than five 
hundred mechanics iii the various branches of this business 
would of necessity render thq arrangements very complete, and 
afford great facilities for despatch and perfection of work. The 
investments here in wharves and lands reclaimed from the sea 
are very heavy, and as improvements, they have been produced 
by no mushroom excitement, but by the steady application of 
money and labor for a great number of years; and they are, as 
might be expected, of a most permanent and substantial char- 
acter. The water front of Boston proper, between Charles 
River Bridge and the North Free Bridge, South Boston, is about 
two and a quarter miles. The water front of East Boston, 
upon the main channel of the harbor, from Jeffries Point to 
Chelsea Free Bridge, is three and one half miles, following the 
' commissioners' line.' When it is considered that vessels of the 
greatest draught, like the British mail steamers, can lie at the 
wharves when carried out to the ' commissioners' line,' it will 
not fail to be apparent that the claims of East Boston to some 
commercial importance are not without foundation." 

WHARVES. 

There was formerly a wharf, called the "East Boston Com- 
pany's Wharf," next east of the Sugar Refinery, containing 
about twenty thousand square feet. It was completed Septem- 
ber 1, 1835, and was leased to Messrs. Locke and Ripley, who 
improved it for a wood and lumber wharf. They hired it for 
three years from September 1, at a rent of $300 for the first 
year, and $400 for the second and third years, payable quar- 
terly. The company reserved the right, to land coal or wood on 
a part of it for the use of the ferry only, allowing a rent pro 
rata for the space so used. In 1838 it was comprehended 
within the boundaries of the land ceded to the Eastern Railroad 



1835.] AVIIARVES. 701 

Company. It cost ^4,000, excltisiv'e of tke water right, and in 
1836 was valued at $9,000. 

Mr. Lainson's wharf (now merged iu the Grand Junction 
wharves) was built with solid stone walls, and filled in with 
earth one hundred and sixty feet square; the cost of filling in 
the wharf^ including the sto-ne walls, was twenty-eight cents a 
superficial foot. It was built for the purpose of erecting on it 
a steam factory for sawing mahogany, veii-eering, etc, and was 
to be extended on piers to the ctiannel when the steam mill 
should be erected. Upon it were two buildings, fifty feet by 
twenty-five each. 

Next to Mr. Lamson's wharf was Messrs. Locke and Ripley's 
lumber wharf, well supplied with lumber and building ma- 
terials. 

At the foot of London street, with a water front of two hun- 
dred feet, were Tuttle's wharf and buildings, employed by 
fishermen in packing for exportation ; now occupied by Simp- 
son and Tuttle's dock, Carleton's, and Brown and Loveli's 
wharves. 

At the foot of Liverpool street, with a water front of one 
hundred feet, was the wharf of Allen, Pigeon, and Pool, on 
which shops for making masts and spars were erected. 

Next came the proposed site of the Merchants' Marine Rail- 
way, which, as has been seen, was never built, though an act of 
Incorporation was obtained ; the water front was 500 feet 

The lot next to the Marine Railway, the site of the first 
steamboat landing, was leased to Mr. Weeks for a fish wharf, 
and afterwards sold to him; it i& now occupied as Weeks',s 
wharf, and as a graving dock. 

Next north of this was Mr. Aspinwall's wharf, with a front 
of one hundred feet, used then and now as a mast-maker's 
^establishment, under the above name ; it was sold for eight dol- 
lars a foot in 1834. 

Next was Pratt and Cushing's wharf and dock, for marine 
ffailways for small vessels. This had also one hundred feet 
front, and was sold in 1834 for eight dollars a foot; it is now 
Holmes and Snelling's graving dock. 

Next north was IMiller's wharf, with two hundred feet front, 
59* 



702 



HISTORY. 



[1858. 



having four stores upon it, used for the inspection and storing 
of mackerel for exportation. Between thirty and forty vessels 
were employed at Miller's and Tuttle's wharf. It is now known 
as Miller's wharf. 

At the westerly end of Maverick street was a wharf lot of one 
hundred feet front, now occupied by the East Boston Gas and 
Iron Company. 

Next north of this was the Timber Company's property ; 
and the proposed site of the mills of the Maverick Water 
Power Company, which, though incorporated, never went into 
operation. 

The names and situation of the different wharves at East 
Boston at the present time are as follows : — 



Allen's, on Sumner street. 
Aspinwall's, from New street. 
Belcher's, from Boi'der street, near 

Central square. 
Boole's, at Jeffries Point. 
Brown & Lovell's, foot of Sumner 

street. 
Carleton's, 57 Sumner street. 
Clifton's, Border, corner of Maverick 

street. 
Cunard, near foot of Orleans street. 
Cunningham's, Sumner, opposite Bor- 
der street. 
Curtis's, Border, near White street. 
Barton's, Border, foot of Lexington 

street. 
East Boston, from ferry line, west of 

Lewis street. 
Eastern Railroad, Marginal, between 

Lewis and Orleans streets. 
Eernald's, Border, foot of Lexington 

street. 
Ferry, foot of Lewis street. 
Fettyplace & Bowker's, Border street. 
Grand Junction Railroad and Depot 

Company, Marginal street. 
Googln's, Eagle street, near Gas-works. 
Hall's, Border, foot of Decatur street. 
Howe's, Marginal, corner of Jelfries 

street. 



I Jones's, Border street, corner of Cen- 
tral square. 

Joselyn, foot of Maverick street. 
I Kelly's, Marginal, near Jeffries street. 
I Kelly's Marine Railway, Sumner street, 
near People's ferry. 

Lombard, from Sumner, opposite Paris 
street. 

Maverick, from Sumner street, north 
side. 

McKay's, Border, foot of Eutaw street. 

Miller's, from New street. 

A. Nickerson's, from Border, near Lex- 
ington street. 

E. Nickerson's, from New, near Sum- 
ner street. 

Pigeon & Pool's, foot of Liverpool 
street. 

Pratt & Cushing's, from New street. 

Shackford & Co.'s, from Border, foot 
of Lexington street. 

Simpson's, from Marginal, near Jeffries 
street. 

Sturtevant's, Border, foot of Eutaw 
street. 

Tufts', foot of Webster street. 

Tuttle's, foot of London street. 

Weeks's, corner of New and Sumner 
streets. 

Whorf's, Jeffries, corner of Maverick 
street. 



1836.] COLONY OF SHOEMAKERS. 703 



COLONY OF SHOEMAKERS FROM LYNN. 

Among the projects originated by the president of the com- 
pany for the benefit of East Boston was the establishment of a 
settlement of shoemakers from Lynn, on the fourth section; 
after much conversation on the subject, the following plan was 
concerted between him and Mr. Ezra Mudge, an officer in the 
custom-house, and formerly representative from Lynn. 

It was thought, that, from the favorable position of East Boston 
and the scarcity of houses in Lynn, it would be easy to induce 
industrious and moral men who had not the means to build 
houses for themselves to come to East Boston and set up the 
manufacture of shoes, provided the company would erect suit- 
able dwellings for their accommodation. Such dwellings could 
be erected for about $1,500 each, large enough for two families, 
for which they would be willing to pay ten per cent, interest on 
the cost, on a lease not exceeding seven years, with the privilege 
of purchasing at any time during the lease at a fair valuation. 
Workshops could be furnished by the tenants themselves, as 
one shop would answer for several persons. A village would 
thus be established, which would greatly increase the value of 
real estate in its vicinity. To encourage capitalists to under- 
take such an enterprise, the company could afford to give an 
extended credit to those who should purchase for the purpose 
of improving, instead of the usual conditions, requiring the 
first payment at the end of two years, and the rest in three, four, 
and five years, interest should be payable annually ; in this way 
the purchaser could apply his funds to building. Some of Mr. 
Mudge's friends were willing to join any company that would 
engage to build a sufficient number of houses to form a hand- 
some village, and he would give his personal attention to secur- 
ing the successful issue of the project. 

This plan gave rise to the following paper: — 

"Boston, September 3, 1836. 
"The subscribers, having read the annexed communication of Mr. Mudgc, 
hcreb}"- agree with one another to enter into an association of not less than 
twenty nor more than thirty shares, the proprietor of each to buy of the East Bos- 
ton Company at their next sale two blocks of land of one hundred feet square. 



r04 



HISTORY 



[183G. 



and to erect one doiil)le or two single houses thereon, and fence in our respec- 
tive lots before the first of July next, and let the houses as stated in Mr, 
Mudge's letter, — it being expressly understood that whatever the land shall 
fetch the company over ten cents a foot, after paying their proportion of the 
expenses of sale, shall be reserved as a fund by the association for the embel- 
lishment and improvement of the settlement under the direction of the asso- 
ciates. 

" Provided the East Boston Conipanj^ will lay out a suitable place for the 
settlement, grade the streets, and give a spot for a meeting and school-house ; 
and in consideration of the services of Mr. Mudge, in superintending the erec- 
tion of the buildings and founding the settlement, that the company shall appro- 
priate one block of land, and erect a house and stable thereon for his use, free 
of rent five years, then to be presented to him if his exertions in promoting 
the ends of the association shall be satisfactory, otherwise said house, stable, 
and land shall be conveyed to said associates for the benefit of said settle- 
ment. 



Samuel P. Page, by E. 




Stephen White, by Wm. 


Mudge 


1 share. 


Fettyplace . . 2 shares. 


John J. Emerton 


1 " 


Aug. Heard . . 1 share. 


E. W. Mudge . 


1 " 


Henry Sumner . . 1 " 


James W. Gerard . 


2 shares. 


Elzra L. Varney . 1 " 


Samuel Jones 


2 " 


C. B. Mason . • 1 " 


(with a privilege of 2 


more.) 


Wm. Atkinson . . 1 " 


Francis J. Oliver . 
Wm. 11. Sumner 


1 share. 

2 shares. 


111 alL, . . .18 shares- 


J. W. Paige . 


1 share. 





The location intended for the settlement was on the " Middle 
Farm," now section four. 

On the 2d of March, 1837, the superintendent was informed 
by Mr. Mudge that he regretted to say that from removals, or 
from pecuniary circumstances, no reliance could be placed on 
some of his subscribers. The stringent state of the money 
market prevented those who could with difficulty live at home 
from removing to another place where a certain amount of extra 
capital would be required, even if their condition could be im- 
proved by such a removal. This project, in which Mr. INIudge 
took such an active interest, would probably have resulted in 
success had it not been for the universal financial depression 
which swept over the whole country, and included all classes of 
society ; as it was, the plan failed of realization. 



1837.] LOBSTER WHARF. 705 



WEEKS'S LOBSTEK WHARF. 

The lobster business at East Boston demands a place amonc; 
the noteworthy occupations upon the Island. In 1837, Mr. E. 
Weeks commenced boiling lobsters in three kettles of sixty 
gallons each, and during that year sold about seventy thousand 
lobsters. In the following year, he purchased of the East Bos- 
ton Company a wharf at the foot of Sumner street for 82,225. 
So great was the increase of the business, that, in 1838, his pur- 
chases amounted to about two hundred thousand, and in 1839 
to two hundred and fifty thousand lobsters. Mr. Weeks with- 
drew from the business in 1855, at which time the annual pur- 
chase amounted to about three hundred thousand. 

Portions of the wharf have been sold at difl'erent times : first, 
a part to Nathaniel Blanchard, in 1838, for $741.66; and sec- 
ond, a part to Col. Samuel Stimpson, in 1855, for $1,350. 

The business, since Mr. E. Weeks sold out, has been con- 
ducted by John S. Weeks and Company, and the purchases 
amounted, in 1845, to two hundred and seventy-five thousand 
lobsters, in 1856 to three hundred thousand, and in 1857 to 
three hundred and ten thousand. 

From the 1st of April until the 1st of August, the number of 
lobsters boiled averages 160 kettles a week, each kettle con- 
taining one hundred. Twenty wheelbarrows and four one- 
horse wagons are supplied with this indispensable requisite to 
the market of a city, and this occupation, apparently trivial, 
furnishes thousands of tables with one of the most acceptable 
of dishes. 



LIXSEED-OIL AVORKS. 

The building in which the operations of this establishment 
are carried on was originally built for and occupied by the 
Malleable Iron Company about twenty years ago. That com- 
pany failed. The building was then purchased by Messrs. 
Sturtevant, Atkins, and Company for the sperm, whale oil, and 
soap business. In 1843, Noah Sturtevant and Company com- 

scale, in a ])art of the 



706 HISTORY. [1844. 

building. They used the old-fashioned j)resses, and made about 
two hundred gallons per day, which quantity they afterwards 
increased to seven hundred gallons. The business promising 
well, in 1849, Messrs. James Lee and Company entered into 
it, and increased the manufacture to twenty-two hundred gal- 
lons per day. Six years subsequent to this purchase, namely, 
in 1855, Messrs. Morrell Cole and Son, and James Lee, Jr., 
bought the property from Mr. Sturtevant, and have made ex- 
tensive additions to the building, and improvements for the 
manufacture of the oil. They have conveniences for bleaching 
twenty-five hundred gallons per day, and for boiling sixteen 
hundred gallons per day. This establishment, from being one 
of the smallest, is now one of the largest, in the country. It is 
surpassed by none in its arrangements, and in the quality of its 
raw, boiled, and bleached oils, for painting. Twenty-two hun- 
dred gallons of oil and sixteen tons of oil-cake are turned out 
per day, all manufactured from the best Calcutta linseed, 
screened and cleansed from all impurities. The larger part of 
the cake is shipped to London, and about seven or eight hun- 
dred tons are annually ground and sold to farmers as food for 
their cattle. This oil meal is rapidly gaining in the estimation 
of the agricultural community as a valuable article of food, and 
farmers are becoming convinced of its superiority over Indian 
meal, or any other article for feeding milch cows; the quantity 
of milk being much greater with this meal mixed with Indian 
meal and shorts, than with any other diet. 

The business done at these oil works is very large; the man- 
agers are enterprising men, and success attends their efforts. 
Their oil is of a high standard in the market, and an increasing 
business is evidence of their merited prosperity. 



TUFTS'S BOSTON STEAM-ENGINE COMPANY. 

Mr. Otis Tufts moved a portion of his works (the boiler de- 
partment) to East Boston in the early part of the year 1844, 
and occupied a small wharf on Marginal street, now a part df 
the property belonging to the Grand Junction Railroad Com- 
pany. During the same year, having purchased the estate now- 
known as Tufts's wharf, he moved to that place, where, soon 



1844-54.] STEAM-EXGIXE COMPANY. 707 

after, he commenced building the hull of the iron steamer E. 
B. Forbes, which was launched in August of the next year, 
1845, and completed in the fall of the same year. 

In December, 1845, Mr. Tufts removed his entire works to 
East Boston, making his arrangements to build stationary and 
marine steam-engines, boilers, and heavy machinery in general. 
For the next five or six years his business was chiefly building 
stationary steam-engines and boilers, for which there was a 
great demand, and in making which he was very successful. 
During this time Mr. Tufts had largely increased his facilities 
for manufacturing machinery, but anticipating a still greater 
demand, he decided to go on enlarging his works and be pre- 
pared to build as large machinery as could be made by any es- 
tablishment in the country. 

With a view to enlist others in the enterprise, he devoted 
much time to the consideration of how it could be best accom- 
plished, and finally concluded to apply for an act to incorporate 
a company under the name of the Boston Steam-Engine Com- 
pany, with a capital of one, million of dollars, which was granted 
by the legislature of 1853. In June, 1853, Mr. Tufts sold so 
much of his wharf as lay above the centre of Webster street, 
towards Sumner street, including the buildings thereon, with 
the machinery, tools, etc., in them, and also his good-will in the 
business, to the Boston Steam-Engine Company, he being the 
principal party in the company. 

The company afterwards increased the size of their lot by 
purchasing more land on the side nearest Sumner street. 

On the 16th of June, 1853, the company organized and went 
into operation, their capital stock being $175,000, Mr. Tufts 
president, L. 'A. Bigelow treasurer, A. R. Turner clerk, L. D. 
Bartlett, superintendent. 

For the remainder of the year they were very successful, re- 
alizing profits much exceeding their expectations. Appropri- 
ating $25,000 of their gains to the increase of their capital 
stock, they began the year 1854 with most flattering prospects, 
and having received orders for large quantities of sugar ma- 
chinery from Louisiana and Texas, with reason to believe the 
demand would continue for some years, they made additions to 
their works of the most substantial kind, and at an expense of 
nearly $50,000. 



708 HISTORY. [1856. 

The machinery for the South was finished, sent and set up on 
the plantations in season to take off the crop of that year, but 
not in time to fulfil the conditions of the contracts, in conse- 
quence of which much difficulty was experienced in effecting 
settlements with the planters. The drought of that year caused 
a great deal of delay, making it very difficult and also very 
expensive to procure the means of transportation. 

Owing to the large expenditures and small returns of that 
year, the company were very much embarrassed at the com- 
mencement of 1855, but as there seemed to be indications 
of good business, they were encouraged to think, that, by the 
end of the year, they might recover their former position ; but 
the call for machinery, especially stationary steam-engines, 
grew less each month, so that at the end of the year, instead of 
finding their condition better, they were more deeply involved, 
and their affairs continued to grow worse, until they were 
obliged to stop business on the 12th of July, 1856. 

The average number of men employed by the Boston Steam- 
Engine Company during the year 1855 w^as 135, whose pay 
amounted to nearly $4,000 each month. The amount of bar 
and forged iron consumed that year was about 110 tons, of 
boiler iron 250 tons, cast-iron nearly 600 tons, steel 250 tons, 
composition 10 tons, copper- work 3 tons, coal 675 tons, which, 
with other material, amounted in value to about $85,000. 



EAST BOSTON DRY DOCK. 

The East Boston Dry Dock Company was incorporated in 
March, 1847, with a capital of $300,000 ; and the dock, which 
is one of the most capacious and substantial in the country, 
was completed and went into operation on the 3d of July, 1853. 
The property of the company consists of a sectional dock, a 
floating dock, and a marine railway, and the ground occupied 
is comprised within 220 feet front on Border street, running 
down 850 feet to the commissioners' line, being about six acres. 

The sectional dock is composed of six sections, constructed 
at a cost of 'fllO,000, with a lifting force of 550 tons each, 
making an aggregate force of 3,300 tons. It can raise the larg- 



1858.] DRY DOCKS. 709 

est class of merchant ships in 45 minutes, and is more conven- 
ient for all purposes than any other dock yet invented. 

The floating dock has the capacity to receive vessels of five 
hundred tons, and is worked by steam power. The marine rail- 
way is six hundred feet long, with a cradle capable of receiv- 
ing ships of one thousand tons, and of taking them up in thirty 
minutes. 

The dock was built by Phineas Burgess, Esq., then of Boston 
and now of New York, who has built all the docks of this 
construction in the country, and whose reputation has been 
honorably earned by the acknowledged excellence of his works. 
The Dry Dock Company at East Boston paid to him $10,000 
for the patent right for their sectional dock. Samuel Hall, Esq., 
is president, Briggs Thomas, Esq., the treasurer and superin- 
tendent of the company, and Reuben Burnham foreman of the 
work at the dock^ and the satisfactory manner in which the 
appropriate business of the establishment is conducted, exhibits 
the efficient management of the corporation. The number of 
vessels docked in the year ending Feb. 28, 1858, was 120. 

Simpson's dry dock. 

This establisliment, situated on Marginal street, makes an 
important branch in the industrial operations upon the Island. 
The large dock was commenced on the 1st of September, 1853, 
and completed on the 1st of the following April. It is 254 feet 
in length inside the turning gates, 70 feet wide at the top, and 
50 feet wide at the bottom ; ample room is thus afforded for a 
full set of sliding bilge blocks, an advantage not possessed by 
the government docks. The second dock was commenced on 
the 1st of April, 1855, and completed in eighty days. It is 153 
feet in length, 83 feet between the abutments, and 46 feet wide 
at the top. Two centrifugal pumps, worked by a steam-engine, 
are so arranged as to pump from either or both the docks at 
pleasure, and the machinery is of such capacity that the large 
dock, containing eighteen feet of water, can be pumped dry in 
ninety minutes. The largest number of vessels docked in any 
one year has been 112. Samuel B. Hobart, Esq. is the super- 
intendent. 

60 



710 HISTORY. [1858. 



EAST BOSTON POTTERY. 

The manufacture of earthen-ware and fire-brick at East Bos- 
ton was commenced in 1854, by Mr. Frederick Mear, an Eng- 
lish potter, assisted by Mr. Wm. F. Homer, under the name of 
the Boston Earthen-ware Manufacturing Company. In June, 
1857, the premises were leased by Messrs. J. H. Lord & Co., by 
whom the business is now conducted ; at the same time also 
the name was changed to the " East Boston Pottery." The 
present lessees have made extensive additions and improve- 
ments, substituted steam for hand power, and greatly improved 
the quality, and increased the quantity, of the ware manu- 
factured. The office and sale-rooms of the company are at 
64 Broad street, Boston. 

NEW ENGLAND STEAM AND GAS PIPE COMPANY. 

Messrs. S. T. Sanborn and J. B. Richardson have recently 
purchased the large brick building built and formerly occupied 
by H. T. Butler & Co. for the manufacture of stoves, which 
covers nine thousand feet of land, and are about starting their 
business of manufacturing wrought iron steam and gas pipes 
and fittings, brass and iron castings, coal gas works, and a vari- 
ety of machinery, and employ from seventy-five to one hundred 
men. The works are estimated to be worth upwards of $60,000, 
and the annual value of their manufactures will be about 
$250,000. Messrs. Sanborn & Richardson having been the 
pioneers in this branch of manufacturing in New England, 
which has been carried on by them for the last ten years, at 
Exeter, N. H., their removal to East Boston may be looked 
upon as a valuable acquisition to the interests of the Island. 
The manufacturing of wrought iron pipes having never yet 
been attempted in Boston, the starting of such operations by 
this firm marks an era in the history of the city. 

THE MAVERICK BANK. 

The business character and prosperity of East Boston, in 
the opinion of many, seemed to demand that a bank should be 



1858.] CONCLUSION. 711 

established there for the better accommodation of those who 
would otherwise be compelled to go to the city for the transac- 
tion of their money affairs. Consequently a charter was 
obtained for the Maverick Bank, with a capital of $400,000, on 
the 28th of March, 1854, and it went into operation on the 18th 
of the following September. At first, it was located in the 
Winthrop block, which stands upon ground formerly occupied 
by the Maverick House and garden ; but in 1856 (10th June) it 
was removed to State street, Boston (No. 75), because, on trial, 
it was found that a greater amount of business on the amount 
of capital could be done than the Island of itself afforded, and 
that very many business men of East Boston could be more 
conveniently accommodated in money transactions in State 
street than at the first location of the bank. The present offi- 
cers (1858) are as follows : — Samuel Hall, president ; Samuel 
Hall, Wm. R. Lovejoy, Wm. C. Barstow, Noah Sturtevant, and 
Paul Curtis, of East Boston, and Henry N. Hooper and Martin 
L. Hall, of Boston, directors; Samuel Phillips, Jr., cashier; 
George F. Stone, teller; Alfred E. Turner, bookkeeper; Wil- 
liam G. Brooks, Jr., messenger and clerk. 

With the chapter now ending, this account of the past his- 
tory and the present condition of East Boston closes. In its 
delineation, the reader has seen the changes of which this place 
has been the scene. While this volume covers the history of 
more than two hundred years, it will be noticed that the trans- 
formation of Noddle's Island has taken place within the last 
quarter of a century. Twenty-five years ago, it was a farm ; 
now it is a city. Then, one solitary family, with its servants, 
made this Island their home ; now, it teems with the presence 
of 18,000 inhabitants. Then, the one house for the main occu- 
pant, with the others necessary for his under-tenants only, ren- 
dered the Island habitable ; now, noble streets, elegant resi- 
dences, churches, and other public buildings, are already insuffi- 
cient. Then, the ordinary work of a farm comprised its indus- 
try ; now, crowds of workmen throng its shops, and the ships 
of its yards challenge the world. Then, oyster-beds lined its 
shores ; now, millions in value, comprising more than half of 
the commerce of Boston, unload at its spacious wharves. In 



712 HISTORY. 

these changes the author has seen, the thoughts of his youth 
realized, industrial employments multiplied, honest wealth given 
to thousands, and the prosperity of the metropolis of New Eng- 
land immeasurably enhanced. 

The writer is also happy to be able to present the first ex- 
tended accounts of the lives of the early owners of this Island, 
and especially of three eminent individuals, who deserve a place 
in the colonial history of America, — Samuel Maverick, Samuel 
Shrimpton, and John Yeamans. Samuel Maverick, the gen- 
erous citizen and staunch royalist, whose efforts for religious 
toleration, although fortified by the trust of royal commissioner 
given him by his sovereign, proved utterly futile, and drove him 
from his home ; Samuel Shrimpton, who rose from an humble 
position to sit as a judge in the courts of Massachusetts, 
and who, unconciliated by the commissions of councillor and 
lieutenant-colonel, and the offer of patents gratis, led the troops 
which captured a royal governor while in command of the 
king's fortress ; and John Yeamans, who abandoned those 
plans which might have given East Boston its proper commer- 
cial position a century ago and poured wealth into his own 
hands, that he might devote himself to those efforts with the 
parliament and British minister which removed from the com- 
mercial intercourse of the colonies that incubus which a mis- 
taken policy had cast upon it, and procured for him the public 
thanks of the provincial assembly. 

The difference between the past and present, as described in 
these pages, is illustrated by a comparison of the plan of 1801, 
facing page 1, with the plan of its streets arid wharves oppo- 
site. What East Boston will be, it is useless to conjecture. The 
past has already outstripped the speculations of its projectors. 
But that its still large amount of available territory, its railroad 
facilities, its methods of communication by bridges and ferries, 
its mechanical investments, its spacious and sheltered wharves, 
and its nearness to the deep waters of the channel, warrant ex- 
pectations of far greater prosperity, is undeniable. Whether its 
past success or its present advantages are considered, there can 
be no question but that the prosperity of this great commercial 
centre depends largely upon the prosperity of East Boston. 



APPENDIX. 



60 



APPENDIX 



-Pase 22. 



FROM THE NEW ENGLAND MERCURY, RELATIVE TO A BRIDGE 
AND TURNPIKE-ROAD. 

Messrs. Printers, — Please to insert the following suggestions for the 
public attention : — A Bridge is proposed from the East point of Charlestown, 
■which, no doubt, will soon cause that part of the town to be filled with 
■wharves and inhabitants, and accommodate the eastern travellers ; more es- 
pecially if a good turnpike-road be made the shortest rQut from Newhall's tav- 
ern, in Lynn. But perhaps the object may be better obtained, particularly 
for Boston and the eastern country, in a way that has been as yet but little 
contemplated, which is, by erecting a Bridge, at little expence, from Chelsea 
to Noddle's Island, and opening a good ferry from said Island to Boston. 
Some parts of that Island are extremely well calculated for dry docks, at very 
little expence, where vessels of any tonnage will be free from danger of fire 
or storms. And if a good set of stores were erected, with proper cellars, most 
of our heavy goods, particularly naval stores, would soon be deposited for 
safety there ; and any branch of manufactures might be established, and, in a 
short time, a very considerable settlement would take place, which, of course, 
■would extend this town, the Island being a part of it. It is to be presumed, 
that every well-wisher of Boston will sooner interest himself in some plan of 
this kind, than in the project of building a Bridge from Charlestown, which 
■will necessarily increase that town to the detriment of this. 

May 30, 1796. A Bostonian. 



B.— Page 39. 



CHRONOLOGICAL MEMORANDA OF GRANTS, DISCOVERIES, PAT- 
ENTS, AND SETTLEMENTS, TOUCHING THE EASTERN COAST 
OF NORTH AMERICA AND ITS ISLANDS. 

1493. After Cristoporo Colon, or, as the Latin word was, Columbus, fitted 
out by Queen Isabella for Arragon, in 1492, rediscovered the Northmen's lost 



716 APPENDIX. [B. 

continent, the pope, Alexander VI., a Spaniard, native of Valencia, being 
applied to by Spain, through the advice of their admiral, Columbus, to settle 
the dispute of rights to maritime discoveries between that monarchy and Por- 
tugal, on April 3, 1493, adjudged the great pi'ocess, and made the celebrated 
line of partition, and gave by bull to the sovereigns of Castile and Leon all 
countries which they had discovered or should discover, infidel, and lying west 
of a line drawn from pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the Azores 
islands ; and all east of this line he gave to the Portuguese. But these nations, 
on the 7th of June, 1493, agreed that the line should be 270 leagues further 
west. This line strikes America in north latitude on the western coast of 
Greenland, about 48° 30' west longitude from Greenwich, not quite reaching 
to Newfoundland, passes east of the West Indies, and strikes South America a 
little east of Para, at the mouth of the Amazon, and then crosses the South 
Orkney islands. 

It however early became a law among European nations, that the countries 
which each should explore should be deemed the absolute property of the dis- 
coverer, from which all others should be entirely excluded, as the English par- 
liament, somewhere about 1600, expressed it, occupancy confers a good title by 
the law of nations and nature. In the sequel, therefore, different nations 
planted colonies in the new world, without leave of the Catholic king, or even 
of his Holiness. 

1497. John Cabot, a Venetian, under commission of Henry VII. of Eng- 
land for a voyage of discovery, in hope of finding that which through a long 
■waste of hfe and toil and science and treasure has been in our day only re- 
duced to a futile fact, a north-west passage to India, discovered and sailed along 
the eastern coast of North America, from 6 7^° north to the southern end of 
Florida. 

1502. Henry VII. of England granted by letters patent a charter of license 
to Hugh Elyot and Thomas Ashehurste, of Bristol, with two Portuguese, to 
establish colonies in the countries newly discovered by Cabot. This was the 
first charter for a colony granted by the crown of England. 

1504. Fishermen of France, from Biscay, Brittany, and Normandy, came 
to fish, and discovered the Banks of Newfoundland; and these were the first 
French vessels that appeared on the coasts of North America. 

1524. Francis I. of France sent out John de Verrazzano, a Florentine, who 
coasted North America from 30° to 50° of north latitude, and named the whole 
coast. Thus Spain, England, and France owe their interest in North America 
to Italians. 

1535. Jacques Quartier made the first French settlement in America 
at Hotchelager, or Montreal. 

1548. The English parliament passed their first act relating to America ; it 
relieved all fishing at Newfoundland from taxes or duties. 

1576. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in England, gave form and pressure to the 
vague wish of the times, by publishing " a Discourse, to prove a passage by the 
north-west to Catharia and the West Indies." 

15 78. Frobisher, with fifteen sail from England, took with him, on his third 



B.] CHRONOLOGICAL MEMORANDA. 717 

voyage, the " frame of a story house, to settle on the northernmost parts of the 
continent of America, but soon left that inhospitable region." 

1578. Queen Elizabeth of England granted letters patent to Sir Humphrey 
(Jilbert, to discover and take possession of all remote and barbarous lands un- 
occupied by any Christian prince or people, with full right to him and his heirs 
and assigns for ever of property in the soil, to hold of the crown of England, 
a payment of the fifth part of the gold and silver ore found there, a royalty, 
with complete jurisdiction within the said lands, and seas adjoining them, and 
declares that all settlers there should enjoy all the privileges of free citizens 
and natives of England ; and prohibiting all from settling within two hundred 
leagues of any place which Sir Humphrey Gilbert or his associates should have 
occupied durii>g the space of six years. 

1583. On his second voyage. Sir Humphrey Gilbert took possession of the 
harbor of St. John, Newfoundland, and two hundred leagues every way around 
it. This reached only to Cape Sable, at the south end of Nova Scotia, and 
about two thirds to Massachusetts bay. This formal possession, under the dis- 
covery by the Cabots, 1497, is considered by the English as the foundation of 
the right and title of the crown of England to the territory of Newfoundland, 
and to the fishery on its banks. 

1585. Sir Walter Raleigh, of England, half brother of Sir H. Gilbert, hav- 
ing obtained from Queen Elizabeth a like patent, founded, at the island of Ro- 
anoke, N. C, under Mr. Lane, the first English colony ever planted in 
America. 

1602. Bartholomew Gosnold sailed from Falmouth, England, to settle the 
northern parts of Virginia, and instead of going by the Canaries and West 
Indies, went five hundred leagues shorter due west (the first voyage), direct to 
America, striking in seven weeks and naming Cape Cod, in N. Lat. 42°, and 
thence went southerly. 

1603. With leave of Sir Walter Raleigh, under his patent, for the mayor, 
aldermen, and some merchants of Bristol, England, Martin Bring sailed for 
northern Virginia to Penobscot bay, and thence along the coast into the bay 
of the Massachusetts, along its north side, seeking sassafras; and not finding it, 
they crossed over it, and thei-e freighted and sent to England a bark with that 
commodity. 

1603. Henry IV. of France granted to Pierre du Gast. Sieur de Monts a pat- 
ent of the American territory from 40th to 46th degree of north latitude, reaching 
from Philadelphia to Louisburg, on Cape Breton island ; making him lieutenant 
to colonize and rule, and to subdue and christianize, its native inhabitants. 
Though a Calvinist, De Monts and his people were allowed to exercise their 
religion in America, and he engaged to people the country, and to establish 
the Catholic religion among the natives. He settled in Acadia, or Nova Scotia. 
This settlement, the other French one at Montreal, and the Spanish ones in 
Florida, were now the only European settlements in North America. 

1G06. James I. granted to the London Company — the southern or first 
colony — a charter, authorizing them to make settlements (not to have the soil 
or jurisdiction over it) from N. Lat. 34° to N Lat. 41° — from the south cor- 



718 ArPENDIX. [B. 

ner of Nortli Carolina to Greenwich, Connecticut, or the south corner of that 
State, — and giving them a property in the land only fifty miles each way from 
any settlements actually made, and one hundred miles into the country ; but 
no settlement to be made within fifty miles of any settlement of the Plymouth 
Company. 

1606. James I. granted to the Plymouth Company — the northern or second 
colony — a grant, authorizing settlements from N. Lat. 38° to N. Lat. 45°, and 
reaching from Accomac in Virginia, or the southern limit of Maryland, to St. 
Johns on the Island of Newfoundland, and giving the right to settle only. 
But such of the above two colonies as shall be last planted shall not be within 
one hundred miles of the other that first began to make their plantation. 

This was northern Virginia. It laps 3° over the London Company. On 
this lap the first comer was first served in the way of " settlements." All colo- 
nies, by whichever company settled, were to be superiorly governed by a coun- 
cil in England, appointed by the king, who fixed their ordinances ; and subor- 
dinately, by a council in America, nominated by the king and instructed by 
him. The colonists had the right of English denizens, land by post tenure, 
the right of comers for their own use, repelling enemies, and confiscating inter- 
lopers. 

1600. Dutch claimed Newfoundland, and to Chesapeake bay. (Conquered 
by England in 1664.) 

1609. James I. granted to the above London Company a new charter, giv- 
ing them, in absolute property, the territory from Point Comfort, two hundred 
miles, or 3^° both north and south, and from sea to sea. 

1614. Charles I. gave to the northern plantation, mapped for him by Capt. 
John Smith, the name New England. 

1620. The Puritans got a patent from the London Company to settle in 
South Virginia, but by hard weather landed at Ptymouth. 

1620. James I. issued a patent, granting absolute property to the council 
of Plymouth, in the territory from N. Lat. 40° to N. Lat. 48°, — reaching from 
Philadelphia to Newfoundland, and from sea to sea, forming Northern Virginia. 
This Plymouth council first divided the land among the corporators, and after- 
ward issued patents of parts of their territory to different individuals, full of 
laps and overlaps, and attended with great subsequent confusion. 

1624. The London Company was dissolved by James I. for calamities and 
dissensions ; the charter was taken away and the government assumed by the 
crown. 

1626. The lands on which the colony at Plymouth had settled in 1620, were 
purchased by them for £1,800, with the right of government, and a patent 
from the council of Plymouth above named. 

1628. Some men, forming the colony of Massachusetts bay, purchased of 
the above council of Plymouth the territory for three miles north of Merrlmac 
river to three miles south of Charles river, reaching from Hampton, N. H., to 
Dorchester, Mass., and east and west from the Atlantic to the South sea. 

1629. King Charles confirmed the Massachusetts (bay) Company in their 
title to the soil, and at the same time gave them powers of civil government. 



C] SAMUEL MAVERICK TO ROGER GARD. 719 

1629. In August, the company in England voted that the government and 
patent of the Massachusetts (bay) Company should be transferred from Lon- 
don to Massachusetts bay. 

1691. By the charter of William and Mary, the Plymouth Company, and 
Massachusetts Bay Company, and the province of Maine, were united. 

A glance at the map explains the various grants, charters, and patents. The 
patent of James, of 1620, as above, is considered the grand source of rights 
for New Enoland. 



C— Page To. 
DEED. — SAMUEL MAVERICK TO ROG;i:R GARD. 

This Indenture made y^ five & twentieth day of November in the seven- 
teenth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King Charles by the grace of 
God of England Scotland France and Ireland King Defender of the faith &c. 
between Sam^^ Maverick of Nodles Island in the Massachusetts Bay Gent, of 
the one part & Roger Gard of Agamenticus of the Province of IMain on the 
other part. That whereas it pleased the counsell of New England & Sir Far- 
dinando Gorges Knight by their deed indented under the comon seal of the 
s*^ Counsell & y*^ hand & seal of the s*^ Fardinando Gorges bearing date the 
three & twentieth day of March in y® thirteenth year of the reign of our Sov- 
ereign Lord King Charles to grant bargain sell enfeofFe & confirm unto the 
said Sam^^ Maverick and other patentees their heirs & assigns forever certain 
parcells portions or tracts of land woods & wood grounds which appurces 
situate lying & being on the North side of the river of Agamenticus in New 
England with divers other priviledges in the s'^ deed expressed as in & by 
the same doth and may more at large appear And whereas the s'^ Sam'i Mav- 
erickc & "William GetFerys Gent, one of the afores*^ pattentecs bj^ virtue of a 
former patent for the premisses bearing date the first day of December 1631 
unto them and other pattentees granted by the President & Counsell of New 
England by their deed written in paper under their hands and seals bearing 
date the eleventh day of June 1637 for the considerations in the said deed ex- 
pressed did give grant and confirm unto the aforesaid Roger Gard his heirs 
and assigns forever certain pcells of the said land the same to be bounded & 
set out by William Hooke Gent, one other of the said pattentes and the said 
William Hooke on the thirtieth day of July 1637 did bound & set out the said 
parcells of land to the said IJoger Gard according to the true intent and mean- 
ing of the aforesaid deed aes In & by the same amongst other things more at 
large it doth & may appear Now these psents further witnesseth that the 
aforesaid Sam^^ Mavericke for and in consideration of the great charge & travel 
tlie said Roger Gard had bestowed for the advancement and furtherance of 
the Plantation of Agamenticus aforesaid as also for divers other good causes & 



720 APPENDIX. [C. 

valuable considerations liim thereunto moving have given granted bargained 
sold onfeoffe & confirmed and by these psents doth give grant bargain sell 
enfeoffe and confirm unto the s*^ Roger Gard his heirs and assigns all those 
several pcells or tracts of land hereafter mentioned with all & singular the ap- 
purces, and every part & parcel thereof situate lying & being on the north 
side of the river Agam*^ aforesaid and now in the possession of the said Roger 
Gard viz : one parcell of land bounded with the Cove next below the point of 
land lying at the upper end of the Long Reach & from the said Cove North 
East joyning with the land lately set out to Hene : Sympson and from thence 
up along the river side to the land of John Barrett & Leonard Hunter lately 
enclosed & from thence North East more one pcell of land bounded by the 
river side from the point of land at the upper end of the Reach next above the 
Bass Crick with the second Brook or Freshet next above the said point of land 
and so from those bounds North East and another pcell of land near the head 
of the marsh bounded with the afores^ river on the West side the land of the 
aforesaid Willia Hook comonly called his farm — on the South side & from 
thence up to a certain oak near the river side marked for a bound on the 
North side and from thence Northeast together Avith a moiety or one half deal 
of all the marsh ground lying between the farm house of the said William 
Hooke & the next point of land opposite against it being part of this last par- 
cell of land now granted to Roger Gard and from the head of the s'^ marsh 
Northeast joyning with the land of the said William Hooke all the s^ several 
pcells of land being bounded on the East side with the bounds of Agamenticus. 
To have and to hold the aforesaid jjcells of land & all other the premisses with 
the appurces. unto the said Roger Gard his heirs and assigns forever the said 
Roger Gard his heirs & assigns yielding paying pforming & doing for our 
pmisses unto our Sovereign Lord the King his heirs & successors and to the 
Chief Lord or Lords of the Fee all such rents & reservations according to 
p'portlon as the s^ Sam^^ Mavericke and other the s'^ Pattentees are bound to 
yield pay pform & do for the sd severall pcells of land & the said Samuel Ma- 
vericke doth for himself his heirs and assigns & for every of them covenant 
promise & grant to & with the s'i Roger Gard his heirs and assigns & to & with 
every of them by these presents that the said Roger Gard his heirs and assigns 
& every of them shall & may from time to time & at all times hereafter & by 
and imder y^ rents & reservations afores*^ peaceably & quietly have hold oc- 
cupy possess & enjoy all the afores'^ pcells of land and all and singular other 
the pmises with appurces and every part & parcel thereof in as large & 
beneficial a manner to all intents & purposes as the said Samuel Maverick and 
other the s*^ patentees do or ought to injoy their said land by virtue of the said 
pattent without the lawful let suit trouble denial eviction or expulsion of the 
said Samuel Maverick his heirs or assigns or of or by any other pson or psons 
•whatsoever lawfully claiming the same or any part thereof in from by or under 
him or any of them. 

In witness whereof the partys abovesaid to these psent Indentures their signs 
& seals interchangeably have set yeoven the day and year first above written. 

Samuel Maverick [his Seal]. 



D.] PETITION. 721 

Sealed signed and delivered in the psence of those whose names are under- 
written — Francis Champernoone, Tho. Hannerton, Clement Campion. 

This deed assigned over unto Geo. Puddington of Gorgeana for a debt of five 
pounds due from ]Mr. Roger Gard unto the said Geo. Puddington. Before me 
Richard Vines of kSacoe Stuard Gen'^. of the Pvince of Main, wit : my hand 
this 24'ii Jani-y 1045. Richard Vixes. 

York ss. Registry of Deeds. — The foregoing is a true copy of a deed as re- 
corded in Book 1. pp. 118 & 119. 

Attest. S. C. Ailams, Reoister. 



D. 

The following arc the papers referred to upon page 246, relating to the com- 
mercial interests in which John Yeamans took so prominent a part. It has 
already been said that in consequence of h*s efforts, trade was relieved from 
the burden of the duties levied upon exportations from the sugar colonies 
(by an unimpoi'tant error in the text alluded to as import duties at the place 
of importation), which duties, in effect, discriminated against home Interests 
and in favor of the French. 

THE PETITION. 

To the Honorable the Commons of great Britain in Parliament Assembled : — 

The Petition of the planters of Sugar and other Inhabitants of his Majesty's 
Island, Antigua. 

Humbly Sheweth. That your petitioners have for many years last past 
been of very great advantage to the Trade and Navigation of great Britain, 
and from the nature of their situation, climate, and produce never have or can 
Interfere with its Trade or Manufactures. 

That by accounts taken out of the Custome House Books and sent over to 
your Petitioners by their Correspondents, It appears, that from the year one 
thousand seven hundred to the year one thousand seven hundred and thirty 
there has been Imported Into great Britain only from the Sugar Colonies one 
million seven hundred and fifteen thousand and ninety hogsheads of sugar 
which may be moderately computed to have been sold for twenty-one IMIlIion 
three hundred and ninety-eight thousand and fifty-six pounds sterling besides 
great quantitys of Cotton, Allocs, Indigo, Ginger, Pimento, and Rum to the 
Amount as your petitioners verily believe of four millions more for the same 
time. 

That as the Nation formerly bought Sugar and the chief of these other Com- 
odltles of foreigners and paid for them In Cash there has actually been a sav- 
ing to Great Britain by means of the Sugar Colonies of twenty-five millions 

61 



722 APPENDIX. [D. 

and upwards in thirty years time, a sum wliich lias given Employment to num- 
bers of his Majestys Trading subjects, and many thousands of others who for 
want of it must have been maintained by their several parishes to the Insup- 
portable Load of the Lands of the Kingdom. 
But your petitioners beg leave to represent. 

That this valuable Trade has been for some time past and still continues in 
a declining Condition. 

That your petitioners pay the same dutys to the Crown now Muscovado 
sugar sells at fifteen shillings p. hundred as they formerly did when those su- 
gars were valued at thirty shillings per hundred in the book of rates. 

That tho' the policy of the British Legislature has laid a Duty of sixty-five per 
cent, on all fFrench sugars Imported Into great Britain as Interfering with our 
own product ; Yet in the Northern Colonies (where there is the same reason 
for an equal Duty as your petitioners apprehend) the fFrench may Import their 
Sugars eleven per cent, and their Rum and Molasses four and a half per cent, 
cheaper than your petitioners, namely they pay no Duty. 

That the ffrench may also Import their Sugars to Ireland directly under a less 
Duty than the English Merchant can do it after the charge of a double voyage 
British Sugar being by Law to be Landed first in great Britain. 

That the ffrench Plantei's have the advantage of going directly to Market 
to the Southward of Cape ffiulstere pay less Dutys to the Crown of firance than 
your petitioners do to that of England and draw back all their Duty on Expor- 
tation. But your petitioners leave behind nine pence of the Duty on Raw 
Sugar, and the Refiner near nineteen pence of the said Duty to the great Dis- 
couragement of the Exportation of Refined Sugars. 

That ffrench Brandys Imported from Dunkirk pay somewhat less Dutys 
than English Rum. 

That tho' your petitioners pay a Duty of four and a half per cent, in specie 
on all their produce before it is shipped in the Plantation over and above the 

Dutys paid in England Yet they and their Predecessors have supported 

the Government of this Sugar Colonie and built and maintained great num- 
bers of fforts and ffortlfications at an incredible expense with little assistance 
from the Crowne. 

That the Decline of your petitioners Trade is not oweing as it has been rep- 
resented to their Idleness and Luxury for it will appear, plainly out of the 
Customehouse books in England, that more sugar has been Imported into 
great Britain for the last fifteen years up to the year one thousand seven hun- 
dred and thirty than the fifteen years preceeding by thirty thousand hogsheads 
a year from all the Sugar Colonies a prodigious Increase of that Manufac- 
ture and not to be brought to pass as your Petitioners humbly conceive with- 
out the most exact Economy and diligence. 

But your petitioners are now greatly apprehensive that instead of Enlarge- 
ing and Improveing their Settlements they shall be obliged to quitt them to the 
loss of their Negroes, buildings, and Utensils amounting to several millions ster- 
ling Avhich would be in effect so much loss to great Britain together with all 
the advantages arising from so great a sume employed in Trade. 



D.] 



TETITION. 



'23 



Your Petitionors tlierefbre luimbly pray That this Honourable house will 
give them such relief as the nature of their Case requires. 



Edw. Byam, 
Vail. Uorvh, 
Natha'. Crumjj, 
Jno. flfrye, 
Geo. Lucas, 
Geo. Thomas, 
Fran. Cai-lile, 
John Morris, 
John Duel", 
WilK. Bulkly, 
William Paynter, 
Alex"^. Downs, 
Nicla^ Hall, 
John Fowler, 
James Curtice, 
Ashton Warner, 
Rowl. Ash Jun"-., 
Ed. Byam, old W. P., 
William Sawcolt, 
Will"". Maekinen, 
Samuel Watkins, 
Jonas Langford, 
Thomas Jarvis, 
Stephen Blizard, 
W^illiam Paynter, 
WiUiam LIttlewood, 
Thomas Gillyard, 
Arthur Williams, 
Thomas Gravenor, 
James Nibbs, Sen., 
Henry Nibbs, 
Henrcy Elliot, 
Baydy Otto Bayer, 
Tho. Nicholay, 
John Frye, Jun^., 
Henry Douglas, 
Thomas Williams, 
Philip Abram, 
George Frankve, 



Nath. Gibbcrt, 
Waif. Nugent, 
Joseph Todman, Junei"., 
Matthew Williams, 
Jno. Fyffe, 
Rogr. Adams, 
Henry Hancock, 
Peter Guichenet, 



Jacob INIorgan, 
Jn°. Murray, 
Kch. Kirwan, 
Tho. Kerby, 
William Smith, 
Will. H. Kenandene, 
John Barton, 
Thomas Beun, 



Jno.Stephen Chardevoine, Tho». Abney Kerby, 



. . Lynch, 
William LIndsey, 
Rich. Baker, 
James Parke, 
Richard Todman, 
Sam". Lavington, 
Robert Addison, 
James Chester, 
Henry Clinton, 
Merrick turnbull, 
Thomas Martin, 
John Delap, 
James Fyffe, 
David Tulledeph, 
James Muir, 
Jno. L . . . 
Sylv. Allicocke, 
Sam". Lyons, 
James Crawley, 
Geo. Jenings, 
Henry Wallace, 
Tho. Hanson, 
Philip Darby, 
Jacob Thibon, 
William Furnell, 
John Tomlinson, 
Joseph Buckshom, 
Tho. Freeman, 
Tho. Stephens, 
EdwJ. Chester, 



Edward Byam, ofye Body, Tho. Watkins, 
Rowland Williams, Benja. King, 

Edward AVilllams, John Tomlinson, Juur 

Sam". Brooke, John Burke, 

John Sawcolt, Isaac Royall, 



Geo. Byam, 
Will. Pringle, 
Richard Sherwood, 
Tho. Morris, 
Ctpher Scandrett, 
N. Monk, 
Charles INIorrls, 
Sam. WIckham, 
Henry Lyons, 
James JNIItchelson, 
John King, 
Wm. Barclay, 
Tho. Fenton, 
John Nash, 
Robt. Tuite, 
John Richardson, 
Zephanlah Richardson, 
Jeremiah Nibbs, 
Miles Toppin, 
Michael McLester, 
R. Bannister, 
Sam". Lightfoot, 
Sling T. Cressy, 
John Ronan, 
John McLester, 
Will". Meredith, 
John Lightfoot, 
Phillip Ronan, 
Geo. Crabbe, 
Henry Garret, 
Wllllara Crabbe, 
Leonard .... 
Barry Anderson, 
John Eliot, 
Nicho^. Collins, 



'?24 



APPENDIX. 



[D. 



Benja. Nibbs, 
James Brockett, 
Henry Spencer, 
John King, Jun"^., 
Mifh'. P)urnet, 
John Mungomry, 
Eobert Flloyd, 
PhiUip NIbbs, 
Timothy Fowler, 
Eobt. li reman, 
J. Sanderson, 
Sam. Mayer, 
Jno. Gower, 
William Bowen, 
Peter Delanoy, 
Wm. Garratt, 
John Delanoy, Jur., 
John Delanoy, Senr., 
Marmadnke Urlln, Senr., 
Marmaduke Urlin, Jun., 
Sam. Blizard, 
Jos. Lavlcuntt, 
John Lavicountt, 
Robert JMaloun, 
Bennett Beasly, 
John Jefferson, 
Thomas Toft, 
Tho. Years, 
Charles Golinn, 
Samuel Adjett, 
Wm. Swon, 
George Hyde, 
Henry Lowry, 
James Howey, 
Joseph Parker, 
James Parker, 
Benj. Wicknam, Jun., 
John Pike, Sener., 



John Pike, Jimr., 
Samuel Parry, 
John Parry, 
John Lambert, 
John Todman, 
Wm. Williamson, 
Samuel Harman, 
Kobert Nanton, 
Jos. Lyons, 
Robt. Christian, 
Thoms. Elmes, Junr., 
Plen. Symes, 
James Taylor, 
Nicho. Lynch, 
John Grover, 
Tho. Elmes, Senr., 
Nath. Marchant, 
Eph. Jordin, 
John Farley, 
Francis Farley, 
Bernard Orr, 
William Huntt, 
John Ayres, 
John Hunt, 
Roger Ecterloney, 
Tho. Bacon, 
Jno. Goble, 
Theodore Walrond, 
Benji. Marchant, 
John Poole, 
Will. Skerrell, 
Richard ffrench, 
Jno. Carson, 
Juo. ffletcher, 
John Stephenson, 
Thom. Howey, 
Benjamyn Ayres, 
John Bo . . 



James Ayres, 
Peter Martin, 
Edward Martin, 
Henry Greenway, 
Patrick Brown, 
Benjamin Barnes, 
John INlarchant, 
William Wallis, 
Thomas Marchant, 
Edward Powe, 
George Powe, 
Wm. Rice, 
Anthony Lynch, 
Hugh Ross, 
Thos. Wilcox, 
John Verdon, 
John Hatton, 
Henry Kipps, 
John Salter, 
John Prynn, 
George Reynolds, 
John Jones, 
Jacob Swan, 
Thos. Speneer, 
Benj'*. Hughes, 
Thom. Browne, 
William Stephenson, 
John Colburn, 
Paul Lee Horsford, 
Tho. Wilson Clerk, 
Don. Cammell, 
James Hughes, 
Richard Nanton, 
Richard Chapman, 
Jas. B . . 
Samuell Greaves, 
Rowland Ash, Sr. 



SHORT JOURNAL OF THE PROGRESS OF THE SUGAR BILL. 

BY JOHN TEAMANS. 

Nov. 1732. The merchants had information given them by Mr. Walpole 
that he should be glad to do something for the Sugar Colonies this year, and 
desired to talk with them upon it. The merchants thereupon met and drew 



D. ] PROGRESS OF THE SUGAR BILL. 725 

up a state of the case and presented it to liim. He told tliem tliey should hear 
from him again when he had considered of it. 

The latter end of the month, I went to Bath, and from thence to Bristol, to 
engage the merchants of that town in our interest, and obtain their assistance. 
When I came to town, the beginning of December, the merchants wrote letters 
to Bristol and Liverpool, with copies of our proposals for relief of the Sugar 
Colonies, and soon after received very satisfactory answers from them. 

The beginning of January (1733) I waited upon Mr. Sandys and Sir John 
Rushout, and begged their interest for the Sugar Colonies, which they were 
pleased to promise me in very obliging terms. About the 16th, Mr. Matthew 
met the Club in the City, and gave us an account how fiir Mr. Walpole had 
consented to our proposals. The same day I read the Petition I received 
from Antigua, to the Merchants, and desired their opinion what was proper to 
be done with it. They unanimously agreed that it should be shown to Mr. 
Walpole, and his advice followed in that respect. 

The 1 7tli. I waited upon Mr. Walpole with it, Mr. Matthew going with me, 
and showed it to him. He seemed to be of opinion that the presenting it 
to the House would delay our affairs. We talked over the affair of our pro- 
posals, but found we could not get any thing more from him than what Mr. 
Matthew reported to us he had consented to, but he said he should be glad 
to see the merchants again. 

The 22d. We waited upon him. He stuck to the three points he had 
agreed to before, and said if we could get Sir J. Rushout to move for a bill, he 
would second it. 

The 24th. I Avas desired by the merchants to wait upon Sir J. Rushout, and 
beg him to move for the bill. 

The 26th. I attended Sir J. Rushout, but found he did not relish the pro- 
posal, however, he said in general he would serve the Sugar Colonies as a 
member of the House, to the utmost of his power. 

The same day, I had information given me that it would be right, before we 
proceeded any farther, to secure some interest in the House of Lords, and in 
order to do it to wait upon my Lord President, give him the papers and desire 
leave for the merchants to attend him. His Lordship modestly desired the 
merchants would not give themselves that trouble. That he could not promise 
his vote before he had heard the debates in .the Lord's House, but, in general, 
that he should be ready to serve the Sugar Colonies, as far as he was able, con- 
sistent with the interest of Great Britain. 

Jany 27th. I called upon Sir General Mattheivs, to consult with him about 
our further proceedings. 

Jany. 29th. Called at Mr. Hutchinson's with Sir William Codrington, and 
went afterwards to the Court of Requests, and endeavored to prevail upon 
Sir J. Rushout to move for the bill. He said he would talk to his friends, and 
consider of it, and desired JNIr. Foster and me to call upon him two or three 
days hence. He said if Mr. Winnington Avas to second him, instead of Mr. 
Walpole, he believed he should do it. 

Jany. 31st. Mr. Scrope talked with Sir J. Rushout, but could not prevail. I 

61* 



726 APPENDIX. [D. 

saw Sir J. Rusliout afterwards in the Court of Requests. He told me lae 
would (be) for any bill that would be for the service of the Sugar Colonies, 
but could not undertake to move it under Mr. Walpole. They did not draw 
together, and therefore desired we would pitch upon another person. I went 
afterwards into the city, and was desired by the gentlemen to attend Mr. 
Matthews in order to let Mr. Walpole know Sir J. Rushout's resolution, and to 
ask him whom he will pitch upon to move for a bill ; Mr. Winnington, Sir 
Joseph Eyles, or any one else. 

Feb. 1st. Mr. Matthews, Sir William Codrington, Mr. Colman, and I 
waited upon Mr. Walpole, and told him Sir John Rushout's answer. He then 
said he would speak to Colonel Bladen. We pressed him on the article of dd. 
and the bounty on refined sugar ; he did not peremptorily refuse us. Mr. Col- 
man and Mr. Wood went afterward to Mr. Scrope, who said he would speak 
to Sir R. and his brother, and did not fear of obtaining both the dd. and the 
bounty. Coach-hire 7s. 6(7. Went afterwards to Mr. Foster's, to engage him 
to go with me to Lord Wilmington. 

Feb. 4th. Mr. Matthews called upon me to let me know Mr. Walpole had 
pitched upon Mr. Winnington for our chairman. 

Feb. 5th. Mr. Lascelles acquainted the merchants that Lord Howe had 
retained Mr. Sharpe as agent for the Sugar Colonies, and would pay him the 
same salary as if he was agent for Barbadoes ; upon which it was agreed to 
write to Mi*. Sharpe to desire his company, on the Gth instant, at the Angel and 
Crown. 

Feb. Gth. Went to Mr. IMatthew, attended the Speaker and Mr. Scrope. 
The speaker told us Mr. Walpole and several members were soon to dine with 
him to consider of our affairs. 

Feb. 9th. Went to Mr. Winnington's, Col. Bladen's, and the Court of Re- 
quests ; gave the French Bill of Sales compared with the English and Observa,- 
tions to Col. Bladen, Mr. Winnington, and Mr. Scrope. Neither of these gen- 
tlemen, except the latter, give us any encouragement to expect the drawback 
of 'J(f. — Coach-hire. 

Feb. 10th. Mr. Wood called upon me, and reported to me the conversation 
yesterday at the Speaker's, about our affair ; present, the Speaker, Sir Wil- 
liam Young, Mr. AValpole, Mr. Winnington, Col. Bladen, Mr. Conduit, Mr. 
Ash, and Mr. Pelham, and Mr. Scrope ; the latter strong for the Od. as well as 
the Speaker, Col. Bladen, and Mr. Winnington. Mr. Walpole opposed them 
Avith some warmth, and went away out of humor. 

Feb. 11th. I sent a letter to Mr. Matthew, telling him I had prepared rea- 
sons for granting the dd. to be given to Mr. Walpole, and desired him to go to 

Sir William Codrington and ^ to him the next day, but he excused 

himself. 

Feb. 12th. Mr. Fleming called upon me and seemed uneasy that he had 
not been appointed with the rest of the gentlemen to wait upon Mr. Scrope. 
He desired I would propose to the gentlemen of the Club to send to Mr. Harry 

1 Word uncertain. 



D.] PROGRESS OF THE SUGAR BILL. 727 

Fands to tell him tliey should be glad of his company. I went to the Court of 
Requests, where IVIr. Fands told me the conversation at the Speaker's. That 
Mr. Scrope had since been with Mr. Walpole to engage him to comply with 
regard to the 9^/., that he had been at Sir R.'s about it, and that he would go 
again, after which Mr. Fands would report his success to us. 

Feb. 14th. Mr. Matthew came to my bedside, and told me that Mr. Wal- 
pole had at last agreed to the 9'/. Upon this, I called upon Mr. Fands, at Mi'. 
Scrope's, who told me that there had been a meeting yesterday at Sir Robert's, 
— present. Sir Robert, Mr. Clayton, Mr. Pelham, the Speaker, Mr. Scrope, and 
Mr. Walpole ; that they all came into the 9d. ; sat upon our affair till ten at 
night, and were to have another meeting of the same company next Friday, 
and that he would call upon me on Saturday morning and let me know the 
issue. Mr. IMatthew says Mr. Walpole is to move the affaii-s to-day in the 
House, which was accordingly done by him. He moved to go into a committee 
of the whole house, to consider of the affairs of the Sugar Colonies; but I think 
that he proposed that the Foreign sugar, rum, and molasses should be under 
the same duties with the English sugar, rum, and molasses in the northern 

colonics, and that we should be put upon a level with the French. M 

said the K' had spoke ad R-g-^m, and that she had ordered his affairs to 
be done and the K — g was to be moved about it in a very short time by the 
Kt. 

Feb. 15th. This day I attended Mr. Walpole with Sir General JNLatthew 
and other gentlemen to thank him for moving our affair in the House, and 
also went to Sir R.'s Levee to beg his favor and interest for the Sugar Bill. 
His answer was he would do us all the service he could. 

Feb. 16th. I went to Mr. Foster's in order to prepare the Bill, where were 
drawn up several Resolutions for the Committee on Tuesday next. 

Feb. 17th, 18th, 19th. Out of order: Mr. Flemmis came to me twice; once 
from Genl. Matthew, and the other time from Mr. Scrope. From the first to 
desire I would not mention a Prohibition as displeasing to the Ministers from 
the Letter to get some of the merchants to wait upon JNIr. Sandys. Accord- 
ingly I told him if the Duties as they now are agreed upon, and as they now 
stand in the Heads for a Bill, are given us, I am indifferent what they are 
called, and I would send to some of the merchants to wait upon Mr. Sandys. • 

Feb. 20th. Attended though much out of order at the House of Commons, 
■where 1 heard that ri.(emmis) had reported that I was still stifi" for a Pro- 
hibition. 

21st. The House of Commons in a Committee came to several Resolutions 
in behalf of the Sugar Colonies. 

22d. "Went to the House where the Resolutions were agreed to. 

24th. Dined at Sir AVilliam Codrington's, with Mr. Walpole and Mr. Con- 
duit. 

2.5th. Went to ]\Ir. Foster's and agreed the Bill with him. 

26th. Ch. Dunbar came to me with several heads to be inserted in our Bill, 
and told me Mr. Walpole asked him how much he thought the Duties on Sugar, 
Rum cmd Molasses, into the Northei'n Colonies would raise. The Bill finished. 



728 APPENDIX. [D. 

Feb. 27tli. Sent the Bill to Mr. Scrope. Wood came to me with a message 

from Mr. ^ that Mr. Walpole desired the Bill might be divided, there 

being some parts against which no Petition would be, also, the clause about 
the Courts of Admiralty being no part of the Resolutions of the Committee — 
it could not come into the Bill, but must come in by way of Instructions to the 
Committee with power to receive the clauses. 

28th. Went to Mr. Scrope with Mr. Foster. He said he had looked over 
the Bill, but desired we would meet him and Mr. Walpole, in order to settle it, 
and desired Mr. Walpole would fix a time. 

March 1st. Mr. Walpole fixed Saturday. 

March 2d. Went to Col. Bladen's, carried a copy of the Bill with me, read 
it over to him. He approved of it. Mem. Mr. Scrope willing to give the 
Honr of the Bill to Mr. Walpole. Dined at Fleming's with Arnold. Fleming 
has been several times desiring I would get Arnold to write for us. I was of 
opinion 'twere best for us to be on the defensive, and rather than begin our- 
selves, reserve our strength to answer objections. 

March 3d. Settled the Bill with Mr. Walpole, Mr. Scrope, Mr. Sharpe, and 
Mr. Foster, at ]\Ir. Walpole's. 

March 5th. Bill was re id a first time. 

March 7th. Mr. Dunbar from Col. Bladen, came to me and proposed the 
man-of-war clause. 

March 9th. AVent to Court of Requests in expectation Bill would be read a 
second time, but it was not. 

March 10th. Went to Mr. Walpole's and Mr. Scrope's about paying the 
fees of Sharpe. 

March 1 2th. Mr. Scrope told me there was nothing in what had been sug- 
gested about the fees of the house, and that our Bill would be read a second 
time this day. I told him about the clause impowering the Captains of the 
King's ships to seize &c., and also the clause against combining ; he said that it 
was his opinion that we had better be content with the Bill as it now stands, 
without overloading it. Mr. Walpole told me the Bill should be read to-day, 
and committed for Thursday or Friday. Omitted, — March 6th. Partridge, 
the Quaker, petitioned on behalf of Rhode Island to be heard against our Bill. 
The Petition was not received but rejected, 140 against 112 ; on the account of 
its being a money bill. This day the Bill was read a second time, (viz. March 
12), and committed for Friday next, March IGth. Our Bill was put off to 
Monday 19th on occasion of the debates concerning the Excise on Tobacco. 

March 19th. The Bill was committed, and some amendments made by the 
House. Attended the debates ; they read through the Bill. 

20th. The report was made, and agreed to by the House. Only Alderman 
Barnard opposed the Bill. 'T was ordered to be engrossed. 

21st. Engrossed, and had a third reading, and passed. Went in the after- 
noon to the Angel and Crown. Appointed of the committee to draw up a 



Name illegible in the MS. 



D.] PROGRESS OF THE SUGAR BILL. 729 

23d. Met at the Temple, and considered heads of our case (coach-hire, 
Is.). Mr. Foster, Mr. Sharpe, Mr. Fiye, Uv. , and Mr. Lascelles. 

April 3d. The Bill was read a first time in the House of Lords, and ordered 
to be engrossed. 

April 5th. The Lords received a petition against our Bill from New England 
and Rhode Island, and ordered it to be heard the 12th inst. 

Put off April 12th to Thursday, 19th inst. An objection made to the Bill 
by the Lords on account of privilege, the Lords saying it is a private Bill, and 
therefore ought not to be sent to them as a money bill. Went to the Speaker 
to see how far the obje(!tion was reasonable. He thought the latter clause a 
slip, and ought to be overlooked by the Lords, but that the Commons could not 
originally have sent it up in any other shape than as a money bill ; said that he 
•would speak to Sir R. to get the Lords together, in order to accommodate the 

matter. Mr. W of opinion that the Bill would pass; nay, he said, when I 

■waited upon him, that it must pass. Mr. Llatthew writes to me, Apr. 14th, to 
the same effect, though Mr. W. has been told he is charged with treachery. 
Petition from New York, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina, against our Bill. 

The Lords put of!" the second reading of our Bill to jMonday, Apr. 29th, 
■when the Northern Colonies went through their evidence. Among the rest, Mr. 
Merse^ said, that a gallon of French molasses distilled into rum, made a clear 
profit of 12d, and Capt. Bass said, the French threw away their molasses be- 
fore the English took it off their hands. 

April 24th. Went through our own evidence, who were Mr. Matthew, Mr. 
Flemming, Mv. Martin, and Capt. Thomlinson, and committed the bill for 
Tuesday the 1st May. 

April 28th. Lord Bathurst told Sir William Codrington that he feared but 
two Lords, one, my Lord Wilmington, who, in point of form, would be for 
leaving out the last clause of the Bill ; the other, my Lord Falmouth, who was 
against us throughout ; as to the latter, he would be put into the chair, and the 
former must be brought off. I waited upon ]\Ir. Walpole to let him know this. 
He advised me to go to Lord Wilmington, and ask it of him as a favor to let 
our clause stand. Accordingly I did. I told his Lordship I came to beg a 
favor of him in behalf of the Sugar Colonies ; that if his Lordship had no objec- 
tion to the substance of the Bill, he would have the goodness to permit the last 
clause to go without any amendment. I permit it, said my Lord ; I am but one. 
We are sensible, says I, that if your Lordship makes tb'e motion, that it will be 
agreed to by the House, and we are apprehensive, in case it goes down again to 
the House of Commons, there will be some difficulty. Well, says he, though 
I think the last clause an absurdity, if no other Lord moves for altering it, I 
wont meddle with it. 

May 1st. Our bill was put off to Thursday, May 3d. 

May 3d. The Lords resolved themselves into a Committee upon our Bill ; 
Lord Falmouth in the chair ; went through it, and reported it to the Plouse 
■without any opposition or amendment. 

May 4th. The Bill had a third reading, and passed the House of Lords. 

1 This name doubtful in the MS. 



730 APPENDIX. [D. 



Some ThougJits on the BUI now depending for encouraging the Sugar Colonies, 
hundihj offered to the consideration of the Honorable the Members of Parlia- 
ment. 

Tliat it is supposed, tlie Bill is intended to be effectual for the purposes 
therein mentioned. 

That if sugar be excepted (as some seem inclined it should), it is conceived 
it will not be effectual for the purposes therein mentioned. 

That if syrups, dabbs, or any other produce of the sugar-cane be not prohib- 
ited, it is conceived, it will not be effectual for the purposes therein mentioned, 
and that for the following reasons : — 

1st. If sugar be not prohibited, the French will part with their worst sugar, 
rather than want things absolutely necessary to the making, curing, and ex- 
porting it, namely, lumber and horses ; and the advantage of that trade is so 
great to the Northern Colonies, that they can afford to distil such bad sugar into 
rum, and get more by it than by any other trade they now drive. 

2dly. As the French have large tracts of new, rich land, they must neces- 
sarily have great cj^uantities of very bad sugar, of little value in the European 
markets, which they will truck for lumber and horses, rather than want them ; 
and that will come so cheap to the Northern traders, that considering it will 
make a great quantity of rum in proportion, it will serve their turn almost 
equally with molasses, at the price they now buy It. 

3dly. That new, rich land will not make good sugar, until It has been ma- 
nured at least seven years; and what it wants in goodness it makes up in quan- 
tity, and is generally called dabbs, very fit for the Northern trade, instead of 
molasses. 

4thly. That the French, having all some new land, those who do make 
sugar will plant as much of this land as will supply them yearly with dabbs, 
to purchase horses and lumber. 

5thly. That they will boil up the juice of all their bad, rotten, rat-eaten, 
sour canes, which they now throw away, and of which the English planters 
make rum. Into syrups, which they can afford to sell as cheap as they now do 
molasses. 

6thly. That If all the produce of the sugar-cane be not prohibited, they will, 
by the advice of the No;:-thern traders, boil up the juice of all such bad canes, 
skum and all together, which will be neither sugar, syrups, or molasses, and 
■which, as yet, has no name, and which they can sell even cheaper than they 
now do their molasses. 

7thly. That molasses Is, properly and only, what drains from the sugar, and 
consequently all or any of the forementioned species Is not molasses, and may 
be Imported Into the Northern Colonies, notwithstanding this Bill, as It now 
stands. 

8thly. That the truth of the facts before mentioned may be depended on, 
and is ready to be attested. 



E.] JOHN ADAMS'S OPINION. 731 



E.— Page 253. 
COPY OF JOHN ADAMS'S OPINION 

On the Will of Shuie Shrimpton Yeamans. 

Sliiite Shrimi-)ton Yeamans of Richmond, in tbe County of Surry, Esq., by 
his Will, Aug. 4, 17G8, devises all other his Lands, Heredits, and Real Estate, 
in Antigua, New England or elsewhere, unto Berners, Gunthorp, and Mercer 
and Greenough, their Heirs and Assigns forever, upon the Trusts, and to and 
for the Uses, Intents, and Purposes, therein after mentioned (that is to say), 
In Trust to receive the Rents, Issues, and Profits thereof, untill one of his Sons 
should attain the age of twenty-one years, or untill both of them should depart 
this Life without Issue, and to pay, apply, and dispose of such Rents, Issues, and 
Profits according to the Direction of his said Will and subject thereto. To the 
use of his son John and the Heirs of his Body lawfully issuing, and for default 
of such Issue, to the use of his son Shute aud the heirs of his Body lawfully 
Issuing, and for default of such Issue then to the use and Behoof of his Aunts 
Chauncy, Greenough, and Hyslop, and the Heirs of their respective Bodies 
lawfully begotten or to be begotten, as Tenants in common and not as Join- 
tenants, and for default of such Issue to the use and Behoof of his own right 
Heirs forever. 

The Question is, Upon the Death of both the sons without Issue, Whether 
the Aunts can obtain the Possession of this real Estate ? or in other words, 
whether this Use is executed In the Aunts by the Statute of 27 H. 8, c. 10. 

My opinion upon the whole is, that this Use is not executed by the Statute, 
but that the Land must remain In the Trustees to enable them to perform the 
Trust, i. e. to receive the Rents, Issues, and Profits, and pay, apply, and dis- 
pose of them according to the Will. 

It Is true that the Statute mentions Trusts as well as Uses. The words are, 
" that Avhen any Person or Persons stand or be seized, &c., of and In any Hon- 
ours, Manors, Lands, &c., to the Use, Confidence, or Trust of any other Person 
or Persons, &c., that In every such Case all and every such Person or Persons 
that have, &c., any such Use, Confidence, or Trust, &c., shall stand and be 
seized, deemed and adjudged, in lawfull Seizin, Estate, and Possession, of and 
in the same Honours, &c., and that the Estate, Title, Right, and Possession, 
that was in such Person or Persons, that were seized, &c., of any Lands, &c'., 
to the Use, Confidence, or Trust of any such Person or Persons, &c., be from 
henceforth clearly deemed and adjudged to be in him or them, that have, &c. 
such Use, Confidence, or Trust, &c. 

It is also true that there has been some couti-ariety In the Judgments of 
Courts upon this Statute. 

2 W. & M. in Seaccario. In 2 Yentrls. 341 , the Case of Burchett aud Dur- 



732 APPENDIX. [F. 

dant, the Court resolved it to be only a Trust in Durdant, for the words were 
that Iligden ?\\0Vi\A permit him to take the Profits, which shews that the Estate 
was to remain in Higden. 

1 Ann. B. R. But in 2 Salk. G79, Broughton vs. Langley, Holt, C. J., pro- 
nounced the Judgment of the Coui-t, that what at common Law was a Trust 
of a Freehold or Inheritance, is executed by the Statute, which mentions the 
word Trust as well as Use, and that the Case in 2 Vent. Burchet and Durdant, 
is not Law. 

Yet in 1 Salk. 228, South v. Alline. The Defendant had Judgment by the 
opinion of Rokesby and Eyre, against Holt, C. J., who said he was not satis- 
fyed, and seemed strongly to incline that the Executors were Trustees for the 
wife, because of the words to he paid by the Executors. 

However Judge Blackstone in his Com. 2, p. 336, informs us, that by more 
modern Resolutions, where Lands are given to one and his Heirs in Trust to 
receive and jmy over the Profits to another, this Use is not executed by the Stat- 
ute, for the Land must remain in the Trustee to enable him to perform the 
Trust. See also Vin. Abr. Tit. Uses page 277, 48. 



John Adams. 



Bralntree, Aug. 4, 1774. 

To the Revd. Dr. Chauncy and Wm. Hyslop, Esqr. 



F.— Page 403, 405. 
GOVERNOR STRONG'S COURSE IN THE WAR OF 1812. 

Further consideration has led the author to feel that the limits of this work 
will not allow a sufficiently extended explanation of the motives and conduct 
of Governor Strong. He is obliged, therefore, to omit the fulfilment of this 
purpose, in the hope that another opportunity will enable him to make use of 
the voluminous papers in his possession relative to the transactions of that 
period, and of his own recollections of the chief who honored him with his 
confidence. 

The facts in the case, summarily stated, were these : That Governor Strong 
acted, in disobeying the first requisition for troops, as narrated on page 398, 
from an honest conviction of the unconstitutionality of the requisition; that 
when the exigency did exist, he did all in his power to comply ; and that he 
did at all times exhibit an active determination to defend the State under his 
government. 

In disobeying the requisitions of 1812, Governor Strong clearly acted from a 
sincere view of his own obligations under both the State and general constitutions. 
Not only was he obliged to sustain the rights of Massachusetts by his oath to 
that eifect, but the constitution of the United States Itself recognized the 



F.] COURSE OF GOVERNOR STRONG. 733 

rights of the individual States, stating, "that the powers not delegated to the 
United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are 
reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." 

Among the powers thus delegated to the United States by the constitution 
were these, viz. : To provide for the common defence and general welfare of 
the United States ; to regulate commei'ce with foreign nations and among the 
several States ; to declare war ; to raise and support armies ; to provide and 
maintain a navy ; to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of 
the Union ; to suppress insurrection and repel invasion ; to coin money ; to lay 
and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises ; to provide for organizing, arm- 
ing, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be 
employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respec- 
tively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia 
according to the discipline prescribed by congress. It also provided that the 
navy should be under the command of the President, who should also be the 
commander-in-chief of the army of the United States, and of the militia of the 
several States when called into the actual service of the United States. 

If in addition to the delegated powers, the States had ceded to the national 
government those of officering and training the militia, and had yielded the 
entire control of their physical force in all cases without exception, they 
would have enabled the President to assume unlimited control without any 
means of resistance, or at least, would have ceded the chief emblem of State 
sovereignty, and have rendered themselves wholly dependent upon the gov- 
ernment to which these powers had been granted. If the federal executive had 
not the control of the militia, how could he protect the States from invasion, as 
required of him by the constitution, especially when assailed by a foreign enemy ; 
and on the other hand, should the physical force of the States be unqualifiedly 
yielded to the national government, and thus placed beyond their control, they 
would have relinquished their State independence. To prevent an undue con- 
centration In the national executive, in jieace as well as war, and at the same 
lime to prepare for the emergencies of the latter, the control over the militia 
was ceded to the President in the three cases specified in the constitution, and 
in these only. With these exceptions, the militia was left under State regula- 
tion. 

Upon the true construction of the constitution arose an honest difference of 
opinion between the President and Governor Strong, which was to decide when 
either of the three cases existed in which the President had a right to call 
upon the State for the militia and the Governor was obliged to comply ; the 
President contending that he was the judge of the exigency, and the Governor, 
that he was not obliged to comply with the call for the militia of his State un- 
less In his opinion the exigency actually existed. There had then been no ju- 
dicial decision upon the subject, and from the ambiguous terms of the constitu- 
tion, there was room for a difference of opinion between the two high powers 
as to which should judge of the exigency. The President, from his correspond- 
ence and from the actual position of our relation to foreign powers, might 
seem to be the proper judge, whether in addition to the other military forces- 

62 



734 APPENDIX. [F. 

under his command it was necessary to employ the militia; while the Gov- 
ernor, from his residence in the State where the militia was to be employed 
when called for, was better enabled to judge whether the exigency upon which 
the call Avas made actually existed. But whichever may have been right, the 
State during the continuance of the war suffered no inconvenience from their 
difference of construction, but was in all cases amply defended. Taking into 
view also that the first requisition was a violation of that part of the constitu- 
tion which provides that the militia, when called into the service of the United 
States, shall be commanded by their own officers under the organization pre- 
scribed by congress and in proportion to the number of privates requested, 
the course of the Governor in resisting an illegal call is seen to be clearly 
within his oath of office as he understood it. The fact that his interpretation 
also was based upon an opinion of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachu- 
setts, signed by the three eminent jurists, Theophilus Parsons, Samuel Sewall, 
and Isaac Parker^ (each of whom in turn held the high office of Chief Justice 
of that court), is sufficient to relieve him from the partisan charge of contumacy. 

Governor Strong did, however, take all the measures he thought to be within 
his province. This is seen particularly in the em23loyment of the executive 
agent to Maine. And as the instructions given to him explain more minutely 
the views of the Governor, they are here inserted. ■• 

As already stated (page 404), the accounts which Adjutant-General Brooks 
received from the District of Maine were so confused and contradictory, that 
he could not deduce from them the true state of affairs in any threatened posi- 
tion, nor advise the Governor what means were to be adopted, or what number 
of troops should be stationed in any such locality. He spoke of this difficulty 
to Lieut.-Col. Sumner, first aid-de-camp to his Excellency, who was in the 
habit of visiting the office of the Adjutant-General daily during the war, and 
said to him : " I have an errand for you to do if it will be pleasant to you ; 
that is, to go to Maine as the eyes and ears of the department, and to report to 
me the true condition of things in the exposed places." Col. Sumner answered 
that he would readily comply with the request, if his reports were not to be 
mixed up with those of other authorities and persons, whose numerous and con- 
tradictory statements had already caused so much embarrassment, but should 
be taken as representing the true stale of affairs. The Adjutant-General re- 
plied, " The truth is' what I wish you to go for, and without doubt, your reports 
will be the foundation of the acts which the government will hereafter take." 
This conversation took place in the beginning of September, say the 4th or 
5th day, and at its conclusion the Adjutant-General said : "I will submit this 
proposition to the Governor, and you will probably hear from him soon." Col. 
Sumner visited the office for several subsequent days, but nothing being said 
relative to the proposed journey, he concluded that his services would not be 
needed. In this, however, he was mistaken, for on Friday morning he received 
a message from the Governor requesting his presence in the council-chamber. 
Here the Governor told him what the Adjutant-General had proposed, and 
said that he had laid the subject before the council (of which Gen. Brooks 

— . — ■ ■ — — i 

1 Council Eecords,.Vol. 26, pp. 99 and 106. 



R] COURSE OF GOVERNOR STRONG. 735 

was a member), that they had delibei'atcd upon it for several days, .-uid had 
that day come to a decision. lie said that the council concurred with him in 
the opinion, that, although he as commander-in-chief had given instructions in 
his general orders to all the Major-Generals how to act in any contemplated 
exigency, yet as Maine was so far distant that frequent communications could 
not be received nor special orders given, it was desirable that he should have a 
general agent upon the ground, who could communicate to these officers his 
views in any emergency which might arise. The Governor also said, that, from 
Col. Sumner's relation to him, and from their frequent conversations, he was 
well acquainted with his views, as has been before stated, and that he fully 
approved of the Adjutant-(jcnerars nomination. But he added that he was 
not in favor of sending an agent with such limited powers as the Adjutant- 
General had proposed, and that he should extend those which would be con- 
fided to any agent he should appoint ; that it was not unusual for the command- 
er-in-chief to have a supervising agent to report to him in cases Avhere he 
lacked entire confidence in the commanding officers ; and, on the authority of 
Judge Johnson of Connecticut, who was in the same congress with him- 
self, he stated that General "Washington sent his aid-de-camp. Col. Hamilton, 
to the head-quarters of the northern army, then under the command of Gen- 
eral Gates, to report to him whatever might seem to him of importance. Gov. 
Strong expressed In this conversation his entire confidence In the several 
officers to whom his orders had been addressed, and named particularly Gen- 
eral Sewall, and General King (the latter of whom, although of opposite 
politics, he said had always executed his powers discreetly) ; but under the 
present threatening aspects, he thought they would all prefer to have an exec- 
utive agent with whom they could consult. He then told Col. Sumner, " Mr. 
Whitwell (then acting as temporary secretary) is writing out my instructions , 
which will be handed to you after your conference with the commissioners of sea- 
coast defence, who, being conversant of the measure I propose to take, are now 
waiting to see you. You will find me at my lodgings at Mrs. Hatch's." Upon 
the observation being made that the conference with the commissioners might 
extend far into the evening, the Governor replied that he should not go to bed 
until he had seen him, If it was ever so late. Accordingly Col. Sumner left the 
council-chamber and repaired to the Quartei-master-General's office, in which 
the commissioners held their sessions. After a long conversation with the com- 
missioners, he was requested to call in the afternoon and receive the instruc- 
tions of the Board, which Col. Pickering was then preparing. He did so, and 
the conference was so protracted that he did not reach Gov. Strong's quarters 
until about ten o'clock. After the customary salutations, the Governor com- 
menced by saying, " I suppose from the long Interview which you have had, 
that you are fully possessed of the objects to which the commissioners of sea- 
coast defence have directed your attention ; but, in my opinion, it is not proper 
for you to go on such an undertaking under their authority witliout the especial 
instructions of the commander-in-chief He then handed to him an unstsaled 
letter, which he was told lie might read on arriving at Portsmouth, which place 
would first demand his attention. He said he had just received an urgent com- 



736 APPENDIX. [F. 

munication from Capt. Hull, who was then building at the navy-yard on the 
Maine side of that harbor, a seventy-four gun ship, stating the danger to which 
it was exposed, as the enemy, although it might not think it prudent to 
attempt to pass the forts on the Piscataqua, yet might land on York beach and 
march up unmolested and take an elevated position near him, whence they 
could fire rockets into the building yard and burn his ship on the stocks. 

" With your Excellency's permission," said Col. Sumner, " I will not defer 
reading the letter until I reach Portsmouth, but will open it now, that I may 
have the benefit of your construction of any doubtful point that may suggest 
itself." Consent being given, he commenced reading it aloud. 

" Sir, — As the commissioners for military defence have appointed you their 
agent to repair to the District of Maine, and to assist in providing every prac- 
ticable means of defence for that part of the State, I will suggest to you such 
circumstances in relation to that subject as have occurred to me." 

As soon as Col. Sumner had read this first sentence, he stopped and asked 
the Governor whether the letter contained any limitation to those powers. 
" Not that I know of," said he. " Then," said Col. Sumner, " I hope your 
Excellency will excuse me from undertaking the mission." The Governor 
answered, " I thought the Adjutant-General informed me that you were ready 
to go ? " " Yes, your Excellency, but not with such powers as these ; but as eyes 
and ears, to see and hear and report the true state of affairs in that district." 
Governor Strong replied, " True, but I told you yesterday I should extend 
your authority to other objects, and my letter contains the powers I propose to 
confer upon you without limitation or restriction." " Does your Excellency 
mean that I am to issue any general order to call out troops ? " " N-o," he 
replied, " the commanding officers of divisions already have that power ; but 
j-ou will confer with them respecting its exercise." Col. Sumner replied, " I 
hope your Excellency will excuse me for observing, that, although my first 
commission as your Excellency's aid was in 1806, yet I have had no experi- 
ence in the field, and therefore feel incompetent to execute your instructions. 
You will please remember, Governor, that you propose to send me into a dis- 
trict of the State which is wholly opposed to you in politics." " I was aware of 
that when I wrote you this letter," said he. " Then I most earnestly solicit you 
to excuse me from the duty." " Do you not hold a commission, sir ? " said the 
Governor. " Your Excellency knows," replied Col. Sumner, " that I hold a 
most honorable one." " I always thought when an officer received a request 
from his superior, he would consider it as an order." Col. Sumner replied, " I 
hope your Excellency will consider the delicate position in which I, without 
any adviser, am to be placed. Your Excellency is in an intelligent and friendly 
community. You have an executive council ; the heads of all the departments 
of the State government ; the commissioners for sea-coast defence ; the Quarter- 
mastei-General, and an Adjutant-General, in whose military experience the 
whole State has the highest confidence ; while I, a young man, unadvised and 
alone, am sent into a district which is hostile to you in politics, and which will 
rejoice to catch me tripping that you may fall." The Governor, acquiescing 
in the truth of this remark, replied, " There are times, Col. Sumner, when all 



F.] COURSE OF GOVERNOR STRONG. 737 

men must take tlieir share of public responsibility, and now is yours." Col. 
Sumner bowed obedience, and read the letter, which is as follows : — 

"BosTOX, September 10th, 1814. 

" Sir, — As the commissioners for military defence have appointed you their 
agent to repair to the District of Maine, and to assist in providing every prac- 
ticable means of defence for that part of the State, I will suggest to you such 
circumstances in relation to that subject as have occurred to me. 

" The major-generals or commanders of divisions are authorized, in case of 
invasion or imminent danger of it, to call out such part of the militia as they 
may think necessary for the protection of the exposed towns ; in forming a 
judgment in cases of this kind we have ground to expect that no men will be 
more impartial, as on the one hand they will be solicitous to afford reasonable 
protection to the inhabitants on the coast, and on the other will be unwilling to 
call the militia from their homes except in cases of necessity. Hitherto, expe- 
rience has served to confirm these expectations, for, so far as I have been 
informed, those officers have conducted with great prudence and discretion. 
As we can only conjecture what are the views of the enemy, and the state of 
things is continually changing, it is impossible to ascertain beforehand, and at 
a distance, what measures may be necessary ; they must therefore for the most 
part be referred to the commanding officers of the militia who are in the 
neighborhood, and in whose judgment I repose full confidence. You will con- 
fer with them, and such other officers as you may judge proper, on the subject 
of defending the coast, and will give your aid for the march of detachments or 
whole corps for the defence of any port or place that may be deemed to require 
support. 

" Portland will deserve your first attention, unless you find on your way 
thither that Portsmouth is immediately menaced, in which case you will confer 
with Gen. Ichabod Goodwin, and make the requisite arrangements with him to 
meet the emergency before you proceed further. The several major-generals 
will communicate to you the orders under which they now act, which, with the 
instructions you will receive from the commissioners and your knowledge of 
my ideas on the subject of defence generally, will assist you in guiding your 
judgment. 

" I observe that the people of Portland have proposed that the militia to be 
called out shall be put under the command of Gen. Chandler. If the militia 
are satisfied with that arrangement, I should make no objection to it. The 
United States, I presume, have made contracts for the supply of the troops 
called into service in the District of Maine, and it is desli-able that the militia, 
who may be now on duty, should be supplied in that way. 

" I wish you to inform me, or the commissioners, of whatever may appear to 
you of importance, and am, with sincere regard, 

" Your obedient servant, 

" Caleb Strong. 

" Col. Wm. H. Sumxer." 

62* 



738 APPENDIX. [F. 

Wlien Col. Sumner had finished the perusal of this letter, he remarked to 
the Governor, that if he rightly understood it, it gave to him his civil as well 
as his military power, and asked him if it was his wish that under any circum- 
stances he should order troops into the service of the United States. The 
Governor answered, " Certainly, if they will feed them, and if they can oc- 
cupy such favorable positions in the national forts as will best secure the safety 
of the harbors they were built to defend. You remember," said he, " that 
I told you of a conversation I had with Chief Justice Parsons at the beginning 
of the war, when an order was promulgated for detaching three companies 
and placing them in such situations as should best give security to Eastport and 
other towns on the eastern frontier, which had petitioned for protection from 
the predatory incursions of the enemy. The Chief Justice said that he saw by 
the newspapers I had issued such an order, and he feared if I had done this it 
would be considered as indicative of a disposition, on my part, to join with the 
government of the United States in a war which involved our best interests, 
and would bring certain ruin upon the commercial interests of the country. 
I told him I had no such disposition, and that, as he well knew, I was opposed 
to the war, and would not have ordered out the militia unless I thought my duty 
required it. ' Why so ? ' said the Chief Justice ; ' congress has declared the war, 
and it is the duty of the national government to protect the inhabitants from its 
consequences.' That is true, I said, and they have a right to call upon me for 
assistance in certain cases. There are but three of these enumerated in the con- 
stitution, and when either of them exists, I feel bound to comply with the Presi- 
dent's requisition as an existing exigency. ' Who is the judge of the exigency,' 
said he, ' the President or yourself? ' I answered, the Governor of the State, 
and not the President. ' I agree with you in that construction of the instru- 
ment,' replied the Chief Justice, ' and ask, if you are the judge of the exigency, 
why you have involved us in actual war ? ' It is not I, but the enemy, that has 
done it by invading our territory, and the evidence in the council-chamber 
shows that one of the cases supposed by the constitution exists, when the Gov- 
ernor is obliged to call out the militia upon the request of the President. ' Do 
you then,' said the Chief Justice, ' consider this such a case as renders it necessa- 
ry for you to plunge the State into a foreign war ? ' I answered, I do not thus 
intend, but I cannot allow my fellow-citizens there to be the defenceless sub- 
jects of invasion while I command the militia ; and whether the President or 
myself is to judge of the exigency, I feel equally bound with him to defend the 
inhabitants of my own State, for I am, under the oath of office, bound to sup- 
port the constitution of the United States as well as he, and my oath is equally 
binding upon me as his is upon him, and something more. I am also bound to 
support the constitution of my own State. The representations of the enemy's 
predatory incursions into our territory come to me from our own citizens resid- 
ing upon that frontier, the truth of which cannot be doubted, and my council 
having considered it a case of invasion such as is described in the constitution, 
I feel bound under my oath, to comply with the President's request. The 
Chief Justice then left me with the remark that he thought I had given up the 
main point of controversy between the State and national government, and he 
feared we should sutler in consequence of the precedent which had thus been 



F.] COURSE OF GOVERNOR STRONG. 739 

established." The Governor then remarked to Col. Sumner, " Although I 
failed to convince the judge of the propriety of my course, I have myself ever 
been satisfied with that decision. You may govern yourself by the principles 
then established, if the case again occurs. Now, however, there is no doubt 
about the danger of invasion along the whole sea-coast. In fact, the national 
government having withdrawn all its troops from the forts, we are left for 
defence, in case of any attack, to our own resources. The enemy have already 
cut oiT that part of the District of Maine which is beyond the Penobscot, and 
have a fleet in that bay, with troops on board, sufficient to make a serious 
attack upon any of our seaports. Indeed, I am determined the State and every 
harbor in it shall be defended, whether the troops are placed in the service of 
the United States, or retained under the command of their own officers." 

Col. Sumner then asked the Governor whether any effort should be made to 
drive the enemy from Castine, or from any part of the territory east of the 
Penobscot which they then possessed. He answered, " No ; the militia is for 
defence, and it belongs only to the government of the United States to drive 
the enemy from the territory which they have invaded, and not to the State. 
But mind you this," he continued, " I will not have my militia officers, when 
they are ordered into the service of the United States, disgraced, as they 
have been here, by being placed under the command of a broken officer of 
the militia. You know that this was the case when Lieut.-Col. Page and 
other officers, who were detailed into that service, and ordered to report 
to Major-General Dearborn, who had his quarters in Boston. When they 
did so they were directed by him to repair to Fort AYarron. Upon com- 
pliance with this order they soon found themselves under the command of 
Lieut.-Col. Joseph Loring, who then held a commission of that rank in the U. 
S. army. This was the same officer who, then holding the commission of major 
in the same brigade with Lieut.-Col. Page, his superior officer, had recently 
been broken by a militia court-martial. You also know that Col. Page con- 
sidered this so great an indignity that he, with Col. Dudley and other officers, 
came to the Adjutant-General's otlice and made complaint of the disgrace. 
Although this complaint was well founded, Gen. Brooks told them, that as 
they were in the service of the United States, the State authorities had no 
jurisdiction over them, and they must apply for relief to Gen'. Dearborn, com- 
mander of the United States troops in this district. This case," said Governor 
Strong, " is not likely to occur again, but other cases may ; wherefore I re- 
quire that all my officers shall be treated with that respect which their com- 
missions under the authority of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts entitle 
them to receive." 

These and other questions being disposed of, Col. Sumner inquired, " When 
does your Excellency wish me to go ? " " By sunrise, if you can be ready so 
early," was the answer. " I hope your Excellency will give me time to get 
my horse shod." " Yes, I will, but you must tell the blacksmith not to take 
too much time in filing his hoofs ! " 

The proceedings of Col. Sumner in pursuance of these instructions need to 
be detailed only so far as they still further illustrate Governor Strong's princi- 
ples of action. He set off early the next morning, and by the middle 



740 APPENDIX. [F. 

of the afternoon arrived at Portsmouth. As the harbor at that place 
rec^uired his first attention, he sent a letter by an express messenger to ]\Iajor- 
General Goodwin, at Berwick, informing him of his powers and objects, and 
requested an interview at Portsmouth without delay. Gen. Goodwin sent a 
reply, in which he demurred acceding to that request, on the ground that as 
sheriff he was obliged to meet the court at Alfred the next day. To this, Col. 
Sumner returned an immediate answer by the same messenger, that in time of 
war the civil power must give way to the military. This produced the desired 
effect, and General Goodwin appeared at Col. Sumner's quarters in Portsmouth 
at early daylight. They immediately visited Capt. Hull to devise means for de- 
fending the navy-yard, and found that although he had asked Gov. Strong to 
order out troops for that purpose, yet he had no power to provide for them, 
nor had Capt. Walbach, whom the Executive Agent and General Goodwin 
proceeded to visit at Fort Constitution. Capt. Walbach fu% concurred with 
Ca2:)t. Hull in the opinion that troops were necessaiy for the protection of the 
harbor, and named four hundred, although without means for their supply. 

In an interview with the Hon. Jeremiah Mason and Daniel Webster, Esq. 
(both of whom were members of the Committee of Safety in Portsmouth, 
which had desired the assistance of Massachusetts in the defence of that har- 
bor), the Executive Agent expressed the feeling, that New Hampshire, having 
but one port, ought to defend that without calling for aid upon the militia of a 
State with such an extensive frontier as Massachusetts. They rephed that Gov. 
Gilman had called upon the militia of the State for a sufhcient force to defend 
Portsmouth harbor, but that such was the disorganized condition of their militia 
they could not be expected on the ground under fifteen days, and if Governor 
Strong did not order his troops to protect them, they would be left defenceless 
in the mean time. If the Governor did not do it, they could only say that 
they differed from him in the construction of his powers and duties. 

Col. Sumner reported his day's proceedings to the Adjutant- General, and 
recommended that two hundred troops should be placed in FortMcCleary, and 
that the several companies of the militia of York and Kittery, together with 
Capt. Lyman's company of artillery, should be instructed to be on the alert in 
case the enemy should attempt to land on York beach, and left the decision 
to the Governor, who, from the proximity of his position, could easily commu- 
nicate his orders. This recommendation was comjalied with in an order to Ma- 
jor-General Goodwin to make the detachment and the proper arrangements. 

Leaving Portsmouth, Col. Sumner hastened on towards Portland that after- 
noon. Stopping at York to bait his horse, he found some six or eight compa- 
nies there assembled, but ignorant of what to do ; and in compliance with the 
earnest desire of his old friend Capt. Lyman, and perceiving that there was no 
other way to instruct such a multitude, Col. Sumner addressed them as they 
crowded around the tavern, advising them especially in regard to an apprehen- 
ded landing of the British on York beach with the purpose of marching to the 
high grounds of Kittery, which overlooked the navy-yard, and directed them 
after putting their arms in order, to oppose any landing, take up the bridges on 
the road, and, covered by the thick woods and stonewalls, to annoy the enemy 
by their sharp-shooting, in which, from their practice of killing game, they ex- 



F.] COURSE OF GOVERNOR STRONG. 741 

celled, and thus with the aid of Capt. Lyman's Sea Fencibles, in the strong 
positions they would occupy, at least a day could be gained and time allowed 
for reinforcements to pour in from the country. Col. Sumner was here met by 
a messenger from the Committee of Safety in Portland hastening to the Adjutant- 
General's office in Boston. He stated to him his authority, examined the de- 
spatches, and learning the state of affairs, sent the messenger back with infor- 
mation that he was on his way to Portland with the Governor's instructions, and 
would reach that town the next day. He arrived at that time, although stop- 
ping on the way to consult with various Committees of Safety who presented 
themselves in Wells, Kennebunk, Arundel, Saco, and Biddeford. 

On arriving at Portland, his first inquiry was for the head-quarters of Major- 
General Richardson, and upon repairing thither. Gen. Richardson stated to 
him that the troops of the whole surrounding country were pouring into Port- 
land at the request of the Committee of Safety and of the magistrates, with 
whom the committee was authorized to advise; that the ships had been taken 
up the rivers to places of apparent safety, and the forts being unmanned, the 
harbor presented a deserted appearance. Affiiirs were in a complicated state 
from the fact that the magistrates, in the advice that they gave were actuated 
to a great extent by partisan motives. Relieving himself of that difficulty 
by declining to consult with them on the ground that his instructions permitted 
him to advise with the Major-Generals and the Committees of Safety only, 
the Executive Agent found another difficulty in adjusting questions of rank 
between Brigadier-General Chandler of the United States army, sub-super- 
intendent of the U. S. forces in Maine, and Major-General Eichardson of 
the militia. The same jealousy existed here on the part of the militia as in 
Massachusetts proper, and the same ambition for command on the part of the 
United States officers. For a difficulty had occurred similar to that in which 
Gen. Dearborn had involved Colonels Page, Dudley, Warren, and others, at 
Fort Warren, by placing Major Lane, of the United States army, over Major 
Weeks, of the detached militia, who was in command of Fort Scammel, with- 
out bringing a single additional soldier under him. To reconcile these diffi- 
culties, the Executive Agent placed a State fort (Burroughs) fully armed and 
equipped in the service of the United States, to which, with a distinct com- 
mand, Major Weeks was assigned. 

This produced a reconciliation, after which the Executive Agent advised 
Gen. Richardson to order the number of troops which General Dearborn had 
requested into the United States service, upon the pledge of Gen. Chandler, 
that the officers of the militia should be continued in their respective com- 
mands ; and although the jealousy of the militia afterward prevented their 
being actually mustered into the United States service, they were practically 
employed for the same purposes by an arrangement which the Executive 
Agent made with Gen. Richardson, to act as a volunteer, and to report in case 
of attack, to Col. Starks, Gen. Chandler's successor. The forts in the harbor, 
being embargo forts, intended to keep the American vessels in, rather than 
the enemy's out, were finished by the militia as fortresses of defence. With 
the exception of the eleven hundred required by the United States, the great 
number of troops was then dismissed, having been furnished with quarters and 
supplies at the expense of the State. To reconcile these difficulties was a work 



742 APPENDIX. [F. 

of great care, caution, and concession on the part of the Executive Agent and 
others in command who concurred with him. 

Similar confusion existed at Bath and Wiscasset, to which Col. Sumner then 
repaired. After questions of rank between ISIajor-Generals Sewall and King 
had been adjusted (the former being the elder officer, and the latter claiming 
that as the troops were all from his division he should have the command), a 
part of the troops of the two divisions under those officers were offered for 
Gen. Dearborn's acceptance. He at first declined to receive the detachment, 
unless it was organized in the same manner as a regiment of the regular army. 
Gen. King, although friendly to Gen. Dearborn, refused to reorganize it on 
that i^rinciple, and observed, " that if this plan was pursued and acquiesced in, 
the State would never afterward get respectable men to command the militia." 
The result was that Gen. Dearborn agreed to their organization into two bat- 
talions, each under the command of a lieutenant-colonel, and Col. McCobb, an 
officer of the United States army, was authorized to receive them into the Uni- 
ted States' service. 

Another difficulty arose from the inability of the United States contractor to 
furnish supplies ; he, not having anticipated so large a number of troops, had 
neither provisions nor money, and the credit of the United States government 
was insufficient for the purpose ; — it was therefore agreed, after mutual con- 
sultation, to retain them in the service of the State, as the only method of ob- 
taining necessary supplies. This was done by the Executive Agent upon the 
credit of the State, by a contract with Joseph T. Wood. These troops were 
employed under their own officers, in the service of the State, with the advice of 
General King, the confidential agent and correspondent of General Dearborn, 
who supplied them with a ton of powder. As a result of measures which cannot 
be more minutely detailed, troops were stationed where needed, jealousies 
avoided, supplies furnished, the credit of the State pledged, and the coast 
then threatened put into a state of practical defence. And although meas- 
ures were taken by the Executive Agent in the dismissal of troops and in 
other points which did not come within the letter of his instructions, " to adopt 
every jiracticable means for the defence of that part of the State," yet the 
views of Governor Strong may be seen in the fact, that, when the letters 
detailing the measures adopted at Portland and other places by the Executive 
Agent were laid before the Governor and Council and the Commissioners for 
sea-coast defence, the Adjutant-General, in reply to them, informed Col. Sum- 
ner " that they produced an expression of entire approbation from each of the 
gentlemen to whom they were presented." 

Col. Sumner subsequently received an additional commission from a newly 
organized Board of War, under His Honor Edward H. Bobbins, as President, 
and repaired to Maine a second time, where he paid off the troops which had 
been mustered into service, disbursing over $200,000 from the funds of the 
State, for which services he received the thanks of the President for the effi- 
cient manner in which they had been executed.^ 



1 While Col. Sumner was in Maine engaged in the prosecution of his duties under Gov- 
ernor Strong's orders, the Boston newspapers announced his name ds the candidate of the 



G.] EAST BOSTON COMPANY. . 743 

G.i 

PAPERS RELATING TO THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 
ACT OF INCORPORATION. 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

In the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three. An act 
to incorporate the East Boston Company in the city of Boston. 

Section I. Be it enacted ly the Senate and House of Representatives, in 
General Court assembled, and hj the authority of the same, That Francis J. 
Oliver, Stephen AVhite, William H. Sumner, and their associates, successors, 
and assigns, be, and they are hereby made a body corporate, by the name of 
the East Boston Company, for the purpose of improving Noddle's Island ; with 
the powers and requirements contained in "an act concerning corporations" 
passed March eight, a. d. one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three. 

Section II. Be it further enacted, That said corporation may purchase, 
hold, and possess, in fee-simple and otherwise, all or any part of that Island, 
situate in the city of Boston, known by the name of Noddle's Island, with all 
the flats around the same, and the privileges and appurtenances thereto apper- 
taining, and all rights, easements, and watercourses therewith used and en- 
Federal Caucus for member of Congress for Suffolk District. This was soon followed by 
another announcement that Andrew Ritchie was nominated by his friends for the same 
office. Foreboding a split in the Federal party, the papers afterward stated that the 
names of Col. Sumner and Andrew Ritchie were withdrawn, and that of Artemas Ward 
substituted. The reasons why the caucus candidate was not supported were never 
known to Col. Sumner until 1854, Avhenhe received a letter from his friend Charles W. 
Greene, Esq., from which, on account of its personal interest, he will be excused for 
making the following extract, as he will probably have no other opportunity: — 

" Potowomut, E. I., Sept. 19, 1854. 
"To the Hon. Wm. H. Sumner. 

" Mt Valued Friend, — I replied in part to your letter of July 1st, and promised to 
write again. I was not aware of the various offices which you have filled. Since I knew 
you intimately I have always truly regretted my agency in preventing your election to 
Congress, where you would have attracted commendation and honor to yourself, and 
would have shed credit upon your constituents. The fault was in that injudicious Ben. 
Russell. He nominated you with a lack of regard for us youngsters. We met at the 
Exchange Coffee-House, and Wm. Sturgis, myself, and one more, were delegated to wait 
upon him and inquire why the young men of Boston were not, as usually, consulted. His 
reply was, " if the young men of Boston wont step into the traces, they must be whipped 
in." We inquired if that was his reply, and he answered in the affirmative. We reported, 
and the storm of indignation which ensued at the Exchange swept every thing before it. 
This caused the rejection of the son of Gov. Sumner, and the son of Gen. Washington 
could not have succeeded under such circumstances. I have always been soiTy. 
" I am, with warmest regard and respect, 
" Your assured friend, 

CiiAs. W. Greene." 
1 See page 449. 



744 APPENDIX. [G. 

joj^ed, and to the proprietors of said Island belonging, -with such personal 
property as may be necessary for the proper conducting of the affairs of said 
corporation ; piwlded, that the whole real and personal estate of said corpora- 
tion shall not exceed, in A'alue, the sum of five hundred thousand dollars ; cmd 
provided, that the lawful owners or proprietors of such estate shall convey the 
same to said corporation. And said corporation shall also have power to sell 
and convey, lease, mortgage, or otherwise dispose of said corporate property, 
or any part thereof, and to manage and improve the same at its will and 
pleasure, with authority to construct dams, docks, wharves, and buildings, and 
to lay out streets and passage-ways within the limits of said Island, as it shall 
deem expedient. 

Section III. Be' it further enacted, That said corporation may, at any legal 
meeting, agree upon the number of shares into which the corporate estate and 
property shall be divided, and upon the form of certificates of shares to be 
issued to the proprietors, and upon the manner and conditions of transferring 
the same, which shares shall be deemed and held as personal property ; and 
said corporation shall have power to assess upon each share, such sums of money 
as may be considered as necessai-y for constructing, repairing, and maintaining 
dams, docks, wharves, and buildings, and for the improvements and good man- 
agements of the property of said corporation, and for the Incidental expenses 
thereof; and to sell and dispose of the shares of any delinquent proprietor for 
the payment of assessments, in such manner as said corporation may, by its 
by-laws, determine ; provided, that no assessment shall be made at any meeting, 
unless agreed to by two thirds, at least, both in number and value, of those 
proprietors present and represented, nor unless notice of the purpose of such 
meeting shall have been given, ten days at least, previous thereto, In the man- 
ner prescribed by the by-laws. 

Section IV. Be it further enacted, That said corporation shall set apart on 
said Island, in such place or places thereon as the mayor and aldermen of the 
city of Boston may designate, a portion of land, not exceeding, in the whole, 
four acres, free of expense to the city, for the purpose of providing proper sites 
for engine-houses, school-houses, burial-grounds, and for other public purposes ; 
provided, that no lot, except the lots for burial-grounds, shall contain more 
than ten thousand feet, without the consent of this corporation ; and provided 
further, that said mayor and aldermen shall designate the land so to be taken 
within six weeks from the passing of this act. 

Section V. Be it further enacted, That nothing herein contained shall be 
construed to confirm. Interrupt, or impair the existing rights belonging to the 
proprietors, or others, or of any ferry, already established, or to authorize the 
building of any bridge or dam over the channel of any public navigable waters, 
or otherwise permanently to obstruct the same, or to restrain the power of 
settin"' up any ferry which the wants or convenience of the public may here- 
after require. 

Section VI. Be it further enacted, That at all meetings, the proprietors 
present shall be respectively entitled to as many votes as they shall hold shares 
in said corporation ; jn-ovided, that no one proprietor shall ever be entitled to 



G.] EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 745 

more than one quarter part of the whole number of the votes of said corj^ora- 
tion, and absent proprietors may vote by proxy, authorized in writing. 
House of Representatives, 20th JSIarcTi, 1833. 
Passed to be enacted. ( Signed) 

W. B. Calhoun, Speaker. 
In Senate, March 20, 1833. 
Passed to be enacted. (Signed) 

P. T. Pic KM AN, President. 
A copy, attest, (Signed) 

Edw. D. Bangs, Sec'yofthe CommomceaWi. 
March 25, 1833. Approved. 

Levi Lincoln. 



BY-LAWS OF THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 

Article 1. There shall be a stated meeting of the stockholders of the East 
Boston Company, on the first Monday of May annually, at such time of that 
day, and at such place, as the directors shall determine. At such stated meet- 
ing there shall be elected by ballot, from the stockholders, ten directors. They, 
and every officer chosen or appointed by them, or by the stockholders, shall 
hold their respective offices for the term of one year, and until others shall be 
elected and qualified in their places, — excepting in cases of death, resignation, 
or removal, and excepting that every director shall cease to retain any office in 
the company when he ceases to be a stockholder. Four of the directors shall 
constitute a quorum for the transaction of business ; and in all cases in which 
power has been given, or shall be given, to the directors to do or authorize any 
act, the same may be done or authorized by a majority of the board present at 
their meeting, — provided that not less than four of them shall be present. 
The directors shall elect one of their number to be president of the company, 
who shall preside at all their meetings, and at all meetings of the stockholders. 
In case of his absence a president pro tempore shall be elected by the stock- 
holders, or by the directors. The directors may fill any vacancy that may 
happen in their board, provided it be done by the consent of two thirds of the 
directors remaining in office ; and until such vacancy be supplied, all the 
powers and authority conferred on the whole board of directors shall be held 
and enjoyed by such remaining directors. 

Art. 2. All meetings of the stockholders shall be called by an advertise- 
ment signed by the president or clerk of the company, and published in one 
or more newspapers printed in the city of Boston, and in one or more news- 
papers printed in the city of New York, at least ten days before the day 
appointed for the meeting. Special meetings of the company shall be called, 
in like manner, whenever the directors shall vote the same to be expedient, 
and whenever any twenty or more of the stockholders shall, in writing, require 
the president or clerk to call such meeting. The directors shall determine the 
time and place of every meeting for which different provision is not made, and 

63 



746 APPENDIX. [G. 

all meetings of the company, and of the directors, shall be held in tlie city of 
Boston. 

Art. 3. At the meetings of the company, all votes shall be given by the 
stockholders in person, or by proxy. Authority to act as proxy, or to receive 
dividends, shall be in writing, signed by the proprietor ; and the same, or a 
notarial copy thereof, shall be delivered to the treasurer and remain on hia 
files. 

Art. 4. At all meetings of the stockholders, twenty stockholders, entitled to 
vote, shall constitute a quorum : and whenever twenty such stockholders shall 
not be present or represented at any such meeting, the same shall be ad- 
journed to such time and place as a majority of those present shall deter- 
mine. 

Art. 5. The directors shall appoint their clerk, who shall also be the clerk 
of the company, — also a treasurer of the company, and a superintendent, and 
such other officers and agents as they may deem needful, each of whom shall 
be removable at their pleasure : and the directors shall assign their respective 
duties and fix their compensation. In the absence of the treasurer or clerk, 
a person shall be chosen by the directors to fill the office of such absent officer 
pro tempore. The directors may authorize the treasurer to hire such sums of 
money as they deem necessary for the use of the company, and cause suitable 
bonds, promissory notes, or other securities, to be given for the payment 
thereof, with or without interest, as they may deem expedient ; and may cause 
suitable mortgages, or other conveyances and transfers of any real estate or 
personal property of the company, to be made and executed to secure the 
payment of any moneys so hired. The directors may cause such buildings to 
be erected as they may deem necessary or advantageous to the interests of the 
company : they may sell and cause to be transferred and conveyed any mort- 
gages, promissory notes, or other securities or personal property of the com- 
pany, for such consideration and on such terms as they think proper: they 
may sell and cause to be conveyed any and all the lands and real estate of the 
company to such corporation, corporations, person or persons, in fee-simple, 
or for any less estate, on such terms and conditions, for such prices or consid- 
eration, by public vendue or private sale, as they, from time to time, shall 
deem expedient and most for the interest of the company ; and shall cause 
suitable conveyances to be made thereof: they may demise any of the real 
estate or personal property of the company as they may deem expedient, at 
such rents and on such terms as they may think proper, and cause suitable 
leases to be made thereof. The directors shall declare all dividends, allow 
accounts, superintend the conduct of the different officers and agents appointed 
by them, and exercise such other powers and authority as may be necessary or 
proper in the management of the affairs of the corporation. 

Art. 6. The directors shall cause such streets, ways, and passages to be 
made and maintained as they may deem needful, — shall cause such marsh-land 
and flats to be filled up as they think requisite, — and such lots of land as they 
think suitable for sale, to be surveyed, laid out, and prices affixed thereto, — 



G.] EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 747 

and shall authorize the superintendent to sell the same. They shall also advise 
and direct the superintendent in making any other sales and contracts. 

Art. 7. The clerk shall be sworn to the faithful discharge of his duties by a 
justice of the peace, Immediately after his election ; and his oath shall be 
entered, with the signature of the magistrate, on the records of the corpora- 
tion. The clerk shall attend all meetings of the stockholders, and of the 
directors, and shall keep records of their doings in separate books. In his 
absence a clerk pro tempore shall be elected by the stockholders or directors, 
■who shall do all things, while he remains in office, required of the clerk of the 
corporation. 

Art. 8. The treasurer shall give bond, with sureties to the satisfaction of 
the directors, for the faithful discharge of his duties. He shall have an office 
in Boston, accessible to all persons having business with the corporation. He 
shall keep all deeds, promissory notes, and valuable papers of the company. 
He shall collect and receive all assessments. Income, and moneys that may be 
due to the company, and disburse the same as the board of directors shall 
order. He shall surrender notes and other promissory papers on payment 
thereof, and discharge such mortgages as may have been given concerning the 
same. He shall keep a regular set of books, containing the accounts of the 
company, and of all its funds that may pass through his hands. He shall lay 
before the directors, monthly, a written statement of all notes, drafts, promises, 
and contracts made, signed, or Indorsed by him since their last previous meet- 
ing; an abstract of all moneys received and paid ; a statement of all property 
bought and sold, and such other matters as he or the board of directors may 
deem important. He shall make a complete settlement of the accounts and 
books at least annually, and as much oftener as the board of directors shall 
require, and shall advise what dividends of profits may be made. He shall 
render an account of his doings to the stockholders at their annual meetings. 
He shall notify each stockholder of all assessments, by a notice published in at 
least two newspapers printed in Boston, and two newspapers printed in the 
city of New York, at least thirty days before the day fixed for payment thereof. 
He shall deposit all moneys received by him in some bank in Boston or New 
York, or in such other place or places as the directors may designate. He 
shall issue certificates of stock to all persons entitled thereto, and keep suita- 
ble books showing the number of shares held by the respective stockholders 
from time to time. He shall attend faithfully to the duties prescribed in the 
by-laws, and to all other duties which the directors may require him to per- 
form. 

Art. 9. Every promissory note made In behalf of the company shall be 
signed by the treasurer, and for any larger sum than one thousand dollars shall 
be approved In writing on the face thereof by two or more of the directors, 
and such notes shall be sufficient and valid against the company. 

Art. 10. The superintendent shall have the general superintendence and 
care of the property and concerns of the company, and make and sign all con- 
tracts of sale, and for leases of the land and property of the company, from 
time to time, for such consideration, and upon such terms and conditions as the 



748 



APPENDIX. 



[G. 



directors shall order or approve, — and he shall perform all other duties con- 
nected with his office which the directors shall from time to time assign to him. 

Art. 11. This company shall have a common seal, to be preserved and kept 
by the treasurer, which shall be the same seal hitherto authorized and used by 
them, bearing the words and figures — " East Boston Company, Inc. March 25, 
1833" — with the representation of a dwelling-house, under which are the 
figures " 1776." ^ 

Art. 12. The capital stock of the company shall consist of 10,560 shares, 
and the number thereof may be increased from time to time as the company 
shall determine. The holders of shares in said capital stock shall be entitled to 
certificates thereof, to be signed by the president, countersigned by the treas- 
urer, and authenticated by the common seal : and all certificates of shares in 
said stock hereafter issued shall be in the following form, namely : — 



To 

For Shares. 

Dated 18 . 



EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 



BE IT KNOWN, That 



No. 



Proprietor 

of Shares in the Capital Stock, of the 

EAST BOSTON COMPANY, subject to all assessments thereon, 
and to the provisions of the Charter and the By-Laws of the Corpo- 
ration, the same being transferable by an assignment thereof on the 
books of said Corporation or by a conveyance in writing recorded on 
said books — and no transfer will be complete until made or recorded 
in the books of the Corporation, and this certificate surrendered, 
when a new certificate or certificates will be issued. 

Dated at Boston, this day of 

Seal of the \ A. d. one thousand eight hundred and 

Company, ) 

President. 
Tkeasurek. 



Art. 13. All transfers of shares in the capital stock of said company shall be 
in the following form, to be printed in the transfer books of said company, 
namely : — 



Eec'd Certif. No. 

Transfer No. 

Fi'om 

To 

For Shares. 



Dated 



18 



Shares. 



EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 



No. 



For Value Eeceived hereby transfer to 

of Shares of the capital stock 

of the East Boston CoMP^iNY, subject to all assessments and to 
the provisions of the Charter and to the By-Laws of the Corpora- 
tion. 
Dated at a.d. 18 . 



1 The dwelling-house represented on said seal is that which formerly stood in the public 
square near the head of East Boston wharf, and was the only dwelling-house at East Bos- 
ton in March, 1833. The materials of it were part of the barracks of General Washington 
at Cambridge, and were given by him to H. H. Williams, tenant of the Island. See pp. 
326, 385. 



G.] EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 749 

Art. 14. In case of the non-payment of any assessment or assessments on 
the share or shares of any stockholder in said company, the directors may 
cause any or all such shares to be sold at public auction in the city of Boston, 
and notice of every such sale shall be given in one or more newspapers printed 
in said Boston, and in one or more newspapers printed in the city of New 
York, at least thirty days before the day of such sale, designating the time and 
place thereoC The treasurer shall transfer to the purchaser all shares so sold 
at auction, and he shall be entitled to receive a certificate thereof. After de- 
ducting from the proceeds of sale the amount of all such assessments unpaid, 
and Interest thereon, and all charges and expenses concerning such sale, the 
balance of proceeds, if any, shall be paid to said delinquent stockholder, or his 
representatives. 

Art. 15. The directors of the East Boston Company are hereby authorized 
to appoint one or more suitable agents, out of the city of Boston, as register or 
registers, to receive, transmit, and deliver transfers and certificates of shares In 
the capital stock of said company. And the said directors shall fix the com- 
pensation of such register or registers, and make such rules and regulations 
concerning his duties as they shall deem expedient and proper. 

Art. 16. All deeds, conveyances, and mortgages heretofore made in fee- 
simple, or for any other or less estate, and all leases of any lands or real estate 
owned by the East Boston Company, executed by the president, countersigned 
by the treasurer, and authenticated by the seal of said company, are hereby 
ratified and confirmed, and declared to be the voluntary acts and deeds of said 
company. And all deeds, conveyances, and mortgages which shall hereafter be 
made in fee-simple, or for any other or less estate, — all leases of any lands or 
real estate owned by said company, and all contracts relating thereto executed 
by the president, countersigned by the treasurer, and authenticated by the seal 
of said company, are hereby declared to be the voluntary acts and deeds of 
said company, and shall be valid and effectual as such to all intents and pur- 
poses. 

Art. 17. The directors are hereby authorized to make, or cause to be 
made, with or without any consideration therefor (except the prospective ad- 
vantage to the company), any and all such sales, conveyances, and leases of 
lands, or any Interest therein, and all other contracts, agreements, and arrange- 
ments to and with the Eastern Railroad Company, or any other railroad cor- 
poration, which they shall deem expedient and for the interest of this com- 
pany. 

Art. 18. The past by-laws and votes of said company are hereby repealed, 
so far as the same may concern the future acts and proceedings of said com- 
pany and its officers. 

Art. 19. All officers and agents of the company heretofore elected or ap- 
pointed, shall continue to hold their respective offices, and perform all duties 
which have been or may be assigned them, until they shall be removed, or 
others elected or appointed to supply their places. 

Art. 20. All acts and doings of the president, directors, clerk, treasurer, 

63* 



750 APPENDIX. [G. 

superintendent, and other officers and agents of the East Boston Company, 
i-espectively, done prior to the 1st day of May, a.d. 1836, are hereby approved 
and confirmed. 

Adopted May 2, 1836. 

OFFICERS OF THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 

1833. Directors (elected April 2), W. H. Sumner, Stephen White, F. J. 
Oliver, Samuel S. Lewis, Daniel D. Brodhead, Amos Binney, Gardner Green- 
leaf; — Clerk, Treasurer, and Superintendent (^At^yW 3), Samuel S. Lewis; — 
Executive Committee (April 3), W. H. Sumner, F. J. Oliver, Amos Binney 
(to 1st Monday in June) — (Sept. 13), Stephen White, Daniel D. Brodhead, 
Gardner Greenleaf. 

1834. President (May 12), William H. Sumner ; — Directors (May 5), 
W. H. Sumner, Stephen White, F. J. Oliver, Amos Binney, S. S. Lewis, D. 
D. Brodhead, John Binney; — Cle7^k and Treasurer (May 12), Amos Binney; 

— Superintendent, S. S. Lewis; — Executive Committee (May 12), F.J.Oli- 
ver, Stephen White, John Binney; — Solicitor (Aug. 26), John R. Adan. 

1835. President (May 18), W. H. Sumner; — Directors (May 18), W. H. 
Sumner, Stephen White, F. J. Oliver, John Binney, S. S. Lewis, Wm. Fetty- 
place, Amos Binney; — Clerk and Treasurer (May 18), Amos Binney; — 
Treasurer (Dec. 15), D. D. Brodhead; — Superintendent (May 18), S. S. 
Lewis; — Assistant Superintendent (June 3), Wm. Fettyplace ; — Superintend- 
ent (Dec. 15), Wm. Fettyplace. 

1836. President (May 2), W. H. SnmneY ; — Directors (May 2), W. H. 
Sumner, F. J. Oliver, S. S. Lewis, Stephen White, Benj. Lamson, John Bin- 
ney, Wm. Fettyplace, John L. Graham, Thomas Sargent, D. D. Brodhead ; 

— Clerk (May 2), D. D. Brodhead (Dec. 19), Wm. Fettyplace ;— Treasurer 
(May 2), D. D. Brodhead; — Suj^ei-intendent (May 2,) Wm. Fettyplace. 

1837. President (May 5), John Binney — (June 26), S. S. Lewis; — Direc- 
tors (May 1), John Binney, S. S. Lewis, D. D. Brodhead, Thomas Sargent, 
John L. Graham, F. J. Oliver, Stephen White, Benjamin Lamson, Wm. Fetty- 
place, John Jeffries — (June 26), W. H. Sumner, in place of John Binney, re- 
signed ; — Clerk (May 5), Wm. Fettyplace; — Treasurer (May 5), D. D. 
Brodhead — (Sept. 23), John W. Fenno ; — Superintendent (May 5), Wm. 
Fettyplace; — Manager of Ferry (May 16), AVm. Fettyplace — (June 26), 
Benjamin Lamson. 

1838. President (May 12), S. S. Lewis — (June 4), John Jeffries — (Aug, 
28), Wm. Austin; — Directors (May 2), S. S. Lewis, W. PL Sumner, F. J. Oli- 
ver, Stephen White, John Jeffries, Wm. Fettyplace, James W. Revere, Benja- 
min Lamson, John L. Graham — (June 1), Benjamin T. Reed, Zebedee Cook, 
Jr.— (Aug. 28), Wm. Austin — (Oct. 17), John Jeffries, in place of B. T. Reed, 
resigned; — Clerk (May 11), Wm. Fettyplace; — lYeasurer (June 4), John 
W. Fenno; — Superintendent (May 11), Wm. Fettyplace, to Sept. 12 — (Aug. 
28), Wm. Austin — (Nov. 28), W^m. Fettyjjlace ; — Manager of Ferry (June 
4), Wm. Fettyplace, Benjamin Lamson. 



G.] EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 751 

1839. President (April 15), John Jeffries, pro tern. — (July 8), Robert G. 
Shaw; — Directors (June 27), John Jeffries, John Bryant, Robert G. Shaw, 
Richard Soule, Benjamin Lamson, Wm. Fettyplace, S. S. Lewis, D. S. Green- 
ough, F. J. Oliver, Mark Healey; — Clerk (July 8), Wm. Fettyplace ; — 
Treasurer (July 8), J. W. Fenno ; — Superintendent (July 8), Wm. Fetty- 
place; — Executive Committee (July 8), Mark Healey, S. S. Lewis, D. S. 
Greenough ; — Solicitor (July 8), J. R. Adan. 

1840. President (May 7), Robert G. Shaw; — Directors (May 4), Robert 
Gr. Shaw, Wm. Appleton (resigns), Mark Healey, S. S. Lewis, J. M. Forbes 
(resigns), D. S. Greenough, Samuel Dana (resigns), R. S. Fay, Benjamin 
Lamson, John Jeffries — (June 23), Wm. Fettyplace, Nathaniel Thayer, James 
Reed (resigns) in place of Messrs. Appleton, Forbes, and Dana — (Sept. 21), 
Samuel R. Putnam, in place of James Reed; — Clerk (Sept. 21), Henry 
Clark, pro tern.] — Treasurer (May 7), J. W. Fenno; — Superintendent (May 
7), Wm. Fettyplace ; — Managers of Ferry (May 7), Benjamin Lamson, R. S. 
Fay. 

1841. President (May 5), Mark Healey— (July 2), Nathaniel Thayer, /i?-o 
<e»i. ; — Directors (May 3), John Jeffries, Mark Healey, Benjamin Lamson, 
Richard S. Fay, Nathaniel Thayer, Samuel R. Putnam, Henry Timmins, John 
W. Fenno, Joseph S. Cabot, d'. S. Greenough ;— C/er^ (May 5), S. R. M. 
Holbrook; — Treasurer (May 5), Richard S. Fay; — Superintendent (May 
5), Wm. Fettyplace; — S'ti/jci/or (May 5), D. S. Greenough; — Managers of 
Ferry (May 5), Benjamin Lamson, R. S. Fay. 

1842. President (May 13), Mark Healey — (Dec. 27), Benjamin Lamson, 
pro tern. \ — Directors (May 2), Mark Healey, John Jeffries, Benjamin Lam- 
son, Nathaniel Thayer, Richard S. Fay, S. R. Putnam, Henry Timmins, John 
W^ Fenno, D. S. Greenough, Joseph S. Cabot;— Clerk (May 13), S. R. M. 
Holbrook; — Treasurer (May 13), R. S. Fay; Superintendent (May 13), 
W. FettyjDlace; — Executive Committee (May 13), Mark Healey, J. W^. Fenno, 
S. R. Putnam; — Solicitor (May 13), D. S. Greenough ; — Managers of Ferry 
(May 13), R. S. Fay, Benjamin Lamson — (June 4), R. S. Fay. 

1843. President (May 13), Benjamin Lamson; — Directors (May 1), 
John Jeffries, Samuel R. Putnam, Nathaniel Thayer, Benjamin Lamson, 
Henry Timmins, R. S. Fay, D. S. Greenough, Joseph S. Cabot, George B. 
Jones, John W. Fenno;— Clerk (May 13), S. R. M. Holbrook ; — Treasurer 
(May 13), Richard S. Fay ; — Superintendent (May 13), AViUiam Fettyplace; 
— Executive Committee (May 13), Nathaniel Thayer, J. P. Cabot, G. B. Jones ; 
—Solicitor (May 13), D. S. Greenough. 

1844. President (May 27), Benjamin Lamson; — Directors (May G), Benj. 
Lamson, R. S. Fay, D. S. Greenough, John Jeffries, S. R. Putnam, Nathaniel 
Thayer, George B. Jones, Joseph S. Cabot, Caleb C. Gilbert, Ammi C. Lom- 
bard;— C/eri- (May 27), S. R. M. Holbrook ;— Treasurer (May 27), R. S. 
Fay; — Superintendent (May 27), W^illiam Fettyplace; — Executive Com- 
mittee (May 27), J. P. Cabot, Caleb C. Gilbert, A. C. Lombard. 

1845. President (May 21), W. H. Sumner; — Directors (May 5), Ben- 



752 APPENDIX. [G. 

jamin Lamson, Jolin Jeffries, D. S. Greenoiigli, E.. S. Fay, George B. Jones, 
Nathaniel Thayer, C. C. Gilbert, A. C. Lombard, W. H. Sumner, William 
Ward ; — C/er'/c (May 21), S. R. M. lio\hrook ]— Treasurer (May 21), 
E,. S. Fay; — Superintendent (May 21), William Fettyplace; — Executive 
Committee (May 21), Benjamin Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, A. C. Lombard. 

1846. President (May 4), W. H. Sumner ]— Directors (May 1), R. S. 
Fay, W. H. Sumner, John Jeffries, Benjamin Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, William 
Ward, S. S. Lewis, C. O. Whitman, A. C. Lombard, D. S. G re en ough ;— C/er& 
(May 4), S. R. M. liolhrook ;— Treasurer (May 4), R. S. Fay — (Dec. 26'/; 
AVilliam C. Barstow ; — Superintendent (May 4), William Fettyplace — (May 
29), S. G. B.Qa; — Manager of Fernj (Dec. 20), W. C. Barstow. 

1847. President (May 6), W. H. Sumner; — Directors (May 3), W. H.Sum- 
ner, Benjamin Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, S. S. Lewis, A. H. Fiske, A. A. Welling- 
ton, Lewis Rice, Leonard Stanwood, John Foster, L. B. Rice; — Clerk (May 
6), S. R. M. Ilolbrook — (July 12), George F. Wadsworth ; — Treasurer, Super- 
intendent, and Manager of Ferry (May 6), William C. Barstow; — Solicitor 
(May 6), D. S. Greenough. 

1848. President (April 11), S. S. Lewis, pro tern. —(May 6), S. S. Lewis* — 
(Oct. 3); W. H. Sumner; — Directors (May 1), W. H. Sumner, Benjamin 
Lamson, S. S. Lewis, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Wellington, Lewis Rice, John Fos- 
ter, Joseph Andrews, J. Amory Davis, C. J. Hendee ; — Clerk (May 6), S. R. 
M. Holbrook — (June 6), George F. Wadsworth ; — Treasurer, Superintend- 
ent, and Manager of Ferry (May 6), W. C. Barstow; Solicitor (May 13), E. 
S. Rand. 

1849. President (May 12), W. H. Sxxxnwdv; — Directors (May 7), W. H. 
Sumner, Benjamin Lamson, S. S. Lewis, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Wellington, 
Lewis Rice, John Foster, J. Amory Davis, Charles J. Plendee, Joseph An- 
drews; — Clerk (May 12), George F. Wadsworth; — Treasurer, Superin- 
tendent, and Manager of Ferry (May 12), W. C. Barstow; — Solicitor (May 
12), E. S. Rand. 

1850. President (May 10), W. H. Sumner — (Dec. 7), S. S. Lewis, pro 
tem.;\ — Directors (May 6), W. H. Sumner, Benjamin Lamson, S. S. Lewis, 
J. Amory Davis, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Wellington, Charles J. Hendee, J. An- 
drews, Pliny Cutler, Lewis Rice;— C/er^' (May 10), G. F. Wadsworth; — 
Treasurer, Superintendent, and Manager of Ferry (May 10), W. C. Barstow ; 
— Solicitor (May 10), E. S. Rand. 

1851. President (April 17), S. S. Lewis (May 5), S. S. Lewis ; — i)iVec- 
tors (May 5), S. S. Lewis, Benjamin Lamson, C. J. Hendee, A. A. Welling- 
ton, J. W. Fenno, — (May 5, 1851, number of Directors reduced to fve); — 
Clerk (May 5), G. F. Wadsworth; — Treasurer, Superintendent and Manager 
of Ferry (May 5), W. C. Barstow ; — ^/tc^Vor (May 5), E. S. Rand. 

* At this time Gen. Sumuer was at the South, and had signified by letter his wish to relinquish 
the ofiBce of president. 
t Ou account of ill-health, Gen. Sumner declined any further election on the Board of Direction. 



G.] EAST BOSTON COMPA^JY. 753 

1852. President (May 6), S. S. Lewis ; — Z)iVec/o« (May 3), S. S. Lewis, 
Benjamin Lamson, Charles J. Hendee, A. A. Wellington, W. C. Barstow; — • 
Clerk (May 6), G. F. Wadsworth ; — Treasurer and Superintendent (May G), 
W. C. Barstow ; — Solicitor (May G), E. S. Band ; — Manager of Ferry (May 
6), W. C. Barstow, to July 1, on which date the Ferry Company was incorpo- 
rated. 

1853. President (May 2), S. S. Lewis; — Directors (May 2), S. S. Lewis, 
Benjamin Lamson, C. J. Hendee, A. A. Wellington, W. C. Barstow; — Clerk 
(May 2), G. F. Wadsworth; — Treasurer and Superintendent (May 2), W. C. 
Barstow; — Solicitor (May 2), E. S. Rand. 

1854. President, S. S. Lewis; — Directors, S. S. Lewis, Benjamin Lamson, 
W. C. Barstow, A. A. Wellington, C. J. Hendee, C. C. Gilbert, Lewis Rice ; — 
Clerk, G. F. Wadsworth; — Treas^urer and Superintendent, AV. C. Barstow; — 
Solicitor, E. S. Rand. 

1855. President, S. S. Lewis; — Directors, S. S. Lewis, Benjamin Lamson, 
W. C. Barstow, A. A. Wellington, C. J. Hendee, C. C. Gilbert, Lewis Rice ; — 
Clerk, G. F. Wadsworth ; — Treasurer and Superintendent, W. C. Barstow ; re- 
signed Aug. 5 ; George F. Wadsworth elected Treasurer ; Ebenezer Atkins, 
Superintendent. 

1856. Directors, S. S. Lewis, Benjamin Lamson, A. A. Wellington, W. C. 
Barstow, Lewis Rice, C. C. Gilbert, C. J. Hendee, James P. Thorndike, Rob- 
ert Farley ; Samuel S. Lewis was chosen President, but being absent in Eu- 
rope, Benjamin Lamson was chosen President pro tern. ; — (x. F. Wadsworth, 
Clerk, and acted as Superintendent until Oct. 15, when W. C. Barstow was 
elected Superintendent and President, S. S. Lewis having resigned. 

1857. President and Superintendent, William C. Barstow; — Directors, 
William C. Barstow, Benjamin Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Wellington, Lewis 
Rice, J. P. Thorndike, Silas Pierce, Caleb Stetson; — Treasurer and Clerk, 
George F. Wadsworth. 

1858. President and Superintendent, William C. Barstow; — Directors, 
William C. Barstow, Benjamin Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Wellington, 
Lewis Rice, J. P. Thorndike, Silas Pierce, Caleb Stetson; — 'Treasurer and 
Clerk, George F. AVadsworth. 



754 APPENDIX. [H. 



EXTRACTS FROM BOLLES AND RIDGWAY'S REPORT ON THE 
ARTESIAN WELL. 

"The estimated expense for the Southampton well, England, was £9,980. 
A shaft was commenced, thirteen feet in diameter, and sunk 160 feet deep, and 
then contracted to eleven feet six inches; at the depth of 214 feet, the shaft 
was reduced to ten feet diameter, and at the depth of 270 feet, to eight feet 
six inches. At 380 feet from the top of the well, the plastic clay was reached. 
The Avork was continued day and night. When the shaft was about 520 feet 
deep, about three gallons of water flowed into it per minute. The shaft was 
then sunk 562 feet ; they then commenced boring with a seven and a half inch 
auger, and when the boring was suspended, the shaft and well was 1,260 feet 
deep, and water to within forty feet of the surface. In 1845, during upwards 
of four months' daily pumping, the delivery of water was at the rate of up- 
wards of 1,500,000 per month, and afterwards, in eight days, the quantity 
raised exceeded 725,000 gallons. When the pumping was discontinued, the 
water rose, as before, to within forty feet of the surface, in November, 1845." 

After giving a table of experiments in pumping, commenced on the 18th of 
June, 1847, the report says : — 

" The average throw of water in this case is four and a half gallons per min- 
ute, and lowered the shaft twenty-three feet two inches in twenty-four hours. 
After a cessation from pumping of forty hours, the water rose seven feet two 
inches. 

" Commenced (pumping) Monday morning, 21st of June, at 7 o'clock. The 
' throw ' of water in this case was five gallons per minute. Numerous experi- 
ments in pumping were subsequently made, and the conclusion drawn from all 
these trials was, that ' The well will not produce any more than three thousand 
gallons per day, water sufficient for fifty families.' 

" W^hat does M. Agais say in reference to the Paris well, the well of Gre- 
nelle ? ' Nothing can be more certain, than that the spouting at Grenelle diflfers 
essentially from that which we call a water-spout ; its source is not upon the 
surface of the globe, but in its depths; and the impulse which it obeys has its 
seat, not only under the excavation which has been made, but under all the 
plains of France, of all the plains of Europe, of all the plains of all the conti- 
nents ; for upon each point "of the surface of all the plains one might dig an 
artesian well, more or less deep than that of Grenelle ; in like manner as, from 
every point of the surface of every healthy, well-constituted man, one would 
obtain a jet of blood more or less rapid, but always perpendicular to this same 
surface. The interior water is the blood of the globe, and every vital emission 
is made essentially in the vertical sense. The immediate cause of this beautiful 
phenomenon dwells in the heart of our planet, and strikes incessantly all parts 
of the terrestrial body. 

1 See p. 6S3. 



H.] BOLLES AND RIDGWAY'S REPORT. 755 

" ' This immediate cause, then, is nothing else than the central force of the 
globe; it is the general force of expansion; that which, from its birth, raised 
all its isolated peaks, all its chains of mountains; that which in Iceland projects, 
to the height of three hundred feet, enormous columns of fresh water, which 
consequently come not from the bosom of the seas; that which opens volcanoes, 
sends forth from them torrents of vapor, gas, disunited cinders, and burning 
lava. 

" ' The spouting at Crenelle is now and then troubled with paroxysms of 
spouting. Upon the 30th of April, 1842, it exhibited convulsive shocks, throw- 
ing forth black substance in large quantities, resembling nothing on the face of 
the globe, nor in the layers of the earth's crust. In the month of May, many 
less violent crises succeeded one another, separated by eight or ten days of 
calm, during which the water approached limpidity. 

" ' The Grenelle well is so deep that its symptoms portray the effect of ter- 
restrial expansion. But artesian wells of feeble depth, those of St. Owen and 
St. Denis, seem not to conform to this theory ; they proceed from points so 
much above the volcanic region.' This is the case with the East Boston well. 

" The water of small artesian wells rises to the surface, or spouts eight or ten 
feet ; but the well of Grenelle spouts one hundred feet. 

" It has been ascertained by experiments made in deep-seated mines, that 
the temperature of the globe becomes warmer, as we descend, one degree for 
sixty-eight feet in depth, commencing about 150 feet in depth. 

" ' What is the source of the light in the heart of the sun ? What is, in the 
heart of our globe, the source of its caloric ? What is, in the centre of each 
one of us, the source of our vital fluid ? And when our temperament is heated, 
when from each one of our dilated pores emanates vertically, like an artesian 
well, a jet of liquid, a jet of perspiration, what is the source of it ? We know 
it ; the subtile or aqueous matter of our transudation is always furnished to our 
vital action by the aliments which it calls for and elaboi-ates. 

" ' The human body, an alternating tributary of its own expansion, which 
labors to dilate it from its centre to its circumference, and of the surrounding 
expansion, which labors to condense it from its circumference towards its centre, 
is incessantly in the alternating movement of systole and diastole. Tlais period- 
ical pulsation, this vibration, is the essential and continued state of every free 
body in space. The stars incessantly scintillate ; the terrestrial globe experi- 
ences constantly, throughout its whole mass, a like movement. We do not 
directly perceive it, because we are associated with it ; but it becomes sensibly 
visible when we construct an artesian well of considerable depth ; the first jets 
never arise but by jerks, and the auger which excites them oscillates like a 
pendulum. 

" ' The water of the Grenelle well jets up with the rapidity of a swallow, 
producing 2,500 litres per minute, equal to 312 gallons per minute. A contin- 
ued jet of this dimension is, for the city of Paris, of great value, and for the 
enlightened of all countries, of great philosophical value ; it is the most beauti- 
ful source of strong ideas and precise knowledge on the surface of the 
globe.' 



756 



APPENDIX. 



[I- 



" The geological formation of the lower portion of tlie East Boston well is 
identical with the extreme lower portion of the well of Grenelle, and I feel 
perfectly satisfied, that if the auger is penetrated to the depth of 1,200 feet, 
that an abundance of pure water will be the result. What a grand experiment 
lies before us. How truly elevating is the contemplation of it, and how phi- 
lanthropic in every one engaged in an enterprise in search of an element as 
requisite and necessary for humanity as fresh air. 

" The more I examine the subject of artesian wells, the more beautiful and 
correct the principle appears to me, and the more am I astonished at the citi- 
zens of Boston for not trying the experiment before introducing the water of 
Long pond. 

"All of which is respectfully submitted. 

" Thos. S. Ridgway, Jr., Mining Engineer, Philadelphia. 
" Jesse N. Bolles, Hydraulic Engineer, Providence. 

" East Boston, July 3d, 1847." 



ESTIMATE FOR TREES. 

Streets. 
Meridian, from Hotel square to Eagle street . 
Maverick, from Orleans to Border street .... 

Chelsea, to Marion street (from square) 
Porter, from Chelsea street to Central square . « . 
Liverpool and London, from Centi'al square to Sumner street (two 
streets on both sides) ...... 

Havre, from Sumner to Porter street .... 

Paris, from Sumner to Decatur street .... 

London, from Sumner to Porter street 

Sumner, from New to Jeffries street .... 

Webster, from Jeffries street to Belmont square 

Lewis, from Ferry street to Hotel square 

Bennington, from Central square to Brooks street 

Saratoga, from Central square to Brooks street (on both sides) . 

Saratoga, from Prescott to Chelsea street (on one side) 

Chelsea, from lot 311 to lot 1, and Prescott 200 to Saratoga street 

Princeton to Marion, from Meridian street 

Lexington, from Meridian to Brooks street 

Trenton, from Meridian to Brooks street 

Eutaw, from Meridian to Brooks street .... 

Monmouth, from Meridian to Brooks street . 



Feet. 


Feet. 


4,000 


8,000 


1,500 


3,000 


2,000 


4,000 


1,400 


2,800 


1,700 


6,800 


1,800 


3,600 


1,100 


2,200 


1,900 


3,800 


4,500 


9,000 


900 


1,800 


1,100 


2,200 


1,450 


2,900 




2,900 




600 




900 


700 


1,400 


1,200 


2,400 


1,050 


2,100 


950 


1,900 


300 


600 



See pp. 595, 



1] ESTIMATE FOR TREES. 757 

Cottage, from Maverick to Marginal street .... 1,050 2,100 

Marion, from Bennington to Wliite street .... 1,800 3,600 

Everett, from Cottage to Jeffries street ..... 2,000 4,000 
Whole number of feet ........ 72,600 

Number of trees required at a distance of forty feet from each other 1,815 
Amount of money required at $2 per tree . . . $3,630 



Extract from a Letter from WilUam C. Barsloiv, Esq., Fehruanj 15, 1853. 

*' Without letting out the secret, I requested to be present at the last meet- 
ing of the society (Tree Association.) After the meeting was called to 
order, I asked permission to say a few words in behalf of a gentleman now 
absent In Europe, who was even a greater friend to East Boston than he was 
to myself; I alluded to General William H. Sumner. I then stated that be- 
fore his departure for Europe, and previous to the formation of this society, 
you had in your will set apart two lots of land. No. 262, section three, and No. 
225, section two, to be sold after your decease, and the proceeds appropriated 
for the very purpose for which this society was formed, I. e. the setting out trees 
in the streets of East Boston ; and that I had permission to make public the 
communication I was about to read. I tben read an extract copied from your 
will, in order to show them your views as to what streets they should be set out 
in, and how they should be protected, and also read a part of your letter to me 
from Paris, instructing me to make the conveyance at once, and at the same 
time stated that I stood ready to do so whenever requested to do so by the 
proper officers of the association. Such a burst of applause as followed this 
announcement would have done you good to hear. A vote of thanks was 
passed for the magnificent donation, and the newspapers came out with some 
most excellent remarks in relation to It." 

Letter from Benjamin Pond, Esq., Boston, Nov. 7, 1857. 

" General Sumner, — 

" My dear Sir, — During a casual conversation the other day with our mutual 
friend Captain Barstow, allusion was made to our Tree Association at East 
Boston, and the noble benefaction you had bestowed upon it; and I expressed 
to him the desire of manifesting my own feelings, and what I know to be the 
prevailing sentiment of our people respecting your timely as well as generous 
gift. 

" Allow me then, my dear general, to say that your action was exceedingly 
•well timed, inasmuch as the association was almost, if not entirely, destitute of 
funds, yet abounding in plans of expenditure when they should have at hand 
the means to expend. 

" Your princely oflfer of two valuable lots of land at once enabled our com- 
munity to entertain a mode of adorning our avenues, broad and spacious as 
you know them (for your counsels assisted mainly in laying them out), ansAver- 
ing to their hopes rather than their expectations. 

64 



758 APPENDIX. [J. 

" You were fortunate also, sir, let me acid, in the gentlemen to -whom was 
committed the important work of carrying out your plan ; gentlemen who ex- 
hibited perfect impartiality in distributing your gift, care and caution in the 
selection of hardy and thrifty trees, and, as far as I can judge, a wise and liberal 
economy in the disposition of your means placed in their hands. 

" Already our Island ward, from having been a byword for unattractive bar- 
renness, has not only herself enjoyed the gentle shade and ' living green,' but 
the fame thereof has gone abroad, and our ' Tree Association ' has become, 
in some measure, a pioneer for others throughout our Commonwealth. 

" I cannot conceive. General, a more peaceful satisfaction possible to any heart 
than that you must enjoy with the reflection that your bounty has given means 
of daily happiness to all who, citizens or strangers, may frequent our wide and 
lengthy streets, while, unlike other gifts, every added year will impart new 
strength and increased means of pleasure to your ' growing ' gift. 

"Thus much I could not forbear to say, my dear sir, and I trust you will 
receive this communication with the assurance that it conveys in feeble words 
the undivided sentiment of the residents of East Boston. 

" Very truly your friend, 

" Benjamin Pond. 

"General Sumner, Jamaica Plain." 



J. 

MISCELLANEOUS STATISTICS. 

From memoranda kept by Guy C. Haynes, Esq., we glean the following 
names and dates additional to what may be found in the body of the work. 
Of course, the lists are incomplete ; but meagre as they are, they will be of 
value. 

Marriages. 

Mr. Durgan to Miss Morrill. 

Michael Wilson to Hannah Boardman. 
L. M. Kendall to Mrs. K. H. Kelly. 
Peter Duncan to Mary Jones. 
David Thompson to Mary A. Lambert. 
G. W. Pearson to Mary Augusta Barton. 

Charles Britnal to . 

Josiah Cheever to Miss Rachel Pond. 
Wm. P. Eaton to Harriet Tuttle. 

Hiram H. Hosford to Miss Noyes. 

31.. John IVIelville to ]Miss Mary, daughter of Merrill Pettingell. 



1837. 


Nov. 28. 


1838. 


Jan. 3. 




" 11. 




Feb. 1. 


1840. 


April — . 
May 13. 
Aug. — . 
Sept. 13. 
Nov. 




Dec. 2. 



J.] 



MISCELLANEOUS STATISTICS. 



759 



1841. July 8. Henry T. Butler to Caroline E. Cheever. 
Aug. — . David ]\Iorgan to Miss Mary A. Pierce. 
Oct. — . Mr. Parker to Miss , daughter of Ephraim 



Pettingell, daughter of Merrill 



Mayo. 



Hall. 
" 24. F. A. Mason to Miss ■ 
Pettingell. 

1842. Feb. 7. Elisha Cook to Miss - 

" — . ]\Ir. Abbott to Miss Hunt. 

Aug. 21. INIr. to Miss , daughter of Col. Murdock of the 

Maverick House. 

1843. March — . Nehemiah Gibson to Miss Lucy . 

John O. Simpson to Miss Ellen A. Shortwill. 

E. E. Fletcher to Miss , daughter of Samuel Fowle. 



March — . 

April — . 

" 13. 

June 21. 

Aug. 1 7. 
Nov. — . 



Dec. 7. 



Albert Bowker to Miss Sarah Lamson. 
Stephen K. Pearl to JMartha French. 

John A. C to Mary S. Lewis. 

Oliver Ayers to Mary J. Hooper. 

In Hampden, Maine, Dr. Eufus L. Hinckley of East Boston 

to Eliza Ann F. Hopkins. 
Edward Harris to Miss Zilpha (?) A. Mangum. 
James W. Cloutman to Miss Keen. 



Births. 

1837. Jan. 22. A son to William Fisk. 
Feb'y — . A child to H. Pond. 
March 1. A daughter to J. N. Bates. 

" — . A daughter to S. Keen. 
" 20. A daughter to Prince Rogers. 
April 2. A daughter to Solon Brown- 
June 22. A son to Oliver H. Smith. 
July 5. A daughter to Ft. P. Morrill. 
Oct. 20. Twin sons to A. A. Wellington. 
Nov. 12. A daughter to John Brown. 

1838. Jan. — . A son to Miller. 

" 28. A daughter to Asa Lewis. 

April 7. A child to Capt. Doane. 

" 9. A son to Enos Morgan. 

" 14. A child to Wm. T. Spear. 

May — . A child to. Charles Bowman. 

Sept. 10. Indian child born In sail loft on Stephen White's wharf; 
mother of the Penobscot tribe. The child's name was to 
be Maverick. 

" 28. A child to Jonathan Pierce. 



760 



APPENDIX. 



[J. 



1838. Nov. 



10. 



Dec. 12. 
1839. Jan. 20. 

" 29. 
Feb. 15. 

" 21. 

" 23. 

u 

March — . 

" 22. 

May 1. 

" 12. 

July 4. 

" 17. 

" 20. 
Aug. 23. 

" 30. 
Sept. 20. 

" 27. 



Nov. 



1840. Jan. 12. 
" 13. 



Marcli 7. 
April 30. 

May 3. 



" 15. 
" 20. 

" 25. 

July 22. 
Aug. 6. 
Sept. 1. 



A son to L. M. Kendall. 

A son (Phineas M.) to Dr. P. M. Crane. 

A daughter to G. W. Jackman. 

A daughter to Solon Brown. 

A son (Edward W.) to Major J. W. Barton. 

A daughter to Samuel W. Hall. 

A son (George B.) to G. W. Pearson. 

A child to Daniel Dale. 

A daughter to Timothy Mclntire. 

A child to E. Morse. 

A child to ]\Iorgan. 

A daughter to Benj. W. Parker. 

A daughter to Pratt. 

A child to Charles Britnal. 
A daughter to Jesse Tuttle. 
A son to R. P. Morrill. 
A child to Theodore F. Rollins. 
A son (Wm. W.) to Rev. Wm. W. Newell. 
A child to Wm. A. Noyes. 
A child to Charles Morris. 
A daughter to James M. Whitten. 
A son to David Hill. 
■A son to John Buckley. 

A son to Bailey. 

A child to John H. Tomlinson. 

Irish births are omitted. There were two in 1839. 

A son to John Wright. 

A son to A. Crosby. 

A child to Wm. H. Calrow. 

A son to John Crowley. 

A daughter to John Devereaux. 

A daughter to James Bartlett, Jr. 

A daughter (Emma L.) to Wm. PI. Delano. 

A child to John Brown. 

A daughter to Thomas Ditson. 

A daughter to H. Rogers. 

A child to Chase. 

A son to Alvo Rogers. 

A son to Prince Rogers. 

A son to A. S. Foss. 

A son to Abner Smith. 

A daughter to Stephen Pearson. 

A daughter to Benj. F. Butler. 

TavIu sons to Jenkins. 



" 25. A son to Mrs. Atkins. 



MISCELLANEOUS STATISTICS. 



761 



1840. Oct. — . A son to Charles E. Gay. 

Nov. 1. A son to L. M. Kendall. 

" — . A son (Wm. D.) to Dr. P. M. Crane. 

" — . A child to Burnett. 

" — . A daughter to Aaron Gill. 

Dec. 20. A daughter to Edwin Bailey. 

From Mr. Haynes's return of births in 1849, we take the following statis. 



1849. Number of males born 
Number of females born 



Number of children under fifteen years 
Number of cliildren under four years . 
Average attendance In schools 

On the list, but do not attend 
Children at large with no restraint • 

Number eligible for school who do not attend 



229 
208 
437 

3,861 
1,290 
1,534 

424 

613 

1,037 



Birllis in the several months as follows : — 



January 


. 


. 


29 


August . 


February 


. 


26 


September . 


March 




. 


31 


October . 


April 


. 


. 


47 


November . 


May . 




. 


28 


December 


Junq 




. 


36 




July . 


• 


• 


53 


Whole number 






Nativity of Parents of Children lorn in 1849 








Father. 




Boston 


. 


43 




Other 


towns in Massachusetts . .70 




Maine 




39 




New Hampshire 




. 29 



Other States . . . . 21 

Ireland . . . . .171 

England, Germany, Scotland, and Nova Scotia 60 
Four families having twins . . 4 

437 
Number of children born In 1851 . 

64* 



33 

27 
39 
41 
47 

437 



Mother. 

31 

53 

69 

24 

21 

175 

60 

4 

437 

533 



762 



ArPENDIX. 



[J. 



18.37. 



1838. 



Jan. 8. 
May 24. 
Aug. 7. 
Sept. 1. 



Feb. G. 

" 23. 

March 23. 

April 30. 
Sept. 28. 
Oct. 28. 

Dec. 10. 



1839. 


Jan. 1. 




March 15. 




April 15. 




Sept. 12. 




Oct. 5. 




« . 




" 9. 




" 11. 




Nov. 11. 


1840. 


Jan. 13. 




■ April 2. 




June 14. 




Aug. 5. 




" 12. 


1841. 


Feb. 14. 




March 3. 




June 19. 




" 13. 




July 23. 


1842. 


Jan. 22. 




" 27. 



Deaths. 

Mrs. H. A. Gerry, wife of Thomas A. Gerry, aged 24. 
Mrs. Lydia Lewis, aged 87. 

Mr. Lawrence, aged 21. 

John Elms, aged 54. 

There were eight deaths in 1837, of which four were chil- 
dren. 

Mrs. Marian Kilgore, aged 57. 

Samuel Brown, mast and spar maker, aged 58. 

Mrs. Noyes, wife of Wm. A. Noyes, aged 33. 

Miss Martha Barton, aged 24. 

W. W. Tyler, a brakeman, killed on the railroad, aged 34. 

Robert, son of J. H. Tomlinson, aged 22 months ; the first 
burial in the new burial-ground in the fourth section. 

Sarah E., daughter of G. O. Hagar, aged 6. 

Deaths in 1838, thirteen, six of Avhich were children. 

Andrew Bettley (mason), aged Gl. 

Capt. D. Wild, at the Maverick House, aged 69. 

Eliza Malgum (Malcolm?), aged 13. 

Oliver Glazer, aged 18. « 

Wm. L. Blye, aged 24. 

Mrs. Phebe Granger, aged 49. 

Patrick Smith, aged 30. 

Mrs. Susan Stinson, aged 33. 

Daniel Langley (or Longley) hung himself upon a fence 
on the beach, first section. 

Whole number of deaths in 1839, twenty-four. 

Mrs. Cecilia, wife of Wm. H. Calrow, aged 24. 

PhiHp Kurt, aged 37. 

William Mullen, aged 35. 

Mrs. Mary F., wife of John Melville, aged 53. 

Edward Welsh, aged 40. 

Whole number of deaths in 1840, eighteen ; thirteen of which 
were children under ten years of age. 

Joshua Cheever, aged 51. 

Twin son of A. A. Wellington, aged 3^. 

L. M. Kendall, aged 33. 

]\Irs. Nancy, wife of Abner Smith, aged 20. ' 

William M. Kendall, aged 2G. 

Deaths in 1841, 35 ; under ten, 23 ; between 20 and 40, 8 ; 
between 50 and 70, 2 ; stillborn, 2. 

Twin son of A. A. Wellington, aged 4. 

John Jones, aged G9. 



J.] 



MISCELLANEOUS STATISTICS. 



763 



1842. 



1843. 



Feb. 


14. 


Marc 


h 6. 


April 8. 


" 


13. 


July 


19. 


Oct. 


10. 


u 


11. 


a 


15. 


« 


17. 



" 20. 

March 9. 

Nov. 6. 

Dec. 15. 

" 29. 



Mrs. Hannah, widow of the late Samuel Brown, aged G4. 

]\Irs. Abiah Ditson, aged 73. 

Mr. Waterman Joselyne. 

A. D. Somerby, aged 45. 

Miss Perses L., daughter of Enoch Morse, aged 22. 

E. A. Putnam, from a wound received in discharge of a 

gun, aged 23. 
Mrs. Phelps, wife of the Rev. A. A. Phelps, aged 34. 
Mrs. Lambert, her nurse. 
Mary Hardy, adopted daughter of llev. A. A. Phelps, aged 

11. 
Mrs. Salmon, aged 90. 

Deaths in 1842, 44 ; under twenty, 27 ; over twenty, 17. 
Daniel H. Lambert, drowned, aged 40. 
William B. Nason, aged 33. 

Mrs. Sweetser, aged 61. 

Charles T. Stevens, aged 88. 

Deaths in 1843, 54; under twenty, 43 ; between 20 and 88, 

11. 
Deaths in 1844, 37; under twenty years of age, 23 ; over 

twenty years of age, 14. 



From the Abstract of the MassacMsetts Census, published this year (1857), 
we extract the following facts relative to the population of East Boston on the 
first day of June, 1855 : — 



Males, 

Females, 

Total, 


1 
1 


White. 


Colored. 


Native. 


Foreign. 


Nativity 

Un- 
known. 


Total 
Wliite. 


Native. 


Foreign. 


Nativity 

Un- 
linowu. 


7,855 

7,707 
15,562 


4,827 
4,693 
9,520 


3,005 
2,992 
5,997 


6 

4 
10 


7,838 

7,G89 

15,527 


13 
12 
25 


4 

6 
10 


17 
18 
25 





.o 




i6 


S 


^ 


^ 


g 


g 


R 


§ 


B 


8 


1 

1 





^ 


•;: 


2 


S 


3 


2 


o 


2 


2 


2 


2 


-S 




2 


p 


to 


S 


3 


S 


8 


§ 


S 


S 


S 


s 


8 


^ 


<? 






























2,354 


1,753 


1,543 


1,484 


3,579 


2,528 


1,375 


598 


238 


75 


20 


1 


14 



7C4 



APPENDIX. 



NATIVITY. 



1 

1 




1 


.3 


1 
1 


1 


t3 

5<a 


1 




1 


i 

8 


1 

a 

1 

14 


=43 

55 


1 

8 


_ 
17 


^1 


If 


9,545 


1,288 


612 


3,494 


149 


14 


326 


19 


6,007 


15,562 



A few additional statistics are gathered from the last Annual Report of the 
East Boston Company, presented May od, 1858. During the year preceding 
the date of the report, the city has made the following improvements : — Chelsea 
street (70 feet wide) has been paved from Decatur to Porter sti-eet, 800 feet in 
length, and the same street has been gravelled from Porter to Bennington 
street, 2,800 feet in length. The gutters in a part of Everett, Bremen, White, 
and Monmouth streets, have been paved ; 4,200 feet in length of the streets 
have been gravelled, and Porter and Princeton streets have been graded, 2,100 
feet in length. In addition, the city have built a good substantial brick engine 
house on Chelsea street, in section four, and also 1,182 running feet of common 
sewer. Of improvements made by individuals, may be mentioned those on the 
East Boston Wharf, of which A. C. Lombard, Esq. is agent. These comprise 
five new brick warehouses on Webster street, 23 by 180 feet each and three 
stories high, with cellars under the same ; nine brick warehouses four and five 
stories high upon the site of the flour mill burnt in 1856. The North wharf 
has been extended to the Commissioners' Hne, and the docks dredged out, so 
that six large ships are accommodated at the same time with deep water berths. 
Several other improvements have also been made, in order to accommodate the 
increasing business done upon this splendid location, which has had at its 
■wharves the past year 60 ships, 47 barks, 28 brigs, 133 schooners, and 20 
sloops ; total, 288 : the greater part of these vessels have discharged or loaded 
their cargoes there. And at the Grand Junction whai'ves, 48 ships, 14 barks, 
3 brics, 134 schooners, and 3 sloops have either discharged or loaded their car- 
goes during the year ; and in addition they have had hauled up on dockage, 
79 ships, 26 barks, 2 brigs, 1 schooner, and 4 steamers. 

The number of vessels built at East Boston during the year was 15, and 
their aggregate tonnage 7,713 tons, and the repairing of vessels for the same 
time exceeded $300,000. The total number of buildings on the Island, May 3, 
1858, was 2,327, of which 1,965 were dwelling-houses. Mention has been 
made of the Sturtevant House, on pp. 513, 514. 

The real estate of the East Boston Company consists (May 1, 1858) of 65 
acres of upland, 105| acres of marsh land, 158| acres of tlats, and 222| acres 
of wharf lots, amounting in value, according to the appraisal of 1857, to 
SI, 251,962. 16. During the last year the company has expended about S4,000 
in improvements upon the Island. 



INDEX. 



INDEX. 



Abbott, , 759. 

Abbott Lawrence, The, 698. 

Abby Whitman, The, 698. 

Abram, Philip, 723. 

Acadia, 82, 184, 717.— Acadia, The, 625. 

Accomac, 718. 

Achilles, The, 699, 

Adams, John, 15, 18, 19, 20, 22 ; opinion on 

Will of S. S. Yeamans, 252, 253, 311, 312; 

289, 388, 396, 425; copy of opinion, 731; 

— Mrs., Letters of, 388; — Thomas B. 18, 
20 ; — John Q. 20 ; — Samuel, 262 ; — Mrs. 
Jos. 506; — The Messrs. 542; — Daniel, 
610 ; — Edwin, 442, 458, 537 ; — S. C. 721 ; 

— Eoger, 723; "Adams School," The, 
666-669; "Adams," The, 379; The Frig- 
ate, 401, 735; "John Adams," The, 566. 

Adan, John R. 445, 448, 469, 672, 750, 751. 
Addington, L 214, 218, 234. 
Addison, Robert, 723. 
Addison Street, 631, 632. 

Adee, , 505. 

A. Devereaux, The, 698. 

Adjett, Samuel, 724. 

Adriatic, The, 699. 

Africa, 243. 

Agais, M. 754, 

Agamenticus plantation, 75 ; deed of land 

in, 719, 720. 
Akbar, The, 691, 697. 
Albany, 155, 393, 521, 690. 
Alderton, Point, 396. 
Alert, The, 698. 
Alexander, Mr. and. Mrs. 331 ; — J. W, 

572, 



Alexander VL 716. 
Alfred, 740. 

Alger, Rev. WilHam, 266. 
Allaire, J. P. 563. 
Allicocke, Sylvester, 723. 

Alline, , 732, 

Allen, L. F. 3,671; — Sheriff, 8, , 174 ; — 

Rev. James, 218 ; — Samuel A. 458, 471 ;— 

Thomas C. 472, 543 ; — Theodore C. 636. 

— Rev. R. W. 649 ; — Rev. N. G. 650, 660, 
Allen's Plain, 65, 

Allen's Biog. Dictionary, 366, 389. 
Allen's Mast Yard, 687. 
Allen, Pigeon & Poole's Wharf, 701, 702, 
Allerton, Isaac, 167, 486;— Sarah, 167. 
Alraatia, The, 699. 
Amazon, The, 716. 
Ambrose, The, 63. 
Amelia, The, 699. 
America, 176, 205, 243, 245, 246, 249, 251, 

261, 270, 341, 342, 344, 364, 365, 366, 712, 

716-719. 
American Insurance Office, 34, 428, 
American Acad, Arts and Sciences, 293. 
Ames, Fisher, 285-287, 337. 
Amherst, Lord, 365, 366, 
Amos Lawrence, The, 699. 
Amphitrite, The, 698, 
Anabaptists, 120, 
Ancient & Hon, Art. Co. 162, 165, 170, 191, 

217, 233, 409; Hist, of, 215, 221. 
Anderson, Barry, 723. 
Andes, The, 697. 
Andros, Sir Edmund, 106, 150, 158, 192, 

193; tyranny of, and overthrow, 205-217. 
Anderson, Robert, 96, 97, 174. 
Andrews, Joseph, 492, 752. 



^68 



INDEX. 



Andrew Bastow, The, 697. 

Andover, 423. 

Andover St. 619. 

Angel & Crown, The, 726, 728. 

Anglo American, The, 697. 

Anglo Saxon, The, 697. 

Annapolis, 343. 

Annapohs (Md.), 21. 

Anne, Princess of Denmark, 341. 

Annals of Salem, 90, 167. 

Annals of Dorchester, 60, 62, 66, 71. 

Another, The, 63. 

Antartic, The, 699. 

Antelope, The, 697; steamer, 698. 

Antinomians, The, 95. 

Antigua, 230-232, 234, 239, 244, 245, 249, 

250 ; sale of estate in by Gov. Sumner, 

255; 314, 489, 721, 725, 731. 
Antony, Marc, 217. 
Appleton, Wra. 751. 
Appleton's Ency. of Biog. 366. 
Aquethneck, 79. 

Arabella, Lady, 78 ; — The, 78, 494. 
Arbella, The, 63. 
Arcadia, The, 698. 
Archbold, William, 231. 

Archdale, , 108. 

Area of Island, 9, 449, 450; increased by 

fining up, 458. 
Argentine, The, 699. 
Arians, The, 98. 
Arlington, Secretary, 146, 156. 
Armada, The Spanish, 349. 
Arnold, Benedict, 352, 728. 
Arragon, 715. 
Arrow, The, 697. 
Artesian Well, 580-584; — BoUes & Ridg- 

way's Report on, 754-756. 
Arts and Design, History of, 174. 
Arundel, 741. 

Ash, John, 231; Rowland, 723, 724, 726. 
Ashhurste, Thomas, 716. 
Ashley, Lord, 52; Sir Jacob, 52. 
Ashford(Conn.), 226. 
Asia, 243. 

Aspinwall, Col. Thomas, 313, 362. 
Aspinwall's Wharf, 539, 543, 701, 702. 
Assistants, choosing, 76, 
Association of Cong'l. Ministers, 261. 
Aston, Sir Thomas, 50-52. 
"Astor House," The, 504. 
AtheniBum, Boston, 296. 
Atherton, Major, 204. 



Athill, Samuel, 231. 

Atkins, Ebenezer, 598, 601, 685, 705, 753; — 

John, 687, 660, 662; Mrs. , 760. - 

Atkinson, William, 704. 

Atlantic Works, The, 532, 696. 

Atlas, The Boston, 693. 

Attucks, Crispus, 171, 173. 

Auburn Street, 519. 

Austin, Attorney-General, 492. 

Audley Street, South, 252. 

Aurelia, The, 698. 

Austin, WiUiam, 750, 751. 

Averill, John P. 667, 669. 

Avery, John, 13, 54, 55, 318, 322-324, 329, 

332-334; The family, 324 ; — John, Jr. 

386 ; — The Misses, 332, 334. 
Ayers, Oliver, 759. 
Aylwin, Wm. C. 312, 436, 445. 
Ayres, John, 724 ; — Benjamin, 724 ; — 

James, 724. 
A. Z., The, 697. 
Azor, The, 698. 
Azores, The, 716. 



B. 



Bachelder, John, 640. 

Bacon, Rev. John, 300 ; — Capt. 691; — 

Thomas, 724. 
Backus' Hist, of Baptists, 119, 121, 122. 
Badger, Rev. Stephen, 272; — Abigail, 272. 
Bailey, Geo. H. 591 ; — F. A. 636 ; — Edwin, 

760, 761. 
Bainbridge, William, 404, 415, 420. 
Bainbridge Street, 538, 540, 685, 686. 
Baines, .Lames, The, 691, 698. 
Baird, Robert, 202; Hist, of Religion in 

Am. 202. 
Baker, Joseph, 642 ; — Richard, 723. 
Baldwin, Loammi, engineer at Fort Strong, 

406-419, 585. 
Bald Eagle, The, 694, 698. 
Ball, John, 319-321. 
Baltic, The, 699. 

Baltimore, 41, 324, 603, 645 ; — Lord, 93. 
Bancker, John K. and Margaret, 173. 
Bancroft, Geo. 623. 
Bangor, 402, 735. 
Bangs, Edward D. 745. 
Bank, Maverick, 710. 
Bank of England, 255. 
Banks, Commodore, 396. 



INDEX. 



769 



Bannister, R. 723. 

Baptists, Noddle's Island a refuge for, 
115-126. 

Baptist Church, First, 116, 190; Hist, of, 
118, 119, 120. 

Baptism, Infant, 116, 121. 

Barclay, William, 723. 

Barker, R. 664. 

Barnard, John, 164; — Rev. John, 189; — 
Alderman, 728. 

Barnes, Joseph, 642 ; — Benjamin, 724. 

Barnstable, The, 697. 

Barstow, W. C. 3, 426, 536, 563, 565, 574, 
591, 595, 597; Letter from, 599-601, 711, 
752, 753, 757 ; — Dr. , 671. 

Barreda Brothers, The, 698. 

Bartlett, Dr. and Mrs. ,332; — James, 

442 ; — L. D. 707 ; — Percival W. 667-669 ; 
— James, 760. 

Barbecue in Boston, 261-263. 

Barber, James, 471. 

Barton, Maj. J. W. 354, 477, 478, 502; Let- 
ter from, 503-508; 509, 510, 516, 760; — 
Wm. 503 ; —John M. 516 ; — John, 723 ; — 
Mary A. 758; — Edward W. 760; — Mar- 
tha, 762. 

Barbadoes, 91, 152, 178-182, 224, 256, 488. 

Barney, Jacob, 110. 

Barracks, 10, 239, 326, 329, 330, 481. 

Barren, Joseph, 42, 236. 

Barrett, John, 720. 

Barnicoat, William, 578, 638, 639. 

Barrington, Lord, 232; — Viscount, 234. 

Barry, Rev. J. S. 646. 

Barry's Hist. Mass. 48, 66, 67, 99, 283, 367, 
390-392, 396. 

Bass Creek, 720. 

Bass, Capt. 729. 

Battle of Noddle's Island, 351 et seq. 

Bates, , 471, 474, 515, 543, 554, 555, 

690, 696, 697. 

Bates, E. C. and L G. 628; — J. N. 759; — 
Joseph H. 642. 

Bath (Eng.), 725 ; (Maine), 742. 

Baxter, , 157. 

Bayer, Baydy Otto, 723. 

Beacon Street, 262, 301; — Hill, title of, 
193 et seq., 229, 488. 

Beal, Benjamin, 332. 

Beasly, Bennett, 724. 

Beeching, Richard, 660. 

Beeston Castle, 52. 

Belcher, Gov. 233, 347 ; — Capt. 347. 

65 



Belcher's Wharf, 702. 

Belden, George 501, 526; — Mrs. 505; — 

Charles, 526. 
Belfast, 626. 

Belknap's Hist. N. H. 341. 
Belmont (Camp Hill) and Belmont Square, 

345; divided in lots, 456; purchasers of, 

458; 464, 466, 470, 473, 518, 523, 637, 545, 

546, 555, 584, 585, 594, 617, 668, 756. 
Bell, Thos. 234, 317-323 ; — Elizabeth, 323. 
Belle, The, 697. 
Belle Isle, 44, 519, 604, 605. 
Bellingham, Richard, 12, 85,103; death of, 

124; 144,148, 149, 323, 550; — Samuel, 

550. 
Bellows, Thomas, 166. 
Belvedere, The, 699. 
Bendall, Edward, 97. 

Bendysh, Elizabeth, Henry, and Mary, 234. 
Benson, Seth E. 458, 471, 472, 516, 636; — 

Albert, 636. 
Bennett, Goodman, 189; — Samuel, Sen'r 

and Jun'r, 69. 
Bennett Street, 169. 
Bennington, Battle of, 371. 
Bennington Street, 519, 540-542, 649, 660, 

664, 756, 757;— Church, 649. 
Benares, The, 699. 
Benin, The, 698. 
Berkley, Sir William, 243. 
Bermuda, 102, 402. 
Bernard, Goodman, 189. 
Berners, William, 250, 731. 
Berwick-upon-Tweed, 234; — Berwick, 243, 

740. 
Bessom, Jonas, 471, 520, 636. 
Bessom Court, 471. 
Bettly, Andrew, 515, 762. 
Beun, Thomas, 723. 
Beverly, 22, 422-424, 490, 610, 615. 
Bicknell, Robert, 252, 312. 
Bicester (Eng.), 280, 281. 
Biddeford, 159, 741. 
Bigelow, Timothy, 337; — L. A. 707. 
Bilboa, 217. 
Binney, Amos, 19, 25, 26, 438, 442, 443, 453, 

458, 478, 490, 554, 555, 571, 573, 676, 681, 

750; — John, 442, 525, 555, 559, 572-574, 

686, 687, 750. 
Bird, Hiram, 637. 
Bird Island, 9, 451. 
Bishop, Nathan, 669. 
Biographical Sketches of Stoddard, Simeon, 



770 



INDEX. 



224; Stoddard, Anthony, 224; Stoddard, 
Solomon, 224; Stoddard, David T. 225; 
Shute, Samuel, 232; Stoddard, David, 
237; Chauncy, Charles, 259; Greenough, 
Thomas, 269, William, 271, D. S. 312, D. 
S. Jr. 313 ; Hyslop, William, 274 ; Sumner, 
Gov. Increase, 278; Sumner, Increase, 
291 ; Sumner, Elizabeth, 300; Gage, Thos. 
360-367; Williams, H. H. 324. 

Births in 1836, 520. 

Biscay, 716. 

Blackleach, John, 85, 550. 

Blackstone, William, 46, 72, 75; — Judge, 
732. 

Bladen, Colonel, 726, 728. 

Blagden, Rev. Geo. W. 643. 

Blaikie, Rev. Alex. 662, 663. 

Blaithwait, William, 201, 207. 

Blake, James, 71. 

Blake's Annals of Dorchester, 60, 62, 66, 
71. 

Blanchard, , 236; — Nathl. 705. 

Blanche Moore, The, 698. 

Blany, Mrs. and daughter, 334 ; — Mr. 
338; — D. H. 598,601. 

Blessing, The, 80. 

Bliss, Rev. Seth, 643. 

Blizard, Stephen, 723; — Samuel, 724. 

Blodget, , 20. 

Blue Jacket, The, 698. 

Blye, Wm. L.'762. 

Boardman, Wilham and Harriet, 169; — 
Hannah, 758. 

BoUes, Jesse N. 582-584 ; Report of, 
754-756. 

BoUan, , 247. 

Bonaparte, Scott's Life of, 344. 

Boole, G. and T. 692, 696, 699. 

Boole's Wharf, 702. 

Book of Possessions, 187. 

Border Street, 420, 471, 538-543, 671, 672, 
686, 688, 691, 702, 708, 756. 

Borneo, The, 699. 

Boscobel Wood, 185. 

Boston ( City of), ■passim ; — Harbor, 15, 33, 
42, 46, 53, 72, 357, 364, 370, 430, 455, 484, 
683, 689; — Hog Pasture, 193, 488; — 
Neck, 33, 210, 235, 236, 282, 357, 484; — 
Massacre, 171, 225, 252, 261, and Short 
Narrative of, 171; — Town Records, 89, 
97 ; — Mill Corporation, 32 ; — News Let- 
ter, 224, 344, 345, 348, 383 ; — Gazette and 
Country Journal, 371, 372, 377, 380, 381, 



383, 384, 894, 410, 414; — Chronicle, 394, 

395; — Jail, 109; — Fusileers, 410. 
Bostonian, The, 698. 
Bosworth, Hiram, 680. 
Boswell, Thomas, 660. 
Botta's Hist. Am. Rev. 368, 390. 
Boune Voyage, The, 81. 

Bowen, Rev. , 651; — William, 724. 

Bowditch, N. L 192, 193, 448;— J. L 428. 

Bowdoin, James, 185; — Ehzabeth, 185. 

Bowdoin Street, 301. 

Bowers, C. E. 458. 

BoAvker, Albert, 666, 702, 759. 

Bowman, Charles, 759. 

Boyd, Rev. Wm. 233. 

Boyden, , 496; — Alexander, 515; — 

, 517 ; — Rev. Luman, 661. 

Boyden Malleable Iron and Steel Co. 687. 
Boylston, Zabdiel, 274, 276 ; — Nicholas, 

276. 
Boylston Street, 170, 229. 
Boylston Estate. 309. 
Bradbury, Wilham, 162. 
Braddock, Gen. Edward, 361-363, 366. 
Bradford, Gov. 67, 124; — Robert, 166; — 

Martha, 166. 
Bradford's Hist. Mass. 59, 391, 399. 
Bradford's Plimoth Plantation, 66, 67, 83. 
Bradstreet, Simon, 103, 128, 149, 213, 214. 
Bragdon, Joseph J. 516, 517, 660. 
Branagan, F. X. 656. 
Braintree, 7, 46, 97, 333, 732. 
Bratle, Thomas, 181, 182. 
Brattle Street Church, 267, 274, 275, 391. 
Brazer's Building, 260. 
Breame, Capt. 81. 
Breed, John, 44, 519; — Isaiah, 610. 
Breed's Island, 44, 519, 541, 547. 
Breeden, Elizabeth, 220-222, 254; — John 

and Samuel, 222; — Sir Robert, 222. 
Breedon, Capt. Thos. 129, 135, 142. 
Breechloading guns, 74. 

Brenton, , 89, 484. 

Brereton, Sir Wm. 44-52 ; Account of, 47 

et seq. ; his title denied, 48 ; — Susannah, 

44, 48. 
Brereton's Island, 44, 45. 
Brewster's Island, 450. 
Bremen Street, 471, 537-539, 542, 544, 593, 

631, 643, 651, 678. 
Bridges, 570-580; Noddle's Island to Chel- 
sea, 22, 240-242, 489, 715. 
Bridge, Col. 356. 



INDEX. 



771 



Bridges, Robert, 109. 

Bridgman's Hist. Copp's Hill Cemetery, 
329. 

Briggs, Geo. 178, 179, 181, 256, 487;— E. & 
H. 0. 696, 699; — Angelina H. 520. 

Brimmer School, 666. 

Bristol (Eng.), 364, 620, 716, 717, 725. 

Britnal, Charles, 758, 760. 

Britannia, The, 623. 

Brittanny, 716. 

British Queen, The, 621. 

Broad, , 15. 

Broad Street, 496, 710. 

Broadway (N. Y.), 153, 155, 173. 

Brockholt, , 207. 

Brockett, James, 724. 

Brodhead, D. D. 438, 442, 443, 458, 476, 477, 
499, 525, 551, 553, 676, 677, 750. 

Brodhead's Hist. New York, 157. 

Brooke, Samuel, 723. 

Brookline, 193, 218, 275, 276, 300, 308, 309, 
311, 488, 498, 634. 

Brooklyn (N. Y.), 529, 603, 607, 646. 

Brooks, Peter C. 172; — John, 355; at Lex- 
ington, 356, 365, 404, 405, 410, 411; con- 
versation with Col. Sumner, 735 et seq. ; 

— Seth, 671; — Wm. G. 711. 

Brooks Street, 645, 546, 574, 588, 589, 602, 

756. 
" Brooks, Gov." Engine, 637. 
Broome Street, 174. 
Broughton, Thomas, 182, 183, 256; — Maj. 

& Lieut.-Gen. 51 ; , 732. 

Brower, , 310. 

Brown, Moses, 22, 23, 422-425, 490; — 

Charles, 23 ; — William, 24 ; — Abiel, 222 ; 

— William, 214, 216; — Matilda, 175; — 
John, 442, 458, 759, 760; — Geo. W. 471, 
474, 515, 554, 555, 690, 696, 697, 701, 702; 

— Richard, 549 ; — Colonel, 508 ; — E. G. 
580 ; — John, 679-681 ; — Patrick, 724 ; — 
Thomas, 724;.— Solon, 759, 760 ; — Sam'l, 
762. 

Brown & Lovell, 696, 698, 701, 702. 

Brown's Hotel, 20. 

Brown's Family Bible, 174. 

Bryant, , 175; — G. J. F. 442; — John, 

751. 
Buckley, John, 760. 
Buck, Ephraira, 669. 
Buckshom, Joseph, 723. 
Budington's Hist. First Ch. in Charlestown, 

66, 87, 168. 



Buffalo, 3, 528, 671, 674, 675. 
Buildings erected in 1835, 516. 
Bulkly, William, 723. 
Bull, Dixy, 83. 

Burchett, , 731, 732. 

Burke, John, 723. 

Burnett, , 761. 

Burroughs, Fort, 742. 

Bunker Hill, 6, 10, 352, 353, 356, 367, 369, 

376, 379, 381, 385, 388, 389, 481; Hist, of 

Battle of, 357, 368, 373, 374; "Who was 

the commander at? " 375. 
Bunker Hill Monument, 380, 503, 603. 
Bunker Hill Aurora, 479, 492. 
Bunnell, Wm. 97. 

Burch, Col. John, 179-182, 256, 487, 488. 
Burgess, Phineas, 567, 709; — Col. 232. 
Burgoyne, Gen. 393. 

Burke, Edmund, 263;— Joseph, 696, 699. 
Burke's Peerage, 186. 

Burkett, , 696, 699. 

Burlington (Mass.), 198. 

Burnet, Bishop, 233;— Gov. Wm. 233; — 

Michael, 724. 
Burnham, Andrew, 696, 698; — Reuben, 

709. 
Burton, Thomas, 100, 102, 109, 110. 
Bury, St. Edmunds, 361. 
Bussey, Benj. 33. 
Butler, Sir Francis, 51; — B. F. 515, 516, 

644, 645, 760; — H. T. & Co. 710; — H. 

T. 759. 
Byam, , 231; — Edward, 255, 723; — 

Geo. 723. 
Byfield, 10; — Academy at, 384. 
By-laws of the East Boston Company, 745 

et seq. 
Byron, Lord, 51 ; — Daniel, 650. 
Byron Street, 542, 631. 



C. 



"Cabinet & Chest of Drawers," 169. 
Cabot, Geo. 33; family, 338 ;— John, 716, 

.717;— Josephs. 751;— J. P. 751,752. 
Cadwalader, Thomas, 27;— John, 367; — 

George, 367. 
Ca\sar, 208, 217. 
Callamy, Dr. 189. 
Calcutta, 706. 

Caldwell, , 173. 

Caleb Curtis, The, 697. 
Caledonia, The, 625. 



772 



INDEX. 



Calhoun, W. B. 745. 

California, 692. 

Calliope, The, 699. 

Calrow, Wm. H. 601, 649, 650, 760, 762; — 

Cecilia, 762. 
Camaret, 360. 
Cambridge, 10, 122, 260, 261, 283, 309, 310, 

326, 329, 334, 352-355, 358, 373, 375, 380, 

385, 388, 391, 409, 423, 453, 454, 481, 486, 

492, 497, 498, 508, 638. 
Cambridge Village, 272. 
Cambridge (Eng.), 259. 
Cammell, Don, 724. 
Campbell, , 174 ; — Alexander, 319, 

320; — Lieut. Col. 397; — Thomas, 464; 

— Maverick, 473. 
Camp-Hill, 6-8, 10, 13, 16, 40, 345, 403, 

452, 454, 456, 491, 546, 551, 685. 
Campion, Clement, 721. 
Canada, 146, 173, 287, 340-343, 349, 350, 

365, 398, 412, 624, 630, 633, 689; Imports, 

629. 
Canal Street, 540; Bridge, 578. 
Canary Islands, 717. 
Candia, 173. 
Canea, 173. 
Canterbury, 249. 
Cape Breton, 717. 
Cape Cod, 42, 79, 717. 
Cape Ann, 46, 73, 92. 
Capell, Lord, 50, 51. 
Capitol Hill, 19, 21. 
Caprill, Christopher, 229, 314; tenant, 322, 

349. 
Carey, Samuel and Thomas, 172 ; , 

334; — Carey heirs, 572, 573. 
Carioca, The, 697. 
Carleton's Wharf, 701, 702. 
Carlile, Fran. 723. 
Carr, Kobert, 107, 135-138, 141, 142, 144, 

156, 158, 159, 203, 213; — Moses, 520. 
Carroll, Charles & Miss, 21 ; Carrollton, 21. 
Carson, John, 724. 
Cartwright, Geo. 107, 130, 134, 135, 137- 

139, 141, 142, 147, 154, 158, 159, 203, 213. 

Caryl, Rev. , 232. 

Cashanger, The, 699. 

Cassidy, Thomas, 650. 

Cassin, Thomas, 657. 

Castile and Leon, 716. 

Castine, 402, 404, 735. 

Castle Island, 112, 386,392,485; William, 

316,344,389; Street, 235. 



Catharia, 716. 

Catholic Church at E. B. 654-658. 

Causeway Street, 619. 

Celebration at opening of Maverick House, 
478 et seq. ; Water, 591 et seq. 

Cemetery Lot, 519, 541. 

Center Haven, 182, 183. 

Central Square, 471, 538, 540, 543, 554, 641, 
642, 644, 648, 666-668, 690, 702, 756. 

Central Square Church, 647, 660, 662, 664. 

Central Wharf, 496. 

Central Hall, 649, 662. 

Centry Hill, 194. 

Ceylon, The, 699. 

Chaldeans, The, 225. 

Challenger, The, 698. 

Chalmers, George, 362. 

Chambre, Rev. A. St. John, 646. 

Champernoone, Francis, 721. 

Champion of the Seas, The, 698. 

Chandler, Rev. Dr. 265 ; — Bradford, 471, 
516 ; — J. G. 567 ; — Gen. 738 et seq. 

Chapin, Rev. Daniel E. 648, 669. 

Chaplin, Dr. , 309, 310. 

Chapman, Richard, 724. 

Chapman School, The, 666, 607, 669. 

Chardevoine, J. S. 723. 

Chariot of Fame, The, 698. 

Charles, The, 63. 

Charles L 107, 108, 128, 131, 133, 159, 718, 
719; — n. 113, 127-129, 131, 151, 185, 
203, 207, 208. 

Charleston (S. C), 169, 620. 

Charlestown, 6, 10, 11, 15-20, 22, 23, 42, 44, 
46, 47, 56, 62, 64, 72, 86-89, 97; — eccl. 
action of 1st church, 116, 118, 121-123; 
161, 162, 164, 168, 172, 176, 181, 182, 186, 
190, 198, 215, 232, 263, 338, 375, 384, 392, 
420, 422-426, 449, 469, 483, 485, 486, 490, 
492, 494, 503, 530, 545, 548, 549, 578, 587, 
590, 611, 612, 638; bridge from, 715; — 
Artillery Co. 356; — Bridge, 23, 422, 423, 
530, 573, 602, 700. 

Charles River, 6, 39, 44, 47, 61, 62, 70, 73, 
77, 182, 423, 549, 570, 578, 590, 611, 612, 
718. 

Charter Oak, The, 207. 

Charter of William and Mary, 108. 

Chase, Judge and Miss, 21 ; — Thomas, 330 ; 
, 760. 

Chatham (Eng.), 371. 

Chauncy, President, 259;— Charles (mer- 
chant), 260; — Rev. Dr. Charles, 238, 



INDEX. 



773 



254, 257; sketch of, 259-269, 271, 272, 
308, 489, 732; — Mary, 250, 253, 254, 255, 
257, 258, 268, 269, 270, 274, 300, 489, 731 ; 
— Isaac, 260; — Rev. Nathaniel, 265; — 
Charles, Elizabeth, and Sarah, 268. 

Checkley, John, 183. 

Chelmsford, 170, 356. 

Chelsea, 6, 9, 12, 13, 40, 55, 86, 193, 239, 
241, 317, 323, 324, 326, 327, 337, 354, 358, 
369, 371-375, 378, 379, 414, 422, 425, 467, 
477, 489, 503, 508, 530, 545, 548, 550, 554, 
570-576, 578-581, 587, 604, 605, 609, 619, 
632, 634, 647, 649; — Farm, 5, 6, 12,25. 
249,271, 317, 324, 358; — Creek, 7,425, 
541, 543-545, 547, 576, 578, 579, 588, 590, 
630, 631, 634; — Bridge, 415, 468, 541, 
543, 547, 556 — History of, 571-576; 590, 
609, 632, 633, 700; — Street, 474, 538- 
543, 555, 573, 593, 613, 631, 642, 756. 

Cheever, Miss, 666;— Josiah, 758, 762; — 
Caroline E. 759. 

Cheever's Hill, 425. 

Cheeseborough, William, 89, 484. 

Chesbrough, E. S. 588. 

Cheshire, 49, 51. 

Chesapeake Bay, 718. 

Chester, 44, 51; — Earl of, 185; — James, 
723; — Edward, 723. 

Chicago, 633, 647. 

Child, Robert, 99, 100-106, 109;— John, 
223. 

Christian, Robert, 724. 

Christians, Society of, 191. 

Christ Church, 161. 

Chronological Memoranda, Appendix B. 

Chrysler's Field, Battle of, 313. 

Chubb, Thomas, 83. 

Churches, 643-665 ; — Church of England, 
72, 100, 101, 104, 113, 134; of Scotland, 
100; at Charlestown, 86, 88, 116, 117, 
162, 168; at Dorchester, 58, 59, 64, 65, 
118. 

Church-Member Act, 76. 

Circuit Court of Mass. 675. 

Citizen, The, 697. 

City Bank, 528, 674, 675. 

City Exchange, The, 406. 
City Hall, 639. 

Clap, Roger, 60, 62, 63, 71. 

Clarendon, Lord Chan. 138, 140-142, 151, 

156. 
Clark, Henry, 751. 
Clark, Capt. 218;— William, 108, 270; — 

65* 



Martha, 270; — Rev. John, 119, 123;- 

Rev. Dr. 260, 269; — Rev. Rufus W. 645, 

646, 660, 669. 
Clarke, Matthew, 165 ; —Abigail, 163, 165; 

— Thomas, 69 ; — Dr. William, 270, 315, 

317. 
Cleopatra, The, 698. 
Clerk, T. W. 724. 
Clewley's Hill, 291. 
Clifton, John, 671, 672 ; — Chfton's Wharf, 

671, 672, 702. 
Clinton, Henry, 723. 
Clock, Benson, 472, 515, 552, 555, 636, 637, 

690, 697. 
Cloutman, James W. 759. 
Cobb, David, 386, 404; — Rev. S. 646. 
Cobble Hill, 42. 
Cochituate Water at East Boston, 586-592, 



Cochran, Samuel, 317-320, 322. 

Codman, John, 274; — Codman's Wharf, 
274. 

Codrington, Lord, 246, 725-728. 

Coffin, , 290; , 337. 

Cogan, , 89, 484. 

Cohasset, 30, 649, 313. 

Colburn, John, 724. 

Cole Morrill, 579, 689, 706. 

Coles, Robert, 82. 

Collins, Nicholas and Mary, 231; — Benja- 
min, 520; — James and Charles, 591; — 
Nicholas, 723; — Quarto Bible, 175. 

Colon, Cristoporo, 715. 

Cok^mbus, Christopher, 715. 

Colman, Benj. 224, 227, 228, 230, 237; — 

John, 240; — Rev. , 495, 496, 499; 

, 726. 

Colonial Hist. N. Y. 131, 134-136, 138, 139, 
141, 143-145, 151-154, 156, 157, 206. 

Colporteur Society, 661. 

Columbian Centinel, The, 404, 406-408, 
410, 411, 415, 479, 516. 

Columbian Bank, The, 191. 

Columbia, The, 627. 

Columbus, The, 621. 

Commerce; first cargo discharged at E. B., 
469; of Boston, 625. 

Commercial Street, 262, 438, 544, 563, 
568, 607, 608, 687 ; — Wharf, 438, 553, 
678. 

Common Street, 193, 229, 262; The Com- 
mon, 194, 195. 

Commission, The Royal,, 128-160. 



774 



INDEX. 



Commorlore Perry, The, 698. 

Conaiit, Roger, 73; — Conant's Island, 53, 

482, 485. 
Concord (Mass.), 308, 351, 352, 355, 356, 

376, 379, 389, 508; — (N. H.), 423. 
Condor Street, 541, 579, 588. 
Conduit, Mr. 726. 
Connecticut, 20, 66, 102, 133, 138, 147, 203, 

204, 353, 680, 718; Steamer, 458. 
Constantinople, 275, 505. 
Constitution, Fort, 741; The frigate, 14, 

334,335. 
Continental Journal, The, 395. 
Converse, Edward, 549. 
Conveyances, James I. to Council of Plym- 
outh, 43; Council of Plymouth to Robert 
Gorges, 43; John Gorges to Sir Wm. 
Brereton, 44; General Court to Samuel 
Maverick, 45, 56; Maverick to Briggs, 
178; Briggs to Nathaniel Maverick, 179; 
Nathaniel Maverick to Burch, 179; Sam- 
uel and Nathaniel Maverick to John 
Burch, 180, 181; Burch to Leader and 
Newbold, 182; Deed of trust from 
Broughton to Cooke and others, 183; 
Cooke to Temple, 184; Sir Thomas Tem- 
ple to Samuel Shrimpton, 186; Colonel 
Shrimpton to wife Elizabeth, 223; Will 
of Madam Shrimpton, 228 ; Yeamans to 
Hutchinson, 248; Mrs. Hyslop to Sumner, 
White, and Oliver, 311; Mrs. Greenough 
to Sumner, White, and Oliver, 429-432, 
437 ; John Haj^den and wife to Sumner, 
White, and Oliver, 437 ; Sumner, White, 
and Oliver to Lewis, Brodhead, and 
Binney, 438; Trustees for Mrs. Gerard to 
White and Oliver, 441; Mrs. Gerard to 
E. B. Co. 443, 447, 448; Maverick to 
Gard, 719. 

Cook, , 218 ; — Zebedee, 479, 750 ; , 

492; — Capt. 515;— Cooke, Elisha, 214, 
235, 240; — Richard, 183, 184, 256; — 
Elizabeth, 194; — Ehsha, 759. 
Cooley, Aaron, 497. 
Coolidge, Rev. J. L T. 652;— Coolidge 

Building, 503. 
Cooper, Samuel, 267, 364, 365, 396. 
Copp's Hill, 262, 329, 586; — Cemetery, 

Hist, of, 520. 
Coquette, The, 697. 
Corbet, Sir Vincent, 50. 
Cornelitis Grinnell, The, 697. 
Cornell, Col. 379. 



Cornhill Street, 262. 

Cornfield, The, 226, 227. 

Cottage Street, 459, 471, 472, 473, 515, 537, 
542, 631, 757. 

Cotting, Amos, 193; — Uriah, 24, 496, 497. 

Cotton, Rev. John, 66, 90, 97, 105. 

Court of Oyer and Terminer, 200; of As- 
sistants, 121, 122 ; of Requests, 726 et seq. 
of Admiralty, 728; — Court House, 142; 

— Court at Cambridge, 122 ; at Charles- 
town, 122; at Boston, 181, 199, 200. 

Council Records, 399, 734;— Council of 
N. E. 75; — of Plymouth, 43, 44, 48, 93; 

— for Foreign Plantations, 157. 
Coxe, , 423. 

Cox-heath, 361, 366. 

Crabbe, Geo. 723 ; — William, 723. 

Crafts, Col. , 396. 

Cragie's Bridge, 578. 

Crane, John, 504; — Maj.-Gen. 410; — P. 
M. 601, 760. 

Cranfield, Edward, 203, 204. 

Crawley, James, 723. 

Crassey, Capt. 692. 

Cressy, S. T., 723. 

Crockett, , 620. 

Cromwell, Oliver, 128, 145, 184, 185. 

Crosby, A. 760. 

Cross Street, 172. 

Crowley, Daniel, 471, 472, 509, 655, 657; — 
John, 567, 760. 

Crown Street, 173. 

Crump, Nathaniel, 723. 

Crusoe, Robinson, 47, 232. 

Cudworth, Rev. W. H. 651, 652, 669. 

" Cuff," 300. 

Culloden, Battle of, 361. 

Cumberland, Duke of, 361, 362. 

Cummisky, H. 442, 459, 515, 655, 677. 

Cunningham, , 509;— Cunningham's 

Wharf, 566, 687, 702. 

Cunard, Samuel, 620, 621, 623; — Steam- 
ship line, 544; history of, 619-629, 633; 
— AVharf,545, 630, 702; — House, 10, 471. 

Curtice, James, 723. 

Curtis, B. R. 675; — Paul, 691, 696, 698, 
699, 711 ; — Curtis's Wharf, 702. 

Gushing, Thomas, 240, 539, 543 ; — Lucy 
278 ; — Judge William, 281, 287 ; — Mary' 
287;— Caleb, 610 ; — Cushing's (Pratt 
&) Wharf, 701, 702. 

Cutler, E. 27; — Pliny, 752. 



INDEX. 



775 



D. 

Daland, Henry R. 436. 

Dale, Daniel, 760. 

Dana, Ch. Justice Francis, 284, 285 ; — 

Samuel, 751. 
Danforth, Thomas, 108, 214. 
Danforth Papers, 113, 128, 137, 149, 156. 
D'Anville, Duke, 349. 
Daniel, Beverly, 27. 
Daniel Webster, The, 697. 
Dand, John, 100, 102, 104, 108, 109, 110. 

Davenport, Rev. , 648. 

Davidson, Gen. , 332. 

Davis, J. P. 33; — William, 252; — Daniel, 

292;— Mrs. Dr. 332;— Samuel, 424; — 

Thomas E. and family, 505; — John, 

516; — J. Amory, 752. 
Davie, Humphrey, 148, 194. 
Darby, Earl of, 50; — Philip, 723. 
Darlington, 462. 
Darracott, Geo. 40, 338, 414, 458, 496, 586, 

687; , 338. 

Dartmouth, Earl of, 376. 

Darton's Wharf, 702. 

Dawes, Judge, 278, 284. 

Dearborn, Henry, 357, 498-401, 740 et 

seq. 
Dearborn's Boston Notions, 159,182. 
Deaths, 762, 763; — Deaths in E. B. 1836, 

520. 
Decatur St. 538-540, 544, 573, 593, 613, 

648, 671, 685, 686, 702, 756. 
Decatur, Mrs. Commodore, 21. 
Dedham, 286, 301. 

Deering, Rev. , 659, 661. 

Deer Island, 193, 210, 212, 221, 368, 485, 

503. 
Defence of N. E. Charters (Dummer's), 

209, 211, 344. 
Defender, The, 698. 
Defoe, Daniel, 232. 
Degrand, P. P. F. 500. 
Delafield, Rufus K. 523. 
Delano, W. H. 520, 760. 
Delanoy, Peter & John, 724. 
Delap, John, 723. 
Delaware Bay, 137. 
" Deluge Hose," 642. 
Deraond, T. D. 601. 
De Monts, Sieur de, &c. 717. 
Denbigh, 52. 
Denison, Maj.-Gen. 136. 
Denmark, 341. 



Derne Street, 194. 

Derby, Hersej-, 424, 490, 497, 498. 

Derry, 234, 317. 

Despatch, The, 697. 

Detroit, 401. 

Devonshire, 60; — Devon Co. 60; — Devon- 
shire St. 496. 

Devereaux, John, 760. 

Devereux, William, 504 ; — John N. 639. 

Devine, James, 657. 

Devoy, , 572. 

De Windt, Johannis, 234. 

De Wolf, James, 27. 

Dexter, Samuel, 21, 285;— Aaron, 419; — 
Dr. 425. 

Dictionary of dates, 577. 

Dillaway, , 338. 

Ditson, Thomas, 760; — Mrs. Abiah, 763. 

Doane, J. C. 30, 31, 34, 429 ; — Capt. 759 ; — 
Elisha, 313 ; — Maria F. 313. 

Dod, Daniel, 620. 

Dod's Peerage, 360. 

Docks, &c. 576, 577 ; — Dry Dock Works, 
at N. Y. 695 ; — East Boston & Simp- 
son's, 708, 709. 

Dock-head, 142. 

Dock Square, 172. 

Dodd, , 505;— Capt. E. 517, 520. 

Donaldson, Capt. , 505. 

Dorcetshire, 60, 61. 

Dorr, Wm. B. 687. 

Dorchester, 5, 11, 46, 57, 60, 61; settle- 
ment of, 62 et seq., 63; first meeting- 
house in, 65 ; removal of church, 67, 83, 
193, 224, 281, 282, 290, 291, 411, 485, 486, 
492, 638, 718 ; — Heights, 173, 390, 404 ; — 
Annals of, 60, 62, 66, 71; — Point, 32; — 
Neck, 89; — Antiq. & Hist. Soc. 71. 

Donald McKay, The, 698. 

Donnison, William, 401. 

Douglass, Capt. 505 ; — Henry, 723. 

Dover, 46 ; — Street, 235. 

Downing, Mary, 254; — Sir George, 224. 

Downes, Com. John, 499, 505. 

Downs, Alex. 723. 

Dragoon, The, 699. 

Draighton, 50. 

Drake, S. G. 72, 73, 84, 85, 89, 95, 105, 112, 
119; — Hist. Boston, 57, 78, 83, 84, 88, 96 
102, 105, 106, 112, 119, 128, 137, 147, 169^ 
182, 188, 201, 212, 226, 276, 316, 341, 366; 
— Book of the Indians, 188. 

Draper, Margaret, 383. 



776 



INDEX. 



552; — Joseph, 



Drinker, Edward, 116, 119, 120, 123, 125. 

Dudley, Joseph, 199, 204, 205, 232, 345, 347, 
350; — Thomas, 65, 71, 78, 79, 148, 149; — 
Chief Justice Paul, his family, &c. 301, 
302;— Joseph, 301, 302 ; — Colouel, 740, 
742. 

Dudley estate, 301, 302. 

Dudley Castle, 52. 

Duel between White and Finch, 420. 

Duer, John, 723. 

Dummer, Jeremiah, 209, 211, 343, 344. 

Dummer's School, 384. 

Dunlap, William, 174. 

" Dunbar," (Engine) 642 

Dunbar, Peter, 458; — 
642 ; , 728. 

Duncan, Peter, 758. 

Durand, A. B. 175. 

Durdant, , 731, 732. 

Durgan, , 758. 

Dutch, The, 67, 102, 128, 130, 132, 137, 147, 
155, 157, 718. 

Duties paid by Cunard steamers, 628. 

Duvind, John and Daniel, 231. 

D wight, Colonel, 332; — Jonathan, 497. 

Duxbury, 690. 



E. 



Eagle, The, 78, 697. 

Eagle Hill, 6, 11, 425, 518, 532, 541, 544, 
545, 546, 583, 587, 589, 591. 

Eagle Street, 540, 541, M6, 588, 702, 756. 

Eagle Point, 8. 

East Boston, First house in, 460; buildings 
erected in, 1834, 471, in 1835, 516; cele- 
bration at, 478 et seq. 

East Boston Company, 3, 4, 12, 23, 35, 40, 
186, 254, 256, 258, 311, 326, 345, 421, 428; 
proposals for organizing, 432-438, 441; 
incorporated, and first meeting of, 442; 
list of shareholders, 442, 443-448; num- 
ber shares, 452; plans of improvement, 
453; public lands accepted, 454, 455; 
appointment of officers, 469, 470 ; an- 
nual reports of, 518, 532, 533, 764; valua- 
tion in 1837, 520; office in New York, 
522; change in direction, 525; early 
actions of, 551-565, 571-575, 587-589, 591, 
593, 594, 598, 601, 602, 612, 618, 621, 629- 
632, 637, 638, 644, 660, 665; connected 
with Timber Co. 670-676, 680, 681, 685, 
686-688. 703-705; act of incorporation 



and by-laws, 743, 744; officers of, 750- 
753 ; report of, 658, 764 ; records of, 
452. 

East Boston Wharf, 538, 543, 553, 554, 677, 
700, 702. 

East Boston Wharf Co. 467, 474, 519, 553, 
573 ; history of, 676-679. 

East Boston Gas «Sc Iron Co. 702. 

East Boston Timber Co. 3, 467, 469, 515, 
519, 521, 528, 543, 553 ; History of, 670- 
676, 702. 

East Boston FeiTy Co. 519, 545, 678, 

East Boston Pottery, 710. 

East Boston, The, 468, 474, 478, 552, 554, 
555, 563, 691, 697. 

Eastern Avenue, 555, 573-575. 

Eastern Railroad, 426, 468, 519, 538, 539, 
541, 542, 544 ; connection with ferry, 
552-565, 593; history of, 602-619; in- 
corporated, 616, 621, 629-634, 640, 678, 
700;— wharf, 702. 

East Indies, 633. 

East Wood island, 7, 8, 460, 545, 546, 685. 

Eastport, 400. 

East River, 529. 

Eaton, 48. 

Eaton, William P. 758. 

Eccley, Rev. , 226. 

Eccleshall Castle, 50. 

Ecterloney, Roger, 724. 

Edith, The, 697, 699. 

Edwin Forrest, The, 691, 698. 

Edes, Edward, 517. 

Edmund Dwiglit, The, 697. 

Edwards, Dr. Jonathan, 224, 266; — Rev. 
Timothy, 224 ; , 515. 

Edward, Prince, 287. 

Eddy, R. H. 9, 501, 547, 572, 588. 

E. F. Pratt, The, 697. 

Egypt, 694. 

Eldridge, Frank 0. 696. 

Eliot's Biographical Dictionary, 74, 76, 139. 

Eliot, John, 272;— John, Jr. 272; — Mr. 

, 333 ; — Rev. 335 ; — Rev. John, 517 ; 

— John, 723. 

"Eliot" fire engine, 641. 

Elliot, Samuel, 231 ; — Henry, 723. 

Elizabeth, Queen, 717. 

Ellis, Col. 50. 

Elmes, Thomas, Sen. & Jun. 724. 

Elms, Anson, 642; —John, 762. 

Ellenborough, Lord, 20. 

Eltham, 189. 



INDEX. 



777 



Elvira, The, 698. 

Elyas, The, 135. 

Elyot, Hugh, 716. 

Emersoti, Rev. WilHam, 260. 

Emerald, The, 699. 

Emerton, John J. 704. 

Emery, James, 231. 

Emporium, The, 697. 

Empress of the Sea, The, 694, 698. 

Encampment upon N. I. 341-348. 

England, 57, 58, 60, 61, 69, 76, 92, 97, 100- 
103, 113, 114, 124, 125, 127-130, 132, 133 
137, 147, 151-153, 160, 166, 168, 173, 175 
176, 180, 186, 199, 204, 209, 213, 216, 222 
230, 233, 234, 242, 244, 245, 249, 251, 259 
269, 276, 317, 341-344, 349, 364-366, 378 
397, 416, 417, 461, 462, 481, 571, 620, 625 
680, 716-718, 722, 762. 

Endeavor, The, 699. 

Endicott, Gov. John, 73, 137, 161, 167, 182. 

Endymion, The, 699. 

Enoch Train, The, 698. 

Episcopacy, 92, 93 ; plans to establish, 93- 
99, 125; trouble with Maverick on ac- 
count of, 98-115, 178, 207, 265. 

Episcopalians, 75, 76, 77, 88, 94, 274. 

Eppes, Capt. William, 81. 

Era, The, 697. 

Eringo, The, 698. 

Erie Canal, 670, 090. 

Erie, Fort, 313. 

Erskine, John, 277. 

Evans, Rev. S. J. 650, 664. 

Evelyn, The, 699. 

Everett Street, 537, 544, 585. 

" Everett House," The, 504. 

Everett, A. H. 496. 

Ewell, 691, 696-698. 

Expedition of 1711 against the French, 
342-348. 

Essex Street, 170; — County, 495. 

" Essex," The, 552, 563, 690, 697. 

Eustis, , 5; — Abraham, 27. 

Europe, 243, 343, 417, 480, 596, 621, 627, 
679, 694; History of, 341. 

Eutaw, The, 697. 

Eutaw Street, 637, 667, 688, 702. 

Exchange Coffee-House, 406. 

Exchange Street, 172, 189, 191, 194, 226. 

Exchange Bank, 523. 

Exeter, 168, 710. 

Exon, 60. 



" Experiment," The, 455. 
Eyles, Joseph, 726. 
Eyre, , 732. 

F. 

Fairmount Waterworks, 497. 

Famihsts, 98. 

Fanny, The, 691, 697, 698. 

Fanny JIcHenry, The, 698. 

Fands, Harry, 727. 

Fairweather, Capt. 216. 

Falcon Street, 541, 589. 

Falmouth, Lord, 729. 

Falmouth (Eng.), 717. 

Farley, Francis, 231, 724; — John, 724; — 
Robert, 753. 

Faneuil, Peter, 347;— Andrew, 347, 348. 

Faneuil Hall, 262, 335, 347, 391, 621. 

Farmer, John, 85, 208. 

Farmer's Hist. Coll. 208; Register, 65, 73, 
159. 

Farnum, John, 118, 123. 

Fatherland, The, 698. 

Favorite, The, 699. 

Fay, , 272; — F. B. 456, 548; — Rich- 
ard S. 477, 581, 582, 751, 752. 

Fearless, The, 698. 

Federal Street, 262, 263. 

Felt's Eccl. Hist. 58, 62, 67, 74, 84, 93, 94, 
104, 105, 109. 

Felt, J. B. 90, 94, 104. 

Felt's Annals of Salem, 90, 167. 

Felt's JIass. Currency, 185. 

Fenwick, Benedict J. 645, 655. 

Fenn, Robert, 189. 

Fenno, John, 5, 11, 40, 329, 334, 507, 511, 
516; — J. W. 751-753. 

Fenton, Thomas, 723. 

Fernald's Wharf, 702. 

Ferris, Mortimer, 6, 276. 

Ferguson, Archibald, 167; — Mary, 167. 

Ferry Wharf, 702. 

Ferry Street, 756. 

Ferry, 5, 11, 12, 28, 34, 35; between Win- 
nisimet and Charlestown, 86, and Nod- 
dle's Island, 240; Boston and the Island, 
241, 433, and Winnisimet, 486; East Bos- 
ton Ferry Co. 519, 614; — Ferry Street, 
262, 538, 756; — Ferry Wharf, 544; — 
Boats — Experiment, 455 ; Maverick, 468, 
552; East Boston, 4GS, 552; Essex, 552; 



778 



INDEX. 



Norfolk and Daniel Webster, 565; Tom 
Thumb, 455, 551 ; — landing, 468 ; — regu- 
lar trips, 478. 

Ferries, subject of, fully treated, Chapter 
XVI. 

Fessenden, John M. 610-612. 

Fettyplace, William, 4, 516, 525, 559, 572, 
573, 574, 671, 684, 704, 750-752. 

Fettyplace & Bowker's Wharf, 702. 

Fisher, Samuel, 229; , 657. 

Fishing parties, 42. 

Fiennes, Nathaniel, 184. 

Firle, 361. 

Fisk, , 330 ; — Wm. 420, 759. 

Field, Rev. Chester, 649. 

Finch, William, 420. 

Field, S. R. 601. 

Fiske, A. H. 752. 

Fitton, Rev. Father, 656. 

Fire Department, 635-642. 

Fire Fly, The, 698. 

" Fireman's Advocate," The, 638. 

Fitchet, , 620. 

Fitzpatrick, Bishop, 656. 

Florence, 716. 

Florida, 716, 717. 

Flanders, 233. 

Flats, The, 9. 

Fleming, , 725-728. 

Flemrais, , 727. 

Fletcher, Edward, 190, 191 ; — John, 724 ; — 
E. E. 759. 

Flagg, J. W. 321;— John G. 442. 

Florence, The, 699. 

Flower, Truman, 471, 516. 

Floyd, Robert, 724. 

Flying Cloud, The, 692-694, 698. 

Flying Fish, The, 694, 698. 

Flying Childers, The, 698. 

Folts, D. D. 601. 

Folsom's Hist, of Saco & Biddeford, 159. 

Fontenay, Battle of, 361. 

Fortifications at Noddle's Island in 1812, 
397 et seq. 

Fortification gates, 235. 

Fort Du Quesne, 361, 363. 

Fort Hill, 205, 218, 392, 

Fort Independence, 336, 409, 485, 578, 603, 
604. 

Fort Frontenac, 363. 

Fort Strong, 408-411, 415, 416, 419, 420, 
466, 582, 584-586. 



Fort Warren, 409, 566, 740, 742. 

Fort James, 146. 

Fort Constitution, 741. 

Fort Burroughs, 742. 

Fort Erie, 313. 

Fort McCleary, 741. 

Foster, John, 214, 218, 235; — W. H. 610; 

, 725, 729; — John, 752. 

Foss, A. S. 641. 

Forbes, R. B. 20, 672; — J. M. 751. 

Force's Hist. Tracts, 79, 215. 

Fortuna, The, 699. 

Fowle, Thomas, 97, 100, 102, 104-106. 

Fowler, .John, 637, 723 ; — Timothy, 724. 

Foxcroft, Rev. Thomas, 259. 

Fowle, Samuel, 759. 

France, 49, 215, 262-264, 330, 341, 398, 416, 

417, 479, 498, 581, 583, 716, 717, 722, 

754. 
Francis I. 716. 
Franklin Street, 42. 
Franklin Place, 383. 
Frankye, George, 723. 
Francis, Ebenezer, 24, 33;— Rev. , 

651. 
Freeman, , 231; — Nathaniel, 411, 415; 

— Thomas, 723; — Robert, 724. 
French and Indian War, 389; — French 

Revolution, 262, 342, 343, 363, 364; — 

The French, 146 ; — French Islands, 242, 

245; — French settlements in America, 

716. 
French, Thomas, 520, 640-642 ; — Daniel, 

636 ; — Richard, 724 ; — Martha, 759. 
Free Bridge to South Boston, 23. 
Frencau, Philip, 359. 
Friend, The, 698. 
Friendship, The, 82, 83. 

Frobisher, , 716. 

Frog Lane, 193, 229. 

Frolic, The, 697. 

Front Street, 534. 

Frost, Oliver, 567. 

Frothingham's Hist. Siege of Boston, 373, 

378. 

Frye, Jno. 723; ,729. 

Fuller, S. P. 458, 537, 538, 547. 
Fulton Bank, 672, 673. 
Fundy, Bay of, 625. 
Furnell, William, 723. 
Fyffe, John, 723 ; — James, 723. 
Fyler, , 696, 699. 



INDEX. 



779 



Galena, The, 697. 

Gallagher, John, 695. 

Game Cock, The, 691, 697. 

Game Law, 53. 

Ganges, The, 699. 

Gage, Thomas, 170, 352, 356, 359; sketch 

of, 352, 367, 372, 375, 376, 385, 389; — 

Wm. H., sketch of, 360; letter from, 361, 

362;— Lady, 361;— Lord, letter from, 

361, 362. 
Gard, Eoger, deed of Sam. Maverick to, 

719, 720, 721. 
Gardner, Henry, 92 ; — W. H. 455, 456, 

548; — Chas. F. 567, 650, 696, 698, 699; — 

Henry D. 579, 696, 698, 699;— Gardner's 

Wharf, 172. 
Garratt, Wm. 724. 
Garrett, Joseph, 660; — Henry, 723. 
Gas Works, 702. 
Gates, Gen. 736. 
Gayllerd, William, 83. 
Gazelle, The, 697. 
Gedney, Barth. 214, 216. 
Gelston, Dr. 316. 
Gemsbok, The, 699. 
Genealogical & Hist. Reg. 60, 62, 73, 87, 

106, 164-168, 218, 220, 222, 292, 296, 367, 

388. 
General Warren, The, 699. 
George, Capt. 215;— John, 116, 121; — 

Eev. N. D. 649. 
George L 232 ; — HL 276, 286, 287, 322. 
Georgetown, 19. 
George, Lake, 349. 
George's Island, 396. 
Georgia, 620. 
Georgiana, 721. 
Gerard, J. W. 26, 254, 307, 426, 439-443, 

445-448, 455, 498, 525, 626, 644, 704; 

Mrs. E. 26, 28, 29, 35, 258, 307, 426, 427, 

428; proposal of sale by, 439, 440; sale 

by trustees for, 441-448. 
Gerry, F. A. 515 ; — H. A. & T. A. 762. 
Gerrish, Geo. W. 579. 

Gibbs, , 205; — Armeda, 659, 662. 

Gibbes, Thomas, 181. 

Gibbert, Nathl. 723. 

Gibson, Major-General, 51; — Nehemiah, 

759. 
Gibbons, Edward, 82. 
Gift, The, 63. 
Giflford, John, 69. 



Gilbert, C. C. 536, 582, 751-753;— Sir 
Humphrey, 716, 717. 

Gill, Aaron, 761. 

Oilman fitmily. The, 168; — Edward 1st & 
2nd, Jolni T., Nicholas, Antipas, Mave- 
rick, Abigail, Catherine, Elizabeth, 168. 

Governor, 741. 

Gillyard, Thomas, 723. 

Girdall, Richard, 116; — Mary, 116. 

Glass house, 170. 

Glasgow, 274, 626. 

" Gleaner," 193, 196, 235. 

Glasgow, The, 357. 

Glazer, Oliver, 762. 

Glazier, Mr. , 519. 

Glendon Rolling Mill, 541, 545, 576, 579. 

Gloucester, 608, 615, 647. 

Glover, Benjamin, 290. 

Goble, John, 724. 

Goddard, Benjamin, 311. 

Golden Fleece, The, 692, 698. 

Golden West, The, 698. 

Golinn, Charles, 724. 

Goodhue, , 255. 

Goodrich's Hist. U. S. 130. 

Goodwin, , 124; , 230; — Ozias, 

672; — Gen. Ichabod, 738, 740, 741. 

Googin's Wharf, 702. 

Gookin, Capt. 148;— Samuel, 347, 350. 

Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. 355, 371-373, 377, 
382, 390-392, 394, 396, 397. 

Gore, Cliristopher, 33. 

Gorges, Robert, 43, 44, 47, 48, 72, 74, 75; — 
Ferdinando, 43, 49, 75, 719;— John, 44, 
48 ; — Patent, 72, 75, 108. 

Gori, Ferdinand, 504. 

Gorton, , 153. 

Gosnold, Bartholomew, 717. 

Gould, Thomas, and other Baptists, op- 
pression of, 116-124,191; , 547; — 

Salma E. 601. 

Gove, Stephen, 235. 

Governor's Island, 485. 

Gower, John, 724. 

Grace Church, 603. 

Grafton, Elizabeth & Priscilla, 168; — Jo- 
seph, 291. 

Gragg, W. A. 456, 548. 

Graham, , 212; — J. L. 505, 526, 527, 

750. 

Granary Burying-Ground, 289, 290, 296, 
508. 

Grants, see Conveyances; — Table of, 715- 



780 



INDEX. 



719; — to Brereton, 44; — to Council of 
Plymouth, 43; — to Maverick, 56. 

Grand Island, 459, 670, 672, 673, 690. 

Grand Junction R. R. 632, 533, 544; his- 
tory of, 629-635, 700, 706; — wharves, 
702. 

Granger, Phebe, 762. 

Grattan, , 623. 

Gravenor, Thomas, 723. 

Graves, 251 ; — Rev. H. A. 647 ; — Rev. 
J. M. 647. 

Gravesend, 152. 

Gray, Samuel, 171, 173 ; — Winthrop, 226. 

Gray's Wharf, 578. 

Great Britain, 186, 247, 248, 276, 282, 841, 
364, 401, 417, 620, 721, 722. 

" Great Marsh," The, 538, 539, 540. 

Great Western, The, 621. 

Great Republic, The, 691, 693, 698. 

Greaves, Thomas, 550 ; — Samuel, 724. 

Gree, William, 229. 

Grenelle, Artesian well at, 581, 583, 754- 
756. 

Greenland, 716. 

Greenleaf, Benj. 68; — Elizabeth, 268, 269; 
— Gardner, 442, 443, 458, 471, 475, 553, 
680, 750. 

Greenleafs Point, 19. 

Greenwich, 716, 718. 

Greenway, Henry, 724. 

Greenough, Thomas, 238, 249, 250, 254, 
257, 259 ; sketch of, 269-271. 272, 315, 322, 
323, 338, 358, 385; — Rev. William, 5, 
226, 253, 254, 258, 268; — sketch of, 271- 
274; — Sarah, 250, 253-255, 257, 258, 259, 
428, 489,731; — David S. (the elder), 4, 5, 
17, 18, 19, 24, 25, 27,226; sketch of, 312, 
439, 450; — David S. (the younger), 25, 
26, 28, 29, 31, 197, 253, 254, 258, 274; 
sketch of, 313, 428, 429, 430, 432, 525, 
574; — David, 751, 752; — Maria F. 32, 
34, 429-432, 436, 437, 511, 605, — John, 
Elizabeth, and Capt. Wm. 269 ; — David, 
John, James, Anne, and Jane, 430, 432, 
437. 

Greenough interest in N. I. 427, 511. 

Greenwood's Hist. King's Chapel, 159. 

Greenwood, , 171. 

Griffin, Rev. Dr. 272. 
Gross, Elizabeth, 269. 
Grosvenor Square, 252. 
Grover, John, 724. 
Growt, Capte, 81. 
Guichenet, Peter, 723. 



Guiney, The, 135. 

Gunthorp, Matilda, 197, 231, 232, 249; — 

William, 250. 
Gurley, John W. 291. 
Gusanna House, 50. 
Gyles, John, 170. 

H. 

Haddington County, 274. 

Hagar, Geo. 0. 636, 637, 762; — Sarah, 
762; — Geo. D. 472, 516. 

Hague, The, 20, 341. 

Halcyon, The, 698. 

Hale, William, 95; , 332; — Benjamin, 

610. 

Haley, , 467, and wife, 468. 

Halifax, 14, 287, 390, 402, 490, 620, 623. 

Hallet, , 526, 527; ,679, 680, 686, 

687. 

Hall, Thomas, 152;— Samuel, 563, 565, 
587 ; plate presented to, 592, 672 ; — Ship- 
building, 690, 691, 696, 699, 709, 711; 

— Samuel, jr. 696, 698, 699 ;— William, 
696, 698, 699; — Ephraim, 759;— Mar- 
tin, L. 711;— Hall's Wharf, 702; — 
Nicholas, 723 ; — Samuel W. 760. 

Hampden, 759. 

Hamilton, Alexander, 736 ; — Hamilton, The 

Cutter, 505, 621. 
Hampshire County, 224. 
Hampton, 718. 
Hancock, John, 196, 262, 284, 332,365, 386; 

— Thomas, 195, 196;— Mrs. 334; — 
Henrj^, 723; — Hancock Wharf, 193; — 
Street, 169, 194; — Hancock School- 
house, 169; — "Hancock," The, 379; 

— Hancock Bank, 476, 528, 672, 673. 
Handbill printed at Newport, 371, 374, 377. 
Handmaid, The, 63. 

Handforth, 44. 

Hanford, Jesse, 650. 

Hannerton, Thomas, 721. 

Hanover Street, 169, 262. 

Hanson, Thomas, 723. 

Harding, Chester, 505, 506; — Misses, 506. 

Hardy, Mary, 763. 

Hargrave, Wilham, 69. 

Harlow, Ivory, 662. 

Harman, Samuel, 724. 

Harmony Street, 519, 542. 

Harvard University, 20, 184, 224, 259, 260, 

261, 277, 281, 331, 323, 357, 358, 406, 494, 

498. 



INDEX. 



781 



Harper, R. G. 21. 

Harris, , 15; — Anne, 87, 164; —Eliza- 
beth, 194 ; — John, Thomas, William, and 

Daniel, 164; — Edward, 759; —Major, 

415. 
Harry of the West, The, 699. 

Harrington, Eev. , 651. 

Hart, Edmund, 14, 334. 
Hartford, 206, 207, 656. 
Harvey, Peter, 522. 
■ Haskins, Lydia, 272. 

Hatch, , 510 ; — Mrs. 736. 

Hatton, John, 724. 

Hawks, Moses, 168 ; — Rev. Dr. Francis, 288. 
\, Hawkins, Thomas, 189. 
Haverhill, 423. 
Havre, 576; — Havre Street, 502, 516, 598, 

644, 648, 656, 683, 756. 
Hawarden Castle, 50. 

Hawthorne, , 148, 149. 

Haynes, Guy C. 442, 459, 460, and familj^, 

468; 472, 475, 476, 552, 635-637, 645, 665, 

666, 758; — Mrs. 663. 
Hay-press, 41. 
Hayden, Jane, 35, 309, 427, 437 ; — John, 

258, 309, 311, 427, 437; — WUliam, 497. 
Hajanarket Square, 590. 
Hayward, Major, 229. 
Hayward P. Cushmg, The, 698. 
Hazard, The, 697. 

Hazard's Record of United Colonies, 188. 
Healey, Mark, 562, 574, 751. 
Heath, General, 286. 
Heard, Augustus, 704; — John, jr. 442. 
Henshaw, Samuel, 800; — John, 442, 458; 

— John, 497, 571, 573 ; — C. 676. 
Helicon, The, 697. 
Hellespont, 354. 

Hempstead, Rev. Henry E. 648. 
Hendee, C. J. 752, 753. 
Henry VII. 716; — Henry IV. 717. 
Henry Street, 545, 643, 651. 
Henry Hill, The, 699. 
Higgin, Uriah, 582. 
Higginson Family, 358. 

Higden, , 732. 

Highlander, The, 691, 699. 

Highlanders, 392. 

Hill, Capt. 135; — Isaac, 120; — N. 332, 

334; — Misses, 334; — General, 343, 344, 

345; — David, 760. 
Hillard, Geo. S. 623. 
Hinckley, R. L. 759. 

66 



Hingham, 99, 105, 168, 222. 
Hirst, Grove, Elizabeth, and Mary, 268. 
Hitchcock, Col. 379;-^ Rev. R. S. 645. 
Hobart, Samuel B. 709. 

Hodge, , 174. 

Holden, Oliver; 695, 699. 

Hoff's Neck, 396. 

Hog Island, 7, 44, 87, 163, 183, 357, 367, 

369, 371, 372, 476, 379, 485. 

Hogs-Flesh, , 487. 

Holbrook, S. R. M. 751, 752. 
Holmes, Jonas, 164; — Alfred, 641. 
Holmes and Snelling's Docks, 701. 

Holt, , 732 ; — Holt Bridge, 50. 

Holland, 67, 243 : — Rev. , 681, 710. 

Hollis Street Church, 391. 

Homer, William F. 710. 

Hooper, Joseph, 517; — Messrs. 657; — 

Mary J. 759 ; — Henry N. 711. 
Hoogly, The, 698. 
Hooke, Francis, 106, 108, 155, 158, 161, 212; 

— Mary, Petition to Andros, 106, 107, 
108,155, 159, 168, 178, 212; — WiUiam, 
719, 720. 

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 66. 

Hopkins, Ann F. 759. 

Horsey-Doune, 69. 

Horsford, P. L. 724. 

Hosford, H. H. 758. 

Hospital (Plymouth, Eng.), 58-61. 

Hosack, Dr. 507. 

Hotchelager, 716. 

Hotel Square, 463, 464, 471, 475-478, 502, 
515, 538, 543, 594, 599, 677, 756; — Hotel 
Street, 475, 478, 508, 545, 643. 

House Documents (Cong.), 404, 409, 416. 

Hoven, James, 695. 

Howard, Mary Maverick, 170; , 170. 

Howe, , 196 ; — Gen. Sir William, 366, 

391, 393; —Lord, 726;— Howe's Wharf, 
702. 

Howey, James, 724; — Thomas, 724. 

Hubbard, Eev. William, 66, 160;— Sam- 
uel, 119. 

Hudson, William, 183. 

Hughes, William, 168; — Benjamin, 724; 

— James, 724. 

Hull, Capt. John, 119 ; — William, 401, 736, 

740, 741;— Isaac, 505. 

Hull, , 61, 390, 396. 

Humly Parish (Eng.), 274. 

Humphrey, , 14-18, 27; — Humphrey's 

Life of Gen. Putnam, 371, 385. 



782 



INDEX. 



Hundred Boston Orators, 171. 

Hunneman, , 638. 

Hunt, Rev. John, 300; — Nancy, 324; — 
William, 641; —John, 724; , 759. 

Huntt, William, 724. 

Hunter, Leonard, 720. 

Huntington, Rev. F. D. 652. 

Hyde, Capt. 135; — George, 724; — Hyde 
Park, 507. 

Hydrant Company, 642. 

Hutchinson, Elisha, 218, 235; — Edward, 

240, 248; — Eliakim, 188, 218, 230; , 

89, 484; — Thomas, 365; , 725; — 

Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. 44, 46, 48, 72, 
75, 99, 100, 127, 128, 130, 131, 138, 142, 
144, 145, 149, 151, 155, 158, 159, 184, 201, 
205, 206, 207, 213, 233, 341, 345; — Hist. 
Coll. 128, 149. 

Hyslop, William, 5, 6, 14, 222, 232, 238, 254, 
257, 259, 270, 271; sketch of, 274-278, 
300, 307, 334, 338, 427, 732; — Mehetable, 
226, 250, 253-255, 257, 258, 269, 270, 276, 
307, 357, 489, 731; — David, 4,24,226, 
253, 254, 258, 276; sketch of, 307-312; 
his family, 308; his will, 311, 427, 437; 
his son, 457 ; — William, jr. 226 ; — Mrs. 
Jane, 35, 310, 311, 427; — Elizabeth, 222, 
253 ; —James, WiUiam, David, Elizabeth, 
and Mehetable (children of William), 254, 
276; — Elizabeth and Mehetable, 277. 



I. 

Iceland, 755. 

Illinois, 647. 

Indemnity Bill, 479. 

Independence, The, 420. 

Independent Co. of Cadets, 313, 365, 418. 

Independents, 124. 

Lidenture, Tripartite, Sumner, White, and 
Oliver, 432 et seq. 

Indian, The, 699. 

Indiaman, The, 698. 

India Wharf, 193, 415, 496. 

India Street, 496. 

Indians, 47, 63, 67, 73, 74, 84, 88, 90, 101, 
188, 225, 277, 341, 342, 506; — Indian 
Currency, 187 ; — titles, 193, 250 ; — pris- 
oners on Noddle's Island, 197; — Massa- 
chusetts, 210. 

Indus, The, 360. 

Industrial Opex-ations, 670 et seq. 

Inner Temple, 48. 



Insane Hospital, 42. 

Introductory Letter, 1-36. 

Iosco, The, 697. 

Ipswich, 168, 423, 613, 615. 

Ireland, 233, 245, 246, 317, 341, 626, 719, 

761. 
Ireland, William, Sen'r and Jun'r, 164. 
Irish Forces, 51. 
Irwin, Rev. John, 650. 
Irving's Washington, 393. 
Isabella, Queen, 715. 

Islands appropriated to public benefits, 53. 
Isle of Shoals, 168. 
Italy, 506, 716. 

J. 

Jackman, G. W. 760. 

Jackson, Benjamin, 228, 314, 322;— Wil- 
liam, 80; — Thomas, 168;— Rev. , 

275;— Judge, 311;— General, 332; — 
Jonathan, Anecdote of, 357, 358; — 
Charles, 358; — Audi-ew, 479; — Robert 
E. 691, 696-699. 

Jamaica, 135. 

Jamaica Plain, 362, 758. 

James L 43, 717-719;— H. 201, 205, 317, 
S41; — in. 341. 

James River, 80. 

James, Fort, 146. 

James Baines, The, 698. 

Jane, The, 698. 

Jansen, John B. 174. 

Japan, The, 698. 

Jarvis, John W. 175; — Miss, 354;— Dr. 
354; — Thomas, 723. 

Jefferson, Thomas, 21, 22, 291, 425, 426. 

Jeffrey, Patrick, 236. 

Jeffries, John, 182, 466, 472, 516, 517, 692, 
750-752; — Mrs. Dr. 663. 

Jeffries Point, 551, 700, 702. 

Jeffries Street, 537, 702, 756. 

Jenks, Rev. Wm. 271, 273; — T. RusseD, 
39. 

Jenkins, , 760. 

Jennings, George, 723. 

Jenny Lind, The, 697. 

Jersey Lands, 16. 

Jewell, The, 63. 

Jewett, , 382. 

John, The, 81. 

John E. Thayer, The, 692, 698. 

John Bertram, The, 697. 



INDEX. 



783 



John Gilpin, The, 698. 

John Patterson, The, 699. 

Johnson, John, 165; — Thomas, 20; — Mrs. 
and the Misses, 20; —Edward, 72-74, 85, 
92 ; — Ruth, 164, 165 ; — Isaac, 64, 71, 
78; — Capt. 148; — Rev. H. H. 663; — 
Major John, 278, 300; — Ma'am, 294; — 
E. 516 ; — Eleazer, 638, 639; — Judge, 
736. 

Johnson's Wonder- Working Prov. 45, 46, 
72, 160. 

Jones, T. K. & Co. 496 ; — Chief Justice, 
505; — Mrs. Charles F. 506; — Henry, 
579, 650 ; — Samuel, 704 ; — John, 724 ; — 
G.B. 751, 752; — Mary, 758. 

Jones's Wharf, 702. 

Jones's Hall, 646, 647. 

Jordan, , 135. 

Jordin, Eph. 724. 

Joselyne W. 761. 

Joseph Peabody, The, 699. 

Joselyn's Wharf, 702. 

Josselyn, .Tohn, 70, 71, 77, 78, 89-92, 160, 
483. 

Journal of each Prov. Congress of JIass. 
369, 374, 382, 387. 

Journal, The Boston, 651. 

Joy, Thomas, 104; , 260; , 505; — 

Misses, 505; — Charles, 508. 

Joy's Building, 260. 

Judicial Robes abandoned, 284. 

Julia Ann, The, 698. 

" Juvenile Missionary Society," 661. 



Kearney, Francis, 174. 

Keen, S. 637, 759. 

Keely, P. C. 657. 

Kelly, R. H. 758. 

Kelley, Daniel D. 565, 691, 696-699 ; — Wil- 
liam, 696, 699. 

Kelley's Wharf and Railway, 702. 

Kemble, Mount, 366 ; — Peter, 366 ; — Mar- 
garet, 366; — Mary D. 366. 

Kendall, , 638; — L. M. 758, 760,761; 

— W. M. 762. 

Kendrick, John, 442, 676. 

Kennebunk, 741. 

Kenandene, W. H. 723. 

Kent, 189. 

Kent, Chancellor, 208, 505; — Robert R. 
650. 



Kerby, Thomas, 723; — Thomas A. 723. 

Kerr, , 231. 

Kilby Street, 262, 496. 

Kilby Bank, 521, 522. 

Kilgore, Marian, 762. 

King's Chapel, 159. 

King Street, 172, 191, 192, 229. 

King, John, 40, 330; — John, Jr. 723, 724; 

— Edward, 331; — Rev. , 651; — 

Benj. 723 ; — Gen. 736, 743. 
King Lear, The, 698. ^ 

Kingman, Widow, 476. 
Kipps, Henry, 724. 
Kirk, Philip, 762. 
Kirke, Sir David, 82. 
Kirkland, Samuel, 277 ; — President, 277. 
Kirwan, Richard, 723. 

Kittredge, , 521. 

Kitterj-, 107, 108, 158, 161, 168, 741. 

Knapp, Samuel L. 289, 296. 

Knox Street, 540, 541, 545. 

Knox, Adam, 170 ; — Ann, 170 ; — Gen. 

325, 333. 



Lacadie, 82. 

Lacon, The, 697. 

La Chevrette, 360. 

Ladd, Nathaniel, 168. 

Lady Franklin, The, 698. 

Lake, Thomas, 191, 221. 

Lambert, Robert, 116; — John, 724; — Mary 

A. 758; — D. H. 763; — Mrs. 763. 
Lamb's Dam farm, 33. 
La Minerva, 360. 
Lamson, Benjamin, 442, 458, 471, 491, 516, 

521, 536, 559, 572-574, 601, 645, 686, 700, 

750-753;— Sarah, 759. 
Lamson Street, 534, 545, 668. 
La Mutine, 360. 
Lancashire, 49, 51. 

Lander, , 255. 

Landing at Cape Ann, 73. 

Lane, Levi and Elizabeth, 170 ; — Major, 742. 

Lang, , 506. 

Langdall, Marmaduke, 51. 
Langford, Jonas, 723. 

Langley, , 732; — Daniel, 762. 

Lantao, The, 697. 
Lardner, Dionysius, 620. 
Lai-och, Sir James, 231. 

Lascelles, , 726, 729. 

La Tour, 82. 



784 



INDEX. 



Lathrop, Rev. 231. 

Laud, Archbishop, 93, 259. 

Laurence, John, 155, 159. 

Laughing Water, The, 699. 

Lauriat, , 493. 

Laurillia, The, 098. 

Lavery, Thomas J., Matthew, and Jane, 472. 

Lavington, Samuel, 723. 

Lavicuntt, Jos. 724. 

Lavicountt, John, 724. 

Law in refermce to drinking, 78. 

Lawrence, -?-, 193 ; , 762. 

Leach's Wharf, 16, 29. 

Leader, Richard, 182-184, 256. 

Leander, 354. 

Leases of the Island, Chap. XIL, to Temple, 
314, 315, to Cochran & Bell, 317, to H. 
H. Williams, 322 et seq. 

Ledger, The E. B. 633. 

Lee, Mrs. 333 ; — James & Co. 706 ; — 
James, Jr. 706. 

Leeds, , 527 ; — Leeds's Neck, 290. 

Lefavor, — — , 515. 

Legalists, 95. 

Le Isle de France, 330. 

Leichfield, 52. 

Leicester Co. (Eng.), 185. 

Leighbridge, 50. 

Lenthall, Edward, 48. 

Leon, Castile and, 716. 

Letter Book, 398, 410, 411. 

Letters. — Wm. Jackson to Samuel Mave- 
rick, 80 ; W. H. Sumner to Moses 
Brown, 23; W. H. S. to Mrs. Gerard, 26; 
J. C. Doane to W. H. S. 31; Maria F. 
Greenough to W. H. S. 31; Drinker to 
Clarke, 119 ; of King Charles II. 129 ; 
Breedon to "My Lords," etc. 129; Cart- 
wright to Secretary of State, 130; Mave- 
rick to Bi-eedon, 135; to Coventry, 136; 
Clarendon to Nichols, 138; Colonial Au- 
thorities to the King, 138 ; Cartwright to 
Nichols, 139; Maverick to Nichols, 139; 
Clarendon to Maverick, 141; Commis- 
sioners to Governor and Council, 143; 
Nichols to Arlington, 146; Maverick to 
Arlington, 147 ; Colonial Authorities to 
the King, 150 ; Clarendon to Nichols, 
151 ; Maverick to Nichols, 151-153 ; Ben- 
jamin Colman to Anthony and William 
Stoddard, 227; Gov. Shirley to Legisla- 
ture, 247 ; John Yeamans to Legislature, 
247 ; Charles Chauncy to Nathaniel 



Chauncy, 265 ; Gov. Sumner to Judge 
Gushing, 287 ; Moses Williams to Wm. 
H. Sumner, 294; David C. Poignand to 
W. H. Sumner, 295 ; Elizabeth Sumner 
to W. H. Sumner, 302, also 306 ; Admiral 
Gage to W. H. Sumner, 351; Lord Gage 
to Wm. H. Sumner, 361 ; W. T. Miller to 
his wife, 378 ; John Marston to W. H. 
Sumner, 383; Mrs. Adams to John Ad- 
ams, 388 ; W. H. Sumner to Moses 
Brown, 422 ; J. W. Gerard to W. H. 
Sumner and Benjamin Welles, 445; J. W. 
Barton to W. H. Sumner, 503-508 ; W. 
H. Sumner to Larkin Thorndike, 529- 
532 ; Ebenezer Atkins to W. H. Sumner, 
597; W. C. Barstow to W. H. Sumner, 
599; Francis Vinton to W. H. Sumner, 
604; Wm. Barnicoat to Officers, etc. 639; 
W. C. Barstow to Gen. Sumner, 757 ; 
Benj. Pond to Gen. Sumner, 757. 

Lettinwell, Elisha, 374. 

Leverett, Gov. John, 124, 184, 187, 218; — 
Major-Geueral, 148. 

Leverpoole, 51. 

Lewis, Samuel S. 438, 441-443, 458, 464, 
469, 475-477, 497, 501; — Superintendent, 
525, 565, 583, 622, 623, 628, 076, 077, 681, 
685, 750-753 ; — Asa, 442, 471, 475, 759; 
— Mary S. 759. 

Lewis Street, 434, 437, 439, 646, 647, 663, 
664, 677-079, 682, 702, 756. 

Lewis's Wharf, 12, 193, 468, 543, 544, 553, 
561, 616. 

Lexington, 351-353, 356, 307, 369, 370, 376, 
379, 381, 388, 389, 508. 

Lexington Street, 515, 540, 601, 687, 688, 
702, 756. 

Lexington, The, 680. 

Ley, Lord, 95. 

Leyden, 232. 

Liberty Street, 173, 174. 

Liberty Square, 263, 495. 

Liberty Tree, 262, 391. 

Lidget, Charles, 201. 

Lieutenant-General, The office of, 44, 49. 

Lighthouse Island, 396. 

Lightfoot, Samuel, 723;— John, 723. 

Lightfoot, The, 698. 

Lightning, The, 698. 

Light Infantry, Boston, 408, 410, 411, 479. 

Lincoln, Countess of, 79; — Gen. Benjamin, 
325, 333, 396; — Levin R. 458; — Miss 
, 517; — Rev. Calvin, 652; — Eliza- 



INDEX. 



785 



beth, 666;— Hosea H. 666, 667, 669; — 

Levi, 745. 
Lind, Syraond, 119, 201. 
Lindsley, William, 723. 
Linseed Oil Works, 705. 
Lion, The, 63. 

Lisbon Street, 473, 474, 538, 543. 
Litchfield, Nicholas, 660. 
Little York, Battle of, 173. 
Littlewood, William, 723. 
Livermore, Eev. L. J. 651. 
Liverpool, 576, 619, 620, 626, 628, 691, 725. 
Liverpool & Manchester R. R. 462. 
Liverpool, The city of, 621. 
Liverpool Street, 643, 671, 687, 701, 756. 
Lobster Wharf, 705. 
Locke, Stephen, 442, 474, 475, 542, 646, 

686, 700, 701. 
Lloyd, Henry, 321;— James, 403. 
Lombard, Ammi C. 442, 458, 469, 582, 647, 

676, 678, 752. 
Lombard's Wharf, 545, 702. 
Longmeadow, 497. 
Long Island (N. Y.), 132, 133, 135, 136, 152, 

368, 377, 396. 
Long Island Sound, 680. 
Long Pond, 587. 

Long Wharf, 275, 365, 396, 415, 455. 
"London News," 371; — London Gazette, 

376. 
London, 20, 40, 49, 74, 89, 106, 124, 180, 

184, 232, 242, 248, 250, 255, 275, 341, 488, 

489, 576, 577, 628, 643, 680, 706. 
London Company, 717. 
Londonderry, 233 ; history of, 233. 
London Street, 656, 700, 702, 756. 
Long Reach, 720. 

Lord, Philip, 520; — J. H. & Co. 710. 
Loring, J. S. 171; — Lieut. Col. Joseph, 

740, 742 ; — Commodore, 312. 
Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, 

239, 366, 380, 391, 392, 396, 397. 
Lothrop, Rev. Dr. John, 271, 272, 414; — 

Loring, 667. 
Louisburg, 349, 717. 
Louis XVL 264; — XIV. 341. 
Louisiana, 291, 707. 

Lovell, , 386, 696, 701. 

Lovell's Island, 396, 485. 
Lovett, Pyam, 610. 
Lovejoy, Wm. R. 645, 655, 711. 
Lovelace, Col. Samuel, 155. 
Loveriug, William and Joseph, 170. 

66* 



Lowden, East, 274. 

Lowell, 54, 193, 318, 324, 329, 603. 

Lowell family, 358. 

Lowry, Henry, 724. 

Lucas, George, 723. 

Lucy & Harriett, The, 699. 

Lugg, Mary, 176. 

Ludlow, 61, 64. 

Lyman, Hon. Theodore, 666 ; — Captain, 

741. 
Lyman School, The, 503, 539, 646, 648, 

666-669. 
Lynch, , 723 ; — Nicholas, 724 ; — An- 

thonj', 724. 
Lynda, Simon, 119, 201. 
Lynn Mineral Spring Hotel, 477. 
Lynn, 6, 29, 69, 109, 369, 582, 604, 605, 610, 

615, 703, 715. 
Lynn Street, 262. 
Lynch, Nicholas and Mary, 231. 
Lyons, Samuel, 723 ; — Henry, 723 ; — Jos. 

724. 
L. Z., The, 697. 



Slacaulay, T. B. 232. 

Macbeth, 507. 

Mackenzie, Alex. S. 505. 

Mackinen, William, 723. 

Macreading, Rev. C. S. 648, 660. 

Magnalia, Mather's, 59. 

Mail, The, 097. 

Maine, 41, 75, 107, 145, 152, 161, 168, 202, 
212, 308, 398, 400, 403-405, 417, 423; con- 
dition of, in 1812, 734 et seq. ; means for 
defending, 735, 742. 

Malcolm, , tarred and feathered, 170, 

171; — Eliza, 762. 

Maiden, 25, 369, 409, 498. 

Malleable Iron Foundry, 472, 474, 493, 496, 
619, 540, 543, 637, 665; history of, 687- 
689, 705. 

Malgum, Eliza, 762. 

Maloun, Robert, 724. 

Malpasse, 51. 

Malta, 360. 

Manchester (N. H.), 193; — (Eng.), 402. 

Mangum, Z. A. 759. 

Manhadoes, 128. 

Manhattan Island, 529. 

Manjoor, The, 699. 

Maulev, Commodore, 170. 



786 



INDEX. 



Mansfield, Capt. 505. 

Manson, , 667. 

Manuella, The, 699. 

Marblehead, 6, lfi2, 167, 189, 365, 423, 486, 

517, 008, 615. 
Marchant, Nath. 724; — Benj. 724; — 

John, 724; — Thomas, 724. 
Marcy, William L. 675, 676. 
Marginal Street, 537-539, 544, 547, 630-632, 

634, 678, 679, 692, 702, 706, 709, 7 57. 
Mariner, The, 698 ; — Jos. 442, 458, 687. "' 
Marine Eailway, 474, 490, 538, 543, 553, 

566, 604; history of, 686, 687, 701. 
Marion, J. 239 ; — Marion Street, 515, 540, 

601, 687,688, 756,757. 
Market Place in Boston, 142. 
Marlborough, Duke of, 233, 345. 

Marsh, , 682. 

Marshall, Col. 396;— Misses, 506; — Mar- 
shall's College, 325;— Marshall's Life of 
Washington, 341. 
Marshfield, 690. 
Marrow, Col. 51. 
Marston, John, 10, 383, 384. 
Martha, The, 699; — Martha Worthington, 

The, 697. 
Martin, Samuel, 239 ;— Josiah, 231 ; — Col 
231;— Thomas, 723;— Peter, 724; — 

Edwin, 724; , 729. 

Martinico, 242, 245. 

Mary Bangs, The, 699. 

Mary and John, The, 47, 61, 63, 64, 71, 72, 

498. 
Maryland, 93, 645. 
Marriage in E. Boston, first, 516 ; in 1835,516. 

Mason, , 207; — Lieut. 83; , 144, 

145 ; , 561 ; — Thomas, 601 ; — F. A. 

640, 759 ; — C. B. 704 ; — Jeremiah, 741. 
Mastitr, The, 699. 
Massacre, Boston, 171, 172. 
Massachusetts, 41, 43, 46, 53, 72, 73, 90, 91, 
99, 100, 108, 120, 131, 134, 135, 137, 140, 
141, 145, 146, 151, 153, 185, 202, 208, 217, 
224, 232, 233, 234, 243, 244, 263, 268, 270, 
278, 285, 288, 289, 299, 301, 341, 342, 343, 
355, 362, 365, 366, 371, 380, 396, 397-405, 
415, 419, 449, 494, 507, 663, 675, 712, 717, 
734-742; — Bay, 39, 46, 57, 58, 72, 74, 75, 
248, 318, 321, 363, 445, 450, 717, 718, 719 ; 

— Company, 48, 718, 719; — Colony, 9, 
39, 99, 113, 115, 120, 128, 129, 138, 140, 
146, 147, 155, 244, 246; — Patent, 70, 77; 

— Govt. 107, 143, 152, 154, 168, 178, 212; 



— Archives, 44, 101, 102, 106, 110, 142, 
199, 228, 330, 350 ;— Records, 45, 48, 53, 
56, 75, 76, 82, 83, 85, 87, 94, 96, 97, 109- 
111, 121, 128, 137, 140, 148, 149, 156, 159, 
167, 168, 179, 180, 199, 204, 217, 235, 449, 
549, 550; — Hist. Coll. 57, 67, 68, 70, 77- 
79, 85, 89, 90, 91, 133, 159, 189, 204, 316, 
362, 368, 380 ; — Resolves, 399, 436; — 
Spy, 371; — Claim, The, 419; — Guards, 
The, 515; — The, 697; propeller, 697. 

Masts, present of, to the king, 150. 
Mather, Eleazer, 224;— Mrs. Esther, 224; 

— Cotton, 59, 260, 262, 275; — Increase, 
121, 184, 217, 224, 269, 262; — Samuel, 
261 ; — Mather's Magnalia, 59. 

Mattapan, 62, 63, 64. 

Matthew, , 725-729. 

Maverick, Rev. John, acct. of, 57-68, 69-72, 
166, 224, 486, 498; — Elias, 56, 82, 83; 
kindness to Indians, 84, 86 ; at Winnisi- 
met, 87, 88, 89, 162; his family, 162-166; 
will of, 162-164, 168, 486 ; — Abigail, 
(dau.), 87; — Mr. of Wimiisimet, 82-85; 

— Abigail, 168; — Peter Rushton, his 
family, 173-176 ; — Antipas, 56, 162; his 
family, 168 ; — Radford, 57; — Richard, 
130; — Nathaniel, 107, 161, 178-181, 256, 
486, 487. 

Maverick Family, Genealogy of the. Chap. 
VII. ; — Samuel, 45, 46, 53 ; —Noddle's Isl. 
granted to, 56, 57; acct. of, 69-160; son 
of the Rev. John, 61; at Noddle's Island, 
72-74; owns land in Maine, 76; takes 
freeman's oath, 75; 76-80, 82, 83; kind- 
ness to Indians, 84 ; 85, 86, 88 ; hospitality, 
89 ; 90 ; a slaveholder, 91, 92 ; au Episco- 
palian, 94; ordered to remove to Boston, 
94; 95-97; eccl. troubles, 98-112; peti- 
tion of dau. Mary, 106; imprisonment,- 
fines, etc. 108-111; sale of the Island, 
115, 125; royal commissioner, 128-162; 
in New York, 151, 154, 167-169 ; charac- 
ter, 176, 177; sells the Island, 178-182, 
198, 199, 203, 212, 213, 256, 257, 258, 324, 
340, 483, 484, 486, 487, 493, 495, 601, 649, 
550, 640, 644, 712; deed to Roger Gard, 
719, 720 ; — Amias, 161, 178, 181, 182, 560 ; 
— Samuel, jr. 165, 159 ; his family, 161, 
162, 486; — Samuel (killed in Boston 
Massacre), 171-173 ; — Mary (dau. of 
Samuel), 161;— Moses, his family, 56, 
80, 162, 167, 168; — Samuel (son of 
Moses), 162. 



y 



INDEX. 



787 



Maverick Family in N. E. and N. Y. 169- 
176; — John of Boston, his family, 169- 
173. 

Maverick Street, 466, 471, 473, 502, 515, 
520, 537, 539, 542, 544, 545, 573, 593, 644, 
651, 652, 656, 663, 683, 691, 702, 756, 757. 

Maverick Church, 564, 643-646, 647, 651, 
655, 659-061, 604, 683, 684. 

" Maverick," The, 468, 469, 475, 478, 552, 
554, 555, 563, 565, 690, 697 ; — Fire En- 
gine, 638, 640, 642. 

Maverick Wharf, 702. 

Maverick Bank, The, 710, 711. 

Maverick Water Power Company, C85, 686, 
702. 

Maverick House, The, 354, 454, 464-466, 
474, 475; history of and public celebra- 
tion, 475; enlarged, 508; sold, 512, 515, 
516, 518, 538, 543, 555, 572, 588, 591, 593, 
623,645, 677, 762. 

Maverick Square, 454, 458, 459, 475, 478, 
538, 545, 593, 637, 645, 651, 083. 

Maverick Hall, 645, 647. 

Maury, Lieut. 626. 

Maurice, 51. 

Mayer, Samuel, 724. 

May, Abigail, 322. 

Mayflower, The, 63 ; , 699. 

Mayhew, Rev. Dr. Jonathan, 265 ; , 80. 

Mayo, Rev. John, 118; — Watson, G. 579; 
, 759. 

McCallion, Charles, 655. 

McCann, Peter, 657. 

McClary, Major, 356, 360. 

McCollough, William, 601. 

McCobb, Col. 742. 

McDonough, , 357. 

McFiugall, TrambuU's, 370, 375. 

McGraw, , 517. 

McGruder, Capt. 505. 

Mclntire, Timothy, 471, 472, 516, 520, 760. 

Mclvor, D. & C. 628. 

McKay, Donald, 691-694, 696-699 ; — 
Wharf, 702 ; — Hugh R. 696, 698, 699. 

McKennan, William, 231. 

McLean, 693. 

McLester, Michael, 723;— John, 723. 

McManus, Patrick, 442, 459, 472, 515, 655, 
677. 

McNiar, Capt. B. 520. 

McNulty, , 472. 

Mead, Samuel 0. 442. 

Meadcalfe, James, 97. 



Mears, , 286;— Mrs. 334;— Frederick, 

710. 
Mechanics Charitable Association, 407. 
Medfield, 264. 
Medford, 6, 263, 357, 369, 409, 498, 578, 582, 

676, 691. 
Meeting-house at Dorchester, 65. 
Melville, John, 758, 762; — Mary F. 762. 
Memoir of Gov. Sumner, 295. 
Mercantile Library Building, 26i. 
Mercer, Samuel, 250, 731. 
Merchant's Bank, 191, 194, 226, 488. 
Merchant's Row, 170. 
Merchant's Exchange, 225. 
Mercury, The N. E. 20, 241, 715. 
Meredith, William, 723. 
Meridian, The, 691, 697. 
Meridian Street, 420, 463, 472, 477, 493, 515, 

538, 543, 545, 579, 637, 641, 643, 648, 663- 

665, 671, 688, 756. 
Meridian St. Bridge, 573; — history of, 576- 

580, 595. 
Meridian Street Church, 649, 660. 
Mermaid, The, 698. 

Merse, , 729. 

Merrill, Rev. J. W. 648; — Rev. D. H. 648; 

Rev. J. H. 648 ; — Anna M. 666. 
Merriam's Corner, 356. 
Merrimack River, 193, 718. 
Merry Mount, 46, 74. 
Merrj-field's farm, 5. 
Messenger, Daniel, 418, 645. 
Methodists, 648, 649. 
Methuen, 647. 
Mexico, 49. 

Mexican War, 367, 505. 
Midas, The, 697. 

"MidcUe farm," 10, 452, 519, 541, 546, 704. 
Middle Street, 169, 262. 
Middlesex County (Eng.), 252. 
Middleton, Sir Thomas, 51. 
Middlewich, 50. 
" Midnight Musings," etc. by Freneau, 359. 

Miles, Pliny, 621, 627;— Rev. , 651. 

Milk Street, 365; — (E. B.), 662. 

Military Board, 27. 

Military History of the Island, Chap. XHL 

Mill bridge, 227. 

Mill dam, 8;— The, 497, 586. 

Mill Hill, 182. 

Mill Pond, 493, 500, 538. 

Miller, William T. 378, 379; — Moses, 515, 

521,538, 539,543; ,759. 



788 



INDEX. 



Miller's Wharf, 701, 702. 
Minerva, The, 275. 
Minnehaha, The, 699. 

Minot, Judge, 236; , 676. 

Minot's Ledge, 649. 

Minstrel, The, 697. 

Misha^yum, 46, 72. 

Mistick, 45. 

Mitchelson, James, 723. 

Mitchell, - — , 695. 

Mobile, 41. 

Moneka, The, 699. 

Monk, George, 194; — N. 723. 

Monmouth Street, 687, 756. 

Monongahela, 363. 

Monroe, James, 374, 620. 

Montague, Admiral, 14, 490 ; — Benjamin, 

175;— Lady, 276. 
Montezuma, The, 697. 
Montgomeryshire, 50; — Montgomery Cas- 
tle, 51. 
Montgomery, James, 695. 
Montreal, 342, 365, 650, 716, 717. 
Montserrat, 255. 
Moody, Master, 10. 
Moon Island, 396. 
Moore, Annie, 169. 
Moore Street, 542, 598. 
Moreton's Point, 23, 422, 424. 
Morgan, Evenn, 81; — Enos, 515, 620; — 

Jacob, 723 ; , 760 ; — Morgan farm, 

282,290,291. 

Morrill, K. P. 516, 760; , 758. 

Morris, Captain, 401; — Vail. 723; — John, 

733 ; — Thomas, 723 ; — Charles, 723. 
Morris Canal Company, 528, 673. 
Morristown, 366. 
Morse, Eev. Dr. Jedidiah, 336, 338 ; — E. 

760, 763;— Perses L. 763. 
Morton, Thomas, 46 ; — Nathaniel, 154 ; — 

Kev. Charles, 232. 
Mosely, Sir Edward, 50. 
Moses, The, 697. 
Moses Wheeler, The, 697. 

Motley, , 498. 

Moulton, Simeon, 516. 

Mountfort, Joseph, 170-173 ; his family, 

173; — N. B. 89, 161, 169, 170, 172, 173, 

176. 
Mount Vernon, 496. 
Mount Vernon Street, 194. 
Mudge, Ezra, 703, 704. 
Muddy Brook, 193. 



Muddy River, 89, 218. 

Muir, James, 723. 

Mullin, William, 760. 

Munn, Patrick, 175. 

JIungomery, John, 724. 

Munich, 657. 

Munroe, William H. 650. 

" Murderers" Mavericks, 74, 85, 340. 

Murdock, Horace, 504 ; — Colonel, 759. 

Murphy, Thomas, 657. 

Murray, Parson, 334; — John, 723. 

Muscle shoal, 16. 

Muzzey, Rev. A. B. 651. 

Musgrave, , 255. 

Mystery, The, 698. 
" Mystery Hid for Ages," etc. 265. 
Mystic River, 6, 8, 39, 376, 503, 570, 575, 
590, 611, 666-678. 



N. 



Nahant, 6, 44, 475, 491, 503. 

Namptwich, 50, 51. 

Kantasket, 47, 61, 64, 79, 93; — Roads, 345, 

346, 392, 396, 490. 
Nanton, Robert, 724; — Richard, 721. 
Narragansett, 79, 151, 187, 188, 203, 205. 
Nash, Robert, 97 ; — John, 723. 
Nashua, 193. 
Nason, W. B. 763. 
National Guards, 415. 
Naumkeag, 46. 
Navy Yard, Location of, etc. 11, 14-20, 24, 

490, 503. 
Navigation Act, 243. 
Neal, David A. 562, 574, 575. 
Nelson, J. 214, 344, 349. 
Neponset River, 5. 
Nestorians, The, 225. 
Newmaker, John, 182. 
Newbold, Richard, 182-184, 256, 488. 
New London, 344. 
New Bedford, 288. 
New Brunswick, 530. 
New Cornhill Street, 496. 
Newfoundland, 82, 152, 716-718. 
Newburyport, 266, 357, 858, 423, 608, 610, 

615, 691. 
Newbury, 268, 384. 

Newdigate, John, 358 ; — Nathaniel, 358. 
Newdigate's f;irm, 193, 240, 317, 358. 
Newell, Mary, 116; — Timothy, 368,379, 

380, 382, 383; — Rev. W. W. 644. 



INDEX. 



f89 



Newell's Journal, 368, 379, 380, 382, 383. 
Newhall, F. S. 610 ; — G. R. 610. 
Newhall's Tavern in Lynn, 715, 
Newton, 5, 66, 97, 272, 353. 
Newport, 119, 123, 371, 374, 377, 455, 505, 

551, 656. 
Newington Green, 232. 

New England, 43, 46, 48, 58-60, 63, 70, 71, 
80, 81, 93, 94, 99, 100, 107, 113, 127, 128, 
136, 147, 153, 158, 169, 180, 184, 189, 201, 

205, 207, 232, 233, 244, 248-250, 265, 315, 
318, 341, 342, 344, 349, 351, 363, 397, 413, 
418, 421, 530, 616, 620, 633, 634, 700, 712, 
718, 719; Hist, of, 140. 

New England Steam and Gas Pipe Co. 710. 

New England Mercury, 22, 241, 715. 

New England Memorial, 58, 59, 64. 

New England Council, 75. 

New England Chronicle, etc. 377. 

New England Guards, 415. 

New England Bank, 528, 672, 673. 

New Haven, 102, 271, 352. 

New Supply, The, 89. 

News Letter, Boston, 224, 344, 345, 348, 

383. 
New Hampshire, 168, 202, 208, 232, 233, 

249, 250, 317, 341, 342, 369, 371, 710, 741. 
New Hampshire Gazette, etc. 372, 374, 376, 

377, 381. 
New York, 29, 32, 107, 131, 146, 151, 155, 

204, 233, 277, 342, 363, 423, 603, 629, 675, 

729. 
New York Citj^ 89, 154, 155, 161, 169, 

173-176, 186, 252, 288, 307, 391-393, 445, 

455, 459, 498, 504, 506-508, 522-527, 529, 

552, 553, 555, 563, 566, 606, 607, 620, 626, 
627, 633, 635, 644, 645, 673, 674, 676, 677, 
690, 692-695, 709. 

New York Colonial Hist. 128, 131, 134-136, 
138, 139, 141, 143-145, 151-154, 156, 157, 

206, 255. 

New York, Brodhead's Hist, of, 157. 

New York Hist. Coll. 169. 

New York Records, 173, 174. 

New York Observer, 338. 

New Jersey, 32, 233, 363, 366, 496, 620, 650, 

688, 689. 
New World, The, 697. 
New Street, 187, 539, 543, 547, 593, 686, 702, 

756. 
New Orleans, 41. 
New Hospital, 51. 
New Brick Church, 270, 331. 



New Burying Ground, 218, 219. 

Niagara, 363, 401. 

Niagara River, 470, 670, 690. 

" Niagara," The, 470, 690, 697. 

Nibbs, James and Henry, 723 ; — Jeremiah, 
723 ; — Benjamin, 724 ; — Philip, 724. 

Nicolls, Matthews, 155, 159. 

Nichols, Richard, 107, 130, 131, 134, 135, 
137-139, 141, 146, 151, 153, 155, 156, 158, 
159,203, 213; ,231. 

Nicholas, The, 89. 

Nicholay, Thomas, 723. 

Nicholson, Francis, 342, 343, 349. 

Nickerson's Wharf, 702. 

Nile, Battle of the, 344. 

Nix's Mate, 451. 

Noble, John, 23, 536, 547, 689. 

Noddle, William, 45-47. 

Noddle's Island, before the Revolution, 9; 
division of title, 28 et seq.; sales con- 
firmed by general court, 35 ; situation of, 
39; a pasturage and fishing-ground, 41, 
42; called Brereton, 44; name of, 45; 
wood upon, 89; Baptists at, 115 et seq.; 
sale of, by Maverick, 178; sale of, by 
Briggs, 179; sale of, by Nathaniel Mave- 
rick, 179; suit regarding, 179; title in 
Col. Burch, 181; sale of, by Col. Burch, 
182; title in Richard Cooke, 183; suit re- 
garding, 183; sale of, to Temple, 184; 
sale of, by Temple, to Col. Shrimpton, 
186; title of in Mrs. Shrimpton, 223; 
title of in Elizabeth Yeamans, 231; en- 
tail docked, 238 ; title in John Yeamans, 
239; title by will to John and Shute 
Yeamans, and by their death, to Mary 
Chauncy, Sarah Greenough, and Mehet- 
able Hyslop, 250 ; fee of in D. S. Green- 
ough, Ehzabeth Sumner, and David Hys- 
lop, 253, 254; title of, traced, 256-258; 
leases of. Chapter XH. ; devastations 
upon, 325; called Williams's Island, 328; 
barracks upon, 329 ; fortifications on, 340 ; 
encamj^ment on, in 1711, 341-348; mili- 
tary operations on, in 1775-6, 351-397; 
fortifications on, in 1812, 397 et seq.; 
plans for improving, 421 et seq. ; title of a 
moiety held by Sumner, White, and 
Oliver, 432 ; title of in East Boston Co. 
447. 

Norman, John and Sarah, 168. 

Normandy, 716. 

Norris, , 515, 516, 520. 



790 



INDEX. 



Norristown, 695. 
Norseman, The, 699. 

Norton, , 128. 

North American, The, 698. 

Nor-Wester, The, 696. 

Northern Eagle, The, 698. 

North American Review, 603. 

North American Ins. Office, 599. 

North American Life Ins. and Trust Co. 

673. 
North Boston Companj', 449. 
North Carohna, 717, 718. 
North River, 529. 
North Free Bridge, The, 700. 
North Chelsea, 239. 
Northampton, 224, 227, 300. 
Northampton, Earl of, 50. 
Norfolk, 21 ;— County, 278, 431. 
" Norfolk," The, 565. 
North Battery, 24, 29, 415, 608, 609. 
North Battery Wharf, 551, 578, 604, 606. 
Northmen, The, 715. 
Norman, John and Sarah, 168. ■■ "" 
Nourse, Charles, 27 ; — John F. 667. 
Nova Scotia, 184, 221, 342, 530, 620, 717, 

761. 
Novelty Works (N. Y.), 553. 
Noyes, , 758; — Wm. A. 760, 762; — 

Mrs. 762. 
Nugent, AValter, 723. 
Nutt Island, 152. 
Nye, Rev. , 124. 



Oak Island, 604. 

Oakley, Judge and family, 505. 

O'Brien, N. I. A. 655. 

Observatory, The National, 626. 

Ocean Monarch, The, 697. 

Ocean Steam Navigation, 621, 627. 

Odd Fellow, The, 697. 

OfBey, Stephen, 234. 

Ohio River, 363, 364. 

Ohio Company, 364. 

Old Hickory, The, 698. 

Old North Engine, 641. 

Old North Church, 270, 391. 

Old South Church, 272, 290, 300, 337, 391. 

Ohve Clark, The, 697. 

Oliver's Puritan Commonwealth, 72, 76, 85, 

113, 158,159. 
Oliver, F. J. 34, 35, 311, 428, 429, 431-439, 



441-443, 446, 447, 453, 458, 463, 465, 466, 
469, 470, 476, 478, 479, 498, 500, 505, 548, 
553-555, 605, 606, 614, 615, 671, 685, 743, 
744, 750, 751; — James, 135, 136, 142, 
182; — Mary, 136; — Peter, 191. 

Oliver's Dock, 263. 

Oliver Street, 357. 

Ontario, Lake, 363. 

Orange, Prince of, 213. 

Orange Street, 169. 

Orderly Book, 400, 410, 411, 416, 417. 

Order Book, Gen. Ward's, 384. 

Ordway, Aaron, 515, 516, 643; , 607. 

Ordinaries, 78. 

Orford, Lord, 328. 

Organ in Brattle Street Church, 275. 

Oriental, The, 091, 698. 

Orkney, 716. 

Orieans Street, 474, 537-539, 542-544, 646, 
702, 756. 

Orr, Bernard, 724. 

Oroomiah, 225. 

O'Reilly, Bishop B. 656. 

Osborn, Miss L.- 666. 

Osborne, Thomas, 116-118, 121-123 ;— Mrs. 
117; — William, 183, 191. 

Oswego, 363. 

Osgood, , 696, 698, 699. 

Otis, H. G. 33, 403; —James, 211. 

Owen, Thomas, 95, 96, 487 ; — Rev. Mr. 124. 

Oxford County (Eng.), 280, 281. 

Oysters, 7, 79, 80. 



Pacha of Egypt, The, 694. 

Paine, Thomas, 174. 

Page, , 213 ; — Samuel P. 704 ; — Lieut.- 

Col. 740, 742. 
Paige, Nicholas, 215;— J. W. 458, 671, 704. 
Paixhan guns, 627. 
Padua, 99, 105. 
Palmer, Joseph, 236. 
Palsgrave, John, 107, 161. 
Panther, The, 698. 
Paper Blills, 5. 
Papists, 98. 
Para, 716. 

Paris, 264, 596, 600, 754, 756. 
Paris Street, 508, 515, 593, 638, 642, 643, 

648, 676, 683, 702, 756. 
Park Place, 360. 
Parke, James, 723. 



INDEX. 



791 



Parker, John, 169, 170; his family, 169, 

170; — Peter, 301; , 338; — Capt. 

382; — Isaac, 399, 734 ;— Margaret, 517 ; 

— Joseph, 591, 724; — James, 724; , 

759;— B. W. 760. 

Park Street Church, 272. 

Parkman, Samuel, 176 ; — Eev. Dr. 414. 

Parry, Samuel, 724; — John, 724. 

Parsons, Eichard, 81 ; — Theophilus, 268, 
269, 285, 399, 734, 736. 

Passamaquoddy, 400. 

Pasterovitch, Peter, 504. 

Patten, Thomas, 442. 

Paulus Hook, 32. 

Payne, WiUiam, 33; — Edward, 226; — To- 
bias, 184. 

Paynter, William, 723. 

Peabody, George, 33, 505, 617. 

Pearson, Stephen, 471, 760; — Geo. W. 504, 
758, 760. 

Pearl Street (Chelsea), 545, 579. 

Pearl, S. R. 759. 

Peck, John, 32. 

Pedigrees, Roberts, 222 ; — Stoddard, opp. 
p. 226 ; — Yeamans, 231 ; — Sliute, 234 ; 

— Shrimpton, 254; — Sumner, opp. p. 
291. 

Pelham, ]\Ir. 726, 727. 

Pellicau, The, 221. 

Pennsylvania, 343, 729;— Avenue, 19-21. 

Penobscot, 402, 506, 735, 738, 740, 759. 

Penobscot Bay, 717. 

People's Ferry, The, incorporated, 566 ; 687, 

702 ; boats Washington and John Adams, 

566. 
Pepperell, Sir Wm. 244, 268. 
Pequods, 90. 
Percival, Commodore, 505. 

Perit, , 255. 

Perkins, , 29, 606 ; — Dr. 225 ; — John, 

53, 54, 482, 483; — T. H. 403, 404, 409, 

438, 456, 496. 
Perry, Mrs. M. A. 27;— Com. 0. H. 499; 

— E. W. 415, 516. 
Persia, 225. 
Peruvian, The, 699. 

Pettingell, Merrill and Maiy, 758, 759. 

Peterlioft; The, 697. 

Petition of the Sugar Planters, 721. 

Peterson, , 657. 

Pettick's Island, 368, 396. 
Peytona, The, 697. 
Phaselus, The, 699. 



Phelps, Rev. A. A. 645, 763 ; — Mrs. 763 ; — 

Mary H. 763. 
Phillips, George, 71; , 268; — Major, 

151 ; — Nathaniel and his family, 169-170 ; 

— Willinm, 320; — Samuel, Jr. 386, 711; 

— Lieut.-Gov. Wm. 415; — S. C. 495; — 
Edwin, 515; — Mary G. 520. 

Phillips's Universal Dictionary, 74. 

Philadelphia, 14, 16, 17, 21, 497, 582, 626, 
627, 695, 717, 756. 

Phips, Samuel, Capt. 347, 350. 

Pickering, Timothy, 355, 404, 736. 

Pickman, , 255; — P. T. 745. 

Pierce, William, 90, 91; — Joseph H. 404, 
409;— John, 471, 472, 636, 637, 643, 682, 

683 ; — Silas, 536, 753 ; , 554 ; — G. E. 

584, 593, 683, 684 ; — Eliza, 666 ; — Frank- 
lin, 675; — Jonathan, 683, 759; — Mary 
A. 759. 

Pigeon, , 471, 701, 702. 

Pike, Zebulon, 173 ;— Jolm, Sen'r and Juu'r, 
724. 

Pinckney, Commander, 505. 

Pine-tree coin, 185. 

Pines River, 704. 

Pingree, Samuel, 641. 

Piscataqua, 46, 79, 83, 135, 136, 140, 370, 
736. 

Pitcairn, Major, 371. 

Pitkin's Political and Civil Hist. United 
States, 209, 242. 

Pittome, John, 210. 

Plans and JIaps, 537-547. 

Plattsburg, 173. 

Plutarch, The, 699. 

Plymouth, 46, 66, 98, 102, 718. 

Plymouth Colony, 39, 99, 138. 

Plymouth Company, 43, 47, 718, 719. 

Plymouth Council, 93, 718. 

Plymouth (Eng.), 58-61, 360. 

Plymouth Rock, The, 697. 

Poignand, David C. 295. 

Point Comfort, 718. 

Point Shirley, 503, 519. 

Pollard, , 515, 516, 646. 

Polynesia, The, 698. 

Pomona, The, 699. 

Pond, Hiram, 515, 520, 759; — Benj., letter 
of, 757, 758; — Rachel, 758. 

Pook, Samuel H. 694. 

Poole, , 471, 701, 702;— John, 724. 

Population, 534; persons moving to East 
Boston in 1835, 516; in 1836, 519; births 



792 



INDEX. 



in 1836, 520; deaths in 1836, 520; mar- 
riages in 1835, 517; in 1836, 758, 759: 

births, 759-561. 
Porter, Kev. Dr. Ehphalet, 293; — Eev. 

James, 648 ; — Col. 382; — Capt. 458; — 

Commodore, 505 ; — John, 610 ; — Eev. C. 

S. 669. 
Porter Street, 534, 644, 666-668, 756. 
Portland, 629, 738, 741-743. 
Portsmouth, 46, 135, 140, 142, 423, 608, 

736-741. 
Portsmouth (Eng.), 130, 371. 
Portugal, 342, 716. 
Port Royal, 342, 343. 
Potomac Elver, 19. 
Pottery, East Boston, 700. 
Powe, Edward, 724 ; — George, 724. 

Powell, Capt. 80, 81 ; , 190. 

Pratt, John, 165, 166;— Olive, 516, 539, 

543; — Jarvis, 696, 698, 699, 701, 702; 

, 760. 

Pratt & Wilkinson's Wharf, 561. 

Presbyterians at East Boston, 662, 663. 

Prescott, Judge, 310;— Col. 360, 389. 

Prescott Street, 546, 756. 

President, The, 621. 

Preston, Capt. 252. 

Prince, Thomas, 59, 65. 

Prince's Annals, 59, 61, 63, 65, 73, 74, 79, 

483. 
Princess, The, 699. 
Princeton CoUege, 277. 
Princess Royal, The, 699. 
Princeton Street, 9, 472, 515, 574, 582, 602, 

643, 756. 
Pring, Martin, 717. 
Pringle, William, 723. 
Price, Walter, 183, 256. 
Probate Records, 165, 249. 
Protection fire engine, 641. 
Providence, 81, 582, 603, 606, 756. 
Province House, 365. 
Province Court, 365. 
Prynn, John, 724. 
Puddington, Geo. 721. 
Pudding Lane, 496. 
Pulling point, 9, 482. 
Pubhc Garden, 10, 540, 544, 547, 601, 602, 

614. 
Puritans, 77, 91, 94, 98, 99. 
Puritanism, 93, 129, 133. 
Puritan Commonwealth, 72, 76, 85, 113, 158, 

159. 



Putnam, Israel, 325, 352, 353, 371, 373-376, 
378, 380, 388, 389; Humphrey's Life of, 
371; — Dr. 15, 18, 20, 338; — Samuel R. 
751. 

Putnam Street, 545, 582, 589, 601. 

Putnam's " World's Progress," 621. 

Pynchon, .John, 203; —John, Jr. 204. 

PyUarinus, 275. 

Q- 

Quakers, 113, 128. 
Quakerism, 117. 
Quarles, Francis, 90. 
Quarter-Sessions at Boston, 201. 
Quartier, Jacques, 716. 
Quebec, 287, 342, 344. 
Queen of the Seas, The, 698. 
Queen of Clippers, The, 691, 698. 
Quickstep, The, 698. 

Quincy, Samuel, 281; — Josiah, 418, 419, 
494, 495, 497, 623; — Josiah, Jr. 500, 623. 
Quincy, 187, 603. 
Quincy Market House, 274. 
Quincy granite, 589. 

R. 

R. B. Forbes (steamer), The, 697, 698, 707. 

Race-horse, The, 697. 

Radient, The, 698. 

Railroads: to Salem, 28, 34; — Boston to 
Providence, 29, 603, 606; — Eastern, 426, 
468, 519, 538, 539, 541, 542, 544; connec- 
tion with ferry, 552-565, 593, 629-634? 
640, 678, 700 ; — Suspension, 460-464 ; 

— Whitehaven, 461 ; — Surrey, 461 ; — 
Stockton & Darlington, 462; — Liverpool 
& Manchester, 462, 603;— Quincy, 462, 
603 ; — Grand Junction, 532, 533 ; history 
of, 629-635, 700, 706 ; — Lowell, 603, 629 ; 

— Worcester, 603, 634 ; — Baltimore & 
Ohio, 603 ; — Western, 629 ; — Boston and 
Maine, 629, 630 ; — Fitchburg, 629; Chel- 
sea Branch, 630, 631; — Grand Trunk, 
633; — Union, 634. 

Rainsford's Island, 566. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 717. 

Ramsay's Am. Rev. 392, 396. 

Rand, E. S. 752, 753. 

Randolph, Edward, 203, 205, 207, 208, 217. 

Rangers, The, 410. 

Rea, S. G. 750. 

Reading, 355, 356. 

Rebecca, The, 80. 



INDEX. 



-93 



Recoi-ds of the Free School in Roxbury, 
281. 

Reed, Dr. , 169; — Col. 369 ; — James 

M. 660; — Beiij. T. 442, 458, 556, 571, 
573, 687, 750, 751; — James, 751. 
Registry of Deeds (York, Me.), 721. 
Reid, Dr. L. B. 593. 
Reindeer, Tlie, 697. 

Religion in America, Baird's, 202 ; Religious 
Liberty claimed, 101; petitions for, cen- 
sured, 102; appeal of petitioners, 103; 
oppression of the Baptists, 115 et seq. ; 
laws against, 120 et seq. 
Reporter, The, 692, 698. 
Reservoir, Beacon Hill, 229; in Brookliue, 

276, 589 ; in South Boston, 591. 
Revere, J. W. 442, 750. 
'Revere House, The, 504. 
Revolution, Am. 9, 14, 42, 176, 244, 284, 

340, 350, 354, 370, 424. 
Revolution in N. E. justified, 209, 210, 212, 

215. 
Reynolds, W. B. 442, 676;— George, 724. 
Rhode Island, 27, 79, 102, 119, 138, 139, 145, 

203, 342, 378, 398, 656. 
Rice, Henrj-, 495, 497 ; — Lewis, 536, 752, 
753 ; — Edwin, 601 ; — William, 724 ; — 
L. B. 752. 
Richards, John, 199, 214;— Rev. Daniel, 

648. 
Richardson, John and family, 222 ; — Eliz- 
abeth, 230, 254, 257 ; — E. 472 ; — Horace, 
660;— J. B. 710;— John and Zephaniah, 
723 ; — Gen. 742. 
Richmond (Eng.), 232, 249, 317. 
Rickbell, John, 136. 
Ridgway, Thomas S. 582-584; Report on 

Artesian Well, 754, 756. 
Rililey, Joseph, 442, 458, 474, 475, 542, 686, 

700. 
Ritchie Hall, 649, 651. 
Roanoke, Island of, 717. 
Rollins, T. F. 516, 760. 
Roberts Pedigree, 222 ; referred to, 254. 
Robert H. Dixey, The, 698. 
Roberts, Thomas, 167;— Eunice, 167; — 
Richard, 170 ; — Mercy, 170 ; — Nicholas, 
228, 314, 322. 
Robbins, Edward H. 438; — Joseph, 6C0. 

Robertson, , 255. 

Robinson, Lieut-Col. 357. 
Rochester, 203. 
Rockport, 657. 



Rogers, D. D. 194 ; — Capt. , 331; — 

ivm. S. 442; — H. 516; Prince, 520, 759, 
760 ; — Moses, 620 ; — Wm. 643 ; — H. 760. 

Ronan, Philip, 723; — John, 723. 

Romance of the Seas, The, 691, C98. 

Rosewell, William, 182. 

Ross, Hugh, 724. 

Rossiter, Mr. , 61, 64. 

" Royal William," The, 621. 

Royall, Isaac, 244, 723. 

Royal Commission, The, 128-160; rep. 
of, 148. 

Royal Exchange Lane, 171, 172, 189. 

Roxbury, 31, 33, 41, 89, 172, 107, 198, 235, 
265, 278, 281, 282, 285, 286, 290, 291, 293, 
295, 299, 300, 301, 317, 318, 321, 333, 334, 
378, 403, 432, 492, 498, 638. 

Roxbury Canal Corporation, 32; — Gram- 
mar-school, 293; — town records, 282, 
283. 

Rucks, , 119. 

Rugg, Mary, 176. 

Ruggles, Mrs. 333. 

Rumney Marsh, 195, 229, 230, 240, 489. 

Rushout, Sir John, 725, 729. 

Russell, Joseph, 16, 17, 44, 394; — Elder 
John, 119, 121 ; — Lockhart, 231 ; — Thom- 
as, 236, 333 ; , Mrs. , 287 ; —Mrs. 

Thomas, 333 ; — Benj. 508 ; — B. F. 567.. 
Russian War, The, 693. 
Ryswick, Treaty of, 341. 

S. 

S. A. Stevens, The, 699. 

Sabine, Lorenzo, 186; — Sabine's Loyalists, 
186. 

Sabbath Schools at East Boston, G63-665. 

Sable, Cape, 717. 

Saco, 108, 159, 741. 

Sackett's Harbor, Battle of, 313. 

Sagamore, John, 84. 

Salacia, The, 699. 

Salt, manufacture of, 235, 236. 

Salt Lane, 172. 

Salem, 11, 22, 23,. 28,. 29, 34, 46, 64, 72, 73, 
78, 79, 167, 183, 855, 370, 378, 403, 422- 
425, 429, 433, 493, 495, 497, 498, 500, 505, 
515, 516, 602-612, 615-618, 671, 672. 

Salem, Annals of, 90, 167. 

Salem, Church in, 108. 

Salmon, Mrs. 763. 

Salstonstall, Nathaniel, 203, 204 ; — Sir 
Richard, 66,. 103.; , 493, 495. 



67 



794 



INDEX. 



Salter, , 505 ; — John, 724. 

Saltonstall, Nathaniel, .610. 
Samoset, The, 697. 

Sampford, , 89, 484. 

Sampson, Augustus, 695 ; — A. & G. T. 

696-698. 
Samuel Cook, The, 697. 
Sanborn, S. T. 710. 
Sanderson, J. 724. 
Sandy Hook, 151. 

Sandys, , 725-729. 

Sanford, Rev. I\Iiles, 647. 

San Francisco, 691-695. 

Santa Claus, The, 598. 

Sappho, The, 697. 

Saratoga Street, 9, 472, 515, 516, 541, 546, 

756. 
Sargeant, Annie, 169; — Peter, 199, 214; 

,10. 

Sargent, Mehetable, 227 ; — Col. Henry, 

462, 463; — Hosea, 471, 520; — Thomas, 

523, 525-527, 750. 
Sargent's Wharf, 565. 
Saunders, , 461; — Edward, 487; — T. 

P. 685. 
Saugus River, 604. 
Savage, James, 70, 72, 84, 96, 158, 159; — 

Lieut. Thoma's, 97 ; — William, 686, 687. 
Savannah, 620 ; — The, 620. 
Sawcolt, William and John, 723. 
Sawcutt, John, 281. 
Say, Lord, 185. 
Sayers, John, 179, 182. 
Scandrett, C. 723. 
Schell, William, 695. 

Scholfield, , 680. 

Schools at East Boston, 663-669. 

Schuylkill River, The, 497. 

Scilly, 169. 

Scituate, 99, 259. 

Sconce, The, 218. 

Scroop, Gervase, 234. 

Scott, 157 ; — Ebenezer, 515 ; — Captain, 

275 ; — Winfield, 27, 49 ; — Captain , 

333-335 ; — James, 333 ; — the Misses, 

334. 
Scotland, 51, 100, 101, 274, 719, 760; Emi- 
grants from, 233, 317. 

Scrope, , 725-728. 

Sea Bird, The, 608. 
Seaccario, 731. 
Sea Island, 625. 
Sea King, The, 699. 



Seaman, The, 625. 

Sea- Wall, 8. 

Sea Serpent, 92. 

Seaver, Mrs. , 331 ; , 587 ; — 

Capt. 641. 
Second Church in Boston, 118, 270, 271. 
Selden, David, 673, 674. 
Sentry Hill, 93. 
Sentre, John, 164. 
Serle, Gov. 224. 
Sewell, Judge, 198, 235, 734 ; — Joseph, 

268 ; — Rev. Samuel, 198 ; — Samuel, 264 ; 

— Charles Chauncy, 264; — Judge, 399; 

— Major-Gen. Henry, 400, 736 et seq. 
Sewall's Diary, 198, 201, 206, 218, 222, 230. 
Sewerage, 592, 593. 

Shackford & Co.'s Wharf, 702. 

Shakspeare, 242. 

Sharpe, , 726-729. 

Shaw, , 18, 20;— R. G. 33, 442, 458, 

551, 622, 624, 676, 680, 751 ; — Madam, 
332. 

Shawmut, 46, 72. 

Sheafe, Mrs. Lucy, 278; — Mr. and Miss, 
334. 

Shepheard, , 82. 

Sherbrook, Sir John, 402. 

Sherwood, Margaret, 165; — Richard, 723. 

Shimmin, Mrs. William, 170. 

Ship-building and Wharves, 689-702; ship 
builders, 690-692; list of vessels, 697- 
699; present advantages for, 699. 

Shirley, Governor, 225, 247, 363; — Alex- 
ander, 329. 

Shoemakers from Lynn, 703, 704. 

Shopleigh, Nicholas, 182. 

Short Narrative of Boston Massacre, 171. 

Shortwill, Ellen A. 759. 

Shrewsbury, 50, 51. 

Shrimpton, Henry, legacy to Baptists, 116, 
119, 183; account of, 187; his family, 
188-191; will of, 189; legacy, 191, 256; — 
Samuel, 107, 116, 158, 178, 186, 187; ac- 
count of, 189-223 ; petitions for release of 
rent, 199; owns in fee-simple, 200; a 
Judge, 201; a Commissioner, 203, 204, 
205; Lieutenant-colonel and Councillor, 
206; resistance to Andros, 207-218; writs 
of intrusion, 210, 211. 212; Ancient and 
Honorable Artillery Company, 217; dies, 
218; funeral, 218; his family, etc. 220- 
223; his will, 223, 230, 231, 236, 248, 254, 
256, 314, 358, 484, 488, 712; — Madam 



INDEX. 



795 



Elizabeth, 194, 195, 218, 220, 222, 223, 22G, 
228-231, 235, 254, 257; — Elizabeth, 229; 
marriage contract, 230, 234, 254, 257 ; — 
Samuel, jr. 222, 223 ; fomily of, 230, 231, 
233; died, 236, 254, 257; — Edward, 189, 
233 ; — Epaphras, 232, 234 ; — family 
tomb, 289. 

Shrimpton Pedigree, 254. 

Shrimpton's Lane, 189, 191, 226, 229. 

Shropshire, 50. 

Shubrick, , 505. 

Shurtleff, Benj. 466, 571-573. 

Shute, Gov. Samuel, 230; sketch of, 232- 
234, 239, 250 ; — Miss, 232 ; — .John, 234 ; 

— Martha, 234. 
Shute Pedigree, 234. 
Sigler, , 517. 

Sigourney, Andrew, 324, 334; — Daniel, 
324, 3.34. 

Simmons, Charles, 642 ; — W. B. D. 657. 

Simpson, James E. 692, 699;— John 0. 
759. 

Simpson's Docks, 701, 709; — Wharf, 702. 

Singletary, , 382. 

Six buildings, 19, 20. 

Sirius, The, 620, 621. 

Skerrell, William, 724. 

Skipper, Katharine, 165. 

Slack, Kuggles, 650. 

Slade, , 682. 

Slavery in Mass. 90-93. 

Smallpox among the Indians, 84; in Bos- 
ton, 176, 495, 496. 

Smith's Head, 5, 8, 23, 28, 426, 551, 554, 
607. 

Smith's Hill, 9, 14, 25, 29, 382, 425, 452, 
546, 677. 

Smith, John, 100, 102-104, 108-110, 118; — 
Lieut. John, 163, 166; — Sir John, 223; 

— Ruth, 163, 165 ; — Richard, 203; — H. 
"W. 278; , 338; —Joseph, 442; 

— Matthew H. 567 ; — William, 723 ; — 
Oliver H. 759; — Abner, 760, 762; — 
Patrick, 760 ; — Nancy, 762. 

Smith's History of Virginia, 74 
Smithsonian Institution, 592. 

Smoot, , 505. 

Smyrna, 275. 

Snake Island, 369. 

.Snelling, G. H. 128; — E. H. 515. 

Snelling's Dock, 701. 

Snow, Samuel, Thomas, and Abigail, 229. 

Snow's History of Boston, 45, 63, 73, 171. 



Socinians, 98. 

" Socler's, E. B." 640. 

Sohier, W. D. 30, 31, 429, 431. 

Solon, The, 697. 

Somerby, H. G. 281; —John P. 642; — A. 

D. 763. 
Somersetshire, 60'. 
Somerville, 582. 

Soule, Richard, 672, 680, 681, 751. 
Souter, Capt. 383. 
Southampton, 626, 754. 
Southard, S. H. 669. 
South America, 627, 716. 
South Audly Street, 274. 
South Battery, 193. 
Southboro', 166, 293. 
South Boston, 23, 32, 411, 503, 530, 568,689, 

700; — Bridge, 41, 530, 587. 
South Carolina, 21, 239, 729. 
South Cove, 493, 500. 
South Market Street, 274. 
South River, 46, 131. 
South Sea Company, 249. 
South Street, 32. 
Sovereign of the Seas, The, 091, 693, 694, 

698. 
Spain, 217, 716. 
Spartan, The, 697. 
Spear, William T. 759. 
Spectacle Island, 482, 485. 
Spencer, Heniy, 724; — Thomas, 724. 
Spooner, B. F. 636. 
Spot Pond, 583, 587. 
Sprague's Annals of Am. Pulpit, 271. 
Spruce Street, 301. 
Squeb, Capt. 47, 61, 62, 64, 498. 
Stackpole, William, 291. 
Staffordshire, 49; — The, 694, 698. 
Stafford Town, 50. 
Staghound, The, 694, 697. 
Standish, Miles, 46, 52. 
Stanwood, L. 752. 
Star of Empire, The, 698. 
.Stark, Col. .John, 10, 352, 357, 360, 371, 372, 

388, 389, 481. 
Starks, Col. 742. 
State Arms, 190-192. 
State House, 6, 3 J, 192, 194-196, 229, 263, 

288, 290, 336, 337, 488. * 

State Street, 171, 172, 191, 225, 262, 263, 

488, 495, 497, 634, 711. 
State Records, 216. 
Statistics, Miscellaneous, 758-764. 



796 



INDEX. 



St. Augustine, 239. 

St. Birinus, 281. 

St. Christophers, 81. 

St. Croix, 93. 

St. Denis, 755. 

St. Edbury, Church of, 280, 281. 

St. Eustatius, 231. 

St. George, 232, 346. 

St. James's Parish, 230. 

St. John, 717, 718. 

St. John's Church, 649, 650, 660. 

St. Joseph, 657. 

St. Katharine Docks, 577. 

St. Lawrence, 348, 349. 

St. Nicholas, 655. 

St. Nicholas Hotel, The, 504. 

St. Owen, 755. 

St. Paul's Ch. (N. Y.), 186; (Boston), 650. 

St. Steven, 82. 

St. Thomas, 231; — St. Thomas' Ch. 650. 

Stearns, , 15 ; , 520. 

Steele, Thomas, 315. 

Stell's Boarding-house, 20. 

Stephens, Hiram A. 662 ; — Gilbert, 662; — 
Thomas, 723. 

Stephenson, John, 724; — William, 724. 

Stetson, Caleb, 536, 753. 

Stevens, Capt. John, 225 ; — Martha, sketch 
of, etc. 225-227 ; — Thomas H. 442 ; — 
Charles, 610; — C. T. 763. 

Steward, , 81. 

Stillman, Thomas B. 552, 553, 555. 

Stimpson, Samuel, 705. 

Stinson, Susan, 33. 

Stitson, William, 86, 87, 164;— Elizabeth, 

86. 
Stockton & Darlington Railroad, 462. 
Stockwell, S. N. 601. 
Stoddard family, 224. 

Stoddard, Anthony, 183, 187, 191, 223, 224; 
— Simeon, 195, 222-228, 230, 235, 236, 
238, 254, 257; — Madam Ehzabeth, 224; 
Inventory, 229-231, 238, 268, 315 ; — Da- 
vid, 222, 230, 236; funeral of, 237; family 
of, 238, 253, 254, 257, 268-270, 276; — 
Elizabeth (his wife), 276; — Mary, Sarah, 
Mehetable (children of David), 222, 238, 
354; — Sarah, 270 ; — Mehetable, 276; — 
Solomon, 224. 225 ; — Eev. Anthony, 224, 
226 ; — Col. John, 224, 226 ; — David T 
225 ; — Esther, 224 ; — Martha, 225 ; - 
William, 227 ; — Anthony, 227. 
Stoddard Pedigree, opp. p. 226. 



Sugar Bill, 721-723. 

Sullivan, George, 173,411,415; — Madam, 

333; — Thomas, 517. 
Sultan, The, 697. 
Sultana, The, 697. 
Summer Street, 42, 260, 262 ; — (Lynn), 

604. 
Sumner, William (the ancestor) and the 
family, 281 ; — Licrease, 291 ; — Gov. 
Licrease, 4, 14, 222, 226, 253, 254, 
276; sketch of, 278-296, 297-301, 311, 
331, 333, 338, 398; — Ehzabeth, 24, 217, 
226, 253, 254, 258, 276, 278; sketch of, 
300-307 ; letters of, 302-307, 308, 311, 
337, 421, 426; — William H. 14; member 
of military board, 27, 31; purchases N. L 
34, 36, 196, 197, 222 ; legatee of Mrs. 
Stevens, 226, 254 ; sells estate in Anti- 
gua, 255, 258, 274 ; Morgan farm given to, 
290, 307, 309-311; visits N. L 332, 334, 
337 ; letters to from Gage, 301-362 ; mar- 
riage, 366; letter to from John Marston, 
383; executive agent in Maine, 405 et 
seq. and Appendix F. ; adjutant-general, 
405 ; letter to Moses Brown, 422 ; in- 
denture between Suraner,White & Ohver, 
432 et seq. 453; purchases the " Experi- 
ment," 455, 458, 461; buys land in front 
of Maverick House, 464 et seq. 470-473, 
478; address, etc. at celebration, 479 et 
seq. 505, 511; removal and restoration of 
to the board, 524-528; letter to L. Thorn- 
dike, 529 et seq. 548, 551, 553-556, 571- 
573, 581-583, 587; gift to Tree Associa- 
tion, 595-599, 757, 758 ; 605, 606, 608, 
614, 622-624, 630, 636,649; Timber Co. 
670-677 ; 685; nominated for Congress, 
742 ; — Mehetable S. 24, 226, 254, 307 ; — 
Eliza, 307; — Henry, 407. 

Sumner Square, 502. 

Sumner Street, laid out, 461. 

Sumner interest in N. L 427, 461. 

Supply, The, 105. 

Supreme Court (Mass.), 431. 

Surprise, The, 697. 

Surrey (Eng.), 232; county, 249, 317; rail- 
waj', 461. 

Susan Rowland, The, 699. 

Suspension Railway, 460-464. 

Sutton, William, 610. 

Swallow, The, 698. 

Swanri, Jacob, 724. 

Swedes, 130, 197; — Sweden, 197. 



INDEX. 



797 



Swett's (Samuel) Hist, of Bunker Hill bat- 
tle, 357, 368, 373, 374; "who was the 
commander at Bunker Hill," 375. 

Sweetser, , 763. 

Swift Street, 519, 541. 

Swon, William, 724. 

Sympson, Henry, 720. 

Sykes, Rev. James N. 647, 660, 669. 

Symes, Henry, 724. 

Syren, The, 699. 

Stone, Eliziabeth, 308; — Silvanus, 320; — 
George A. 694; — George F. 711. 

Stone Chapel, 418. 

Storer, Commodore, 505. 

Story, Judge, 623. 

Stoughtou, William, 149, 201, 203, 204, 214, 
215. 

Stow in the Woods, 52. 

Stowe, Edward, 365. 

Streets laid out, etc. 453-455, 459, 461, 537- 
547. 

Strong, Caleb, his course in the war of 
1812, 398-417, 732 et seq. 

Stuart, , 323. 

Sturgis, Josiah, 505. 

Sturtevant, Noah, 565, 579, 580, 595, 601, 
689, 705, 706, 711. 

Sturtevant House, 514. 

Sturtevant's Wharf, 702. 

Success, The, 63. 

Suffolk (Eng.), 250. 

Suffolk, The (ferry-boat), 565, (ship), 699. 

Suffolk County, 8, 278, 283, 318, 321, 322, 
432, 436, 441, 575; street, 33; bar, 196; 
regiment, 218. 

Suffolk Deeds, 69, 81, 82, 85-87. 97, 164, 
178, 182-184, 192, 195, 221, 229, 248, 253, 
432, 438, 443, 447, 623, 624, 625. 

Sugar Colonies, Trade with, 242-248 ; peti- 
tion, etc. 721 et seq. 

Si;gar Refinery, 469, 471, 474, 488, 519, 539, 
542, 543, 551-553, 678; history of, 679- 
685, 700. 



T Wharf, 193. 
Taft, C. M. 468, 476, 510. 
Talbot, Rev. J. W. 646. 
Talbot, The, 63. 
Talcott, J. S. 675. 

Talraadge, , 29, 606. 

Tarvin, 51. 



Tay, , 328, 329. 

Taylor, William, 9, 23 ; his survey for turn- 
pike, 425, 433, 439, 441, 447, 449, 607; — 
Zachary, Pres. and family, 505; — James, 
724. 

Tea, destruction of, 170. 

Tebbets, J. C. 458. 

Telegraph, The, 697. 

Temple, Sir Thomas, 144, 149, 184 ; his 
family, 185; — Sir Thomas, 186, 192, 212, 
221, 256, 257, 4S8;— Sir John, 186; — 
Robert, 7, 249, 314-317, 319, 321, 323. 

Temple, JIanor, 185. 

Ten Hills, 185. 

Teschmaker, J. E. 507. 

Texas, 707. 

Thayer, Mrs. 334; — Col. 505; — Rev. Lo- 
renzo R. 648;— Nathaniel, 751. 

Thacher, Rev. Dr. 275, 290. 

Thacher, Capt. 382. 

Thetis, 360. 

Thibon, Jacob, 723. 

Thing, Jonathan, 168. 

Thomas, George, 239; — William, 231; — 
Elizabeth and Sarah A.. 231; — Rebecca, 
163, 165 ; — Catherine, 290 ; — Briggs, 709 ; 

— George, 723. 
Thomas Jefferson, The, 699. 
Thompson, David, 46, 72, 73, 758. 
Thompson's Island, 46, 53, 72, 482. 
Thorndike, Israel, 404, 409, 424; — J. P. 

536, 753;— Albert, 565;— Larkin, 610; 

— Wm. H. 650. 
Thornton, J. Wingate, 73. 
Ticonderoga, 352. 
Tildsley, Sir Thomas, 51. 
Tilden, B. P. 418. 

Tilton, Peter, 148; — Thomas B. 042. 

Times, N. Y. Daily, 169, 175. 

Timmins, Henry, 751. 

Timonius, 275. 

Titbury Castle, 52. 

Title of the Island in the Shrimpton and 

Yeamans families, Chap. X. 
Todman, Joseph, 723; — Richard, 723; — 

John, 724. 
Toft, Thomas, 724. 
Tomlinson, John H. 471, 472, 520, 760, 762; 

— Stephen, 472 ; — John, sen. and jun. 
723 ; — Robert, 762. 

Tommy's Rocks, 300. 

Tom Thumb, The, 455, 551, 552, 554, 637, 



67 



798 



INDEX. 



Toppin, UWes, 723. 

Tortugas, 90. 

Town House, Boston, 213. 

Town Kecords, 89, 97, 190, 240, 484. 

Trade, restrictions upon, 242-248; petition 

concerning, 721. 
Train, Enocli, 691, 697. 
Training field, 194, 229. 
Transcript, Boston, 193, 196, 235, 262. 
Trees, 593-601; — Tree Association, 594- 

601 ; Letter concerning, 757, 758. 
Tremont Street, 229, 508 ; House, 504 ; 

Eoad, 301. 
Treadwell, Miss, 333. 
Trenton Street, 688, 756. 
Trial, The, 63. 
Trinity Church, 650. 
Trinity College, 259. 
Trotten, Mary, 472. 
Trumbull, John, 175, 370, 375; Poetical 

Works, 376. 
Trumbull's Hist. Connecticut, 64. 
Trusham, 57. 

Tucker, Richard D. 170; — Annie, 170. 
Tudor, Judge William, 15, 325, 354; — Mrs. 

331, 333; — Frederick, 354. 
Tufts, Otis, 696, 697, 699, 706-708; — Tufts' 

Machine Shop, 545 ; — Wharf, 702, 706 ; — 

Steam Engine Co. 706-708. 
Tuite, Robert, 723. 
Tullideph, David, 723. 
Tully, William, 166. 
Turrell, S. 229. 
Turnpike to Salem, 22, 29 ; Survey for, 422- 

425, 490, 498, 543, 555, 556, 572, 573, 602, 

603, 609, 610, 611. 
Turner, Robert, 194; — John, 194, 195; — 

William, 116, 121, 123, 124; — A. R. 707, 

711. 
Turks, 98. 

Turnbull, Merrick, 723. 
Tuttle, , 515, 520, 521, 543; — Harriett, 

758;— Jesse, 760. 
Tuttle's Wharf, 701, 702. 
Tweed, Berwick upon, 234. 
Tyler, W. W. 762. 

U. 

Udney, Ernest, 231. 
Uncle Amasa, The, 697. 
Underbill, J. S. 695. 
Unicorn, The, 505, 621. 



Union Bank, 194. 

Union Chapel at E. B. 658-662. 

Union Street, 171, 172, 227, 262. 

Unitarian Church in E. B. 650-654. 

United States, 49, 186, 252, 253, 262, 263, 
289, 380, 386, 398-402, 413, 414, 417, 478, 
479, 485, 505, 567, 624, 627, 700. 

United States, The frigate, 14, 17. 

U. S. Bonded Warehouse, 545, 679. 

Universalists, 646, 651. 

Upton, Robert, 610; , 690, 697. 

Urlin, Marmaduke, sen. and jun. 724. 

Usher, Hezekiah, 191, 218; Extracts from 

Will, 220, 221; — Hezekiah, jr. 220; , 

207 ; — Francis, 220 ; — Elizabeth, 220. 



Vail, Stephen, 620. 
Valencia, 716. 
Valparaiso, 694. 

Vassall, WiUiara, 99, 104, 105 ; , 244. 

Vander Shusen, William, 155. 
Vane, Henry, 95. 
Varney, L. E. 704. 

Vaughan, , 554. 

Vears, Thomas, 724. 
Verdon, John, 724. 
Vermont, 423. 

VeiTee, , 695. 

Vetch, Samuel, 342. 

Verrazzano, John de, 716. 

Vessels built at East Boston, 697-699. 

Vicars, John, 49. 

Vienna, 341. 

Vinton, Francis, 603, 605. 

Virginia, 80, 102, 151, 152, 167,217, 243, 342 

717, 718; Smith's History of, 74. 
Vlack, Mrs. Mary Elizabeth, 234. 
Vomhavi, Henries, 387. 
Voyageur de la Mer, The, 694-696, 699. 



W. 



Wadsworth, President, 260; — Capt. 207: 

— Geo. F. 536, 752, 753. 
Walbach, Capt. 741. 
Waldern, Capt. 148. 
Waldo, General, 425. 
Walford, Thomas, 46, 62, 72, 74. 
Walker, Sir Hovenden, 343-345, 348. 



INDEX. 



799 



Walker's Journal, 341, 845. 

Wallace, Rev. D. A. 663; — Henrj', 723. 

Waller, Capt. 48. 

Walley, Major, 218; —Judge, 268 ; — Sarah, 

268. 
Wallis, William, 724. 
Walpole, Robert, 246, 724 et seq. 
Walpole, The, 697. 
Walrond, Theodore, 724. 
Walters, William, 472, 516. 
Waltham, 661. 

Walton, Sarah, 163, 165; , 165. 

Wanalanset, 193. 

War of 1812, 397-420;— Appendix F. 



371,384,391, 
Abigail, 168; 



1-67, 71, 224, 



360, 373, 



Earl of. 



159, 



Ward, Artemas, 355, 356, 

396, 419; , 630 

— William, 752. 
Warham, Rev. John, 5S-f: 

498. 
Warner, Ashton, 723. 
Warren Bridge, 578, 590. 
Warren, Joseph, 281, 3! 

389;— Mary, 281. 
Warren Hallet, The, 698. 
Warwick, The Countess of, 79 

168 ; — The bark, 79, 80. 
Washburn's Judicial Hist. 130, 138, 

198, 211, 216. 
Washington, George, 10, 49, 288, 289, 326 

335-337, 362, 365, 385, 391, 393, 417, 453 

481, 505, 736; — Marshall's Life of, 341. 
Washington Street, 62, 64, 235, 260-263. 
Washington City in 1800, 16, 17, 19-22, 27 

338, 414. 
" Washington " (Fire engine), 641, 642. 
Washington, The, 566. 
Washington Society, 458. 
Washington Irving, The, 691, 697. 
Water, 580-592, 682, 684; — Article on, re- 
ferred to, 419. 
Waterhouse, David, 214. 
Waters, Col. 332. 
Water Street, 187. 

Watertown, 62, 64, 263, 282, 288, 369, 423. 
Watkins, Samuel, 723; — Thomas, 723. 
Watson, John, 649, 650. 
Watts, Edward, 550 ; — Anne, 550 ; — 

Samuel, 550. 

Way, Mary, 163, 165 ; , Aaron, 164. 

Webster, Daniel, 458, 495, 741; — Joshua 

522. 
Webster, Daniel, The, 565. 
Webster Street, 10, 459, 471, 472, 495, 515 



539, 544, 546, 584, 613, 637, 646, 663, 678, 
679, 682, 692, 702, 707, 756. 

Webster Street Church, 646, 651, 663. 

Webster Engine Co. 642. 

Weeks, E. 705; — John S. 705. 

Weeks's Wharf, 5, 551, 687, 701, 702; — 
Lobster Wharf, 705; — Major, 742. 

Weld, Dr. 312 ; , 442. 

Well in Belmont Square, 412, 584-586. 

Wells, 741. 
-Welles, Benj. 254, 307, 441, 442, 445, 447, 
458; — Joiin, 33; — Brig.-Gen. 410, 411. 

Well Fleet, The, 698. 

Wellington, A. A. 536, 752, 753, 759, 702. 

Wells, John, 222; — Charles, 454; — Wil- 
liam, 504. 

Welsh, Mrs. , 329:— Edward, 762. 

Welshepoole, 51. 

Wemms, Williams, 171. 

Wendell, Oliver, 357. 

Wesley Street, 593. 

West Boston Bridge, 423. 

Westchester, 52. 

West Church, 391. 

West-head, 8, 373, 546. 

West Indies, 90, 92, 197, 217, 239, 242, 244, 
249, 287, 488, 571, 627, 716, 717. 

West, Joseph, 239. 

Westminster, 230. 

Weston, Henry P. 252; — Capt. 479. 

West Point, 603. 

West Roxbury, 294. 

Westward Ho, The, 694, 698. 

West Wood Island, 7, 8, 466, 542, 545, 546, 
685. 

Weymouth, 7; — The, 698. 

Wharves, 700-702. 

Whale, The, 63. 

Whaton, Richard, 234, 235. 

Wheeler, Miss, 21; — John, 572. 

Wheelwright, Rev. John, 159 ; — Rebecca, 
161; — Nathanie],.318, 320, 321. 

White House, 18. 

Whip, The, 699. 

White, Stephen, 34, 35, 311,428,429,431- 
439, 441, 443, 446, 447, 458, 463, 505, 515, 
525, 548, 553-556, 571, 605, 606, 614, 615; 
connection with Timber Co. 670-676, 
681, 690, 704, 740, 750, 751, 759;— Mrs. 

Stephen, 676, 690; — Rev. , 58, 60; 

— Edmund, 223;— Capt. 170; — Benja- 
min, 170 ; — Judge, 500 ; — Moses, 420 ; — 
F. B. 420; — Samuel L. 504. 



800 



INDEX. 



Whitchurch, 50. 

Whitcorab, Col. 396; — Levi, 516, 640, 641. 

Wliitefield, Rev, George, 265, 266. 

Whitehaven, 461. 

Whiting, James, 567. 

Whitman, Eev. Joseph, 648. 

Whitmore, , 630. 

Wliite Street, 545, 546, 589, 598, 637, 702, 
757. 

Whitney, Benjamin, 166; — Hester, 166; — 
Colonel, 396. 

Whiton, J. M. 583. 

Whitten, James M. 760. 

Whitwell, W. S. 588, 590, 591; , 736. 

Whorf's Wharf, 702. 

Wickham, Samuel, 723. 

Wicknam, Benj. 724. 

Wide Awake, The, 699. 

Wilcox, Thomas, 724. 

Wild, Capt. D. 762. 

Wilder, , 662. 

Wildes, Miss Jane, 506. 

Wilds, Capt. Dixy, 506. 

Wiley, , 505; — Eev. Father, 656. 

Wilkinson, Gen. 19, 20 ; — Mrs. 20, 21. 

Williams, H. H. 5-12, 14, 40, 41, 45, 53,271, 
321-323 ; sketch of, 324 ; his family, 324 ; 
his character, etc., 325-328 ; 329-339, 
354, 855, 358, 382, 384; grant from com- 
monwealth, 386, 425, 453, 481, 490, 516, 
550; — Thomas, 12, 45, 326, 415, 419, 453, 
460, 461, 467, 470, 488, 498, 548, 550, 585; 

— Major, 51; — Mary, 54, 165; — John, 
165; — Eev. W. 224; — Betsey, 254, 276; 

— Henry, 496, 497. 

Williams family. History of, 323, 324. 

WiUiams Journal, The, 54, 55, 262, 287, 
289, 290, 323, 324, 328 ; extracts from 
and references to members of the family, 
331-339; 425; extracts from, 516. 

Williams' Island, 45, 481. 

Williams House, The, 475. 

Williams, Joseph, 322, 323, 332. 

Williams, Moses, 294 ; — Arthur, Thomas, 
Eowland, Edward, and Matthew, 723. 

Williams Street, 673. 

William and Francis, The, 63. 

William and Mary, 213, 216 ; charter of, 
108, 719. 

William, King, 233. 

Williamson's History of Maine, 108, 159. 

Williamson, William, 724. 

William's War, King, 341. 



, Willoughby, , 149. 

[ Wilmington, Lord, 246, 726-729. 

Wilson, John, 187, 190 ; , 500, 572 ; — 

I Michael, 758. 

I Winchester, The, 698. 

Windsor, 66. 

Winged Eacer, The, 698. 

Winnisimet, 5, 11, 46, 72, 79, 83-85; as- 
signed to Boston, 87, 88, 161, 162, 166, 
! 240, 379, 447, 455, 486, 489, 492, 548, 
i 549, 550, 570, 609; ferry, 11, 12, 40, 269, 
354, 372-374, 378, 384, 447, 455, 486-609; 
company, 12, 13, 438, 446; negotiations 
with, 455, 456, 550, 579. 

Winningtou, Mr. , 725, 726. 

Winshawe, John, 81. 

W^inship, W. 170; — Jonathan, 236. 

Winslow Blues, The, 409, 415, 

Winter Street, 262. 

Winter Harbor, 108. 

Winthrop, John, 45-47, 52, 53, 58, 64, 65, 68, 
70, 72, 73, 75, 77-80, 84, 85, 90, 93, 95, 103, 
105, 109, 149, 153, 156, 157, 159, 176, 187, 
203, 485 ; — Lindall, 185 ; — Robert C. 186 ; 
— John Fitz, 203;— Capt. 213;— Major 
Gen. 218 ; — Wait, 214 ; — Adam, 214 ; — 
Grenville T. 458. 

Winthrop's Journal, 45, 46,. 58, 64, 65, 67, 
68, 70-72, 74, 80, 84, 93, 95, 96, 103, 158. 

Winthrop House, 193, 229. 

Winthrop Street, 545. 

Winthrop Block, 599, 647, 711. 

Winthrop Church, 660. 

Winthrop Hall, 664. 

Wiscasset, 742. 

Wiswall, John, 183. 

Witherspoon, Eev. Dr. 277. 

Wizard, The, 691, 698. 

Woburn, 119. 

Wolfe, General, 344, 349. 

Wollaston, Mount, 187. 

Wolverhampton, 50. 

Wolverston Park, 249. 

Wonder Working Providence, 45, 46, 72, 
160. 

Wood " The pewterer," 301; , 726. 

Wood on the Island, 10; wood-cutting, 53. 

Woodbury, Levi, 675. 

Woodbury & Minot's Eeports, 676. 

Wood creek, 342. 

Woodhouse, James, 175. 

Wood Island, 16, 466, 517. 

Woodman, Eemember, 168. 



INDEX. 



801 



Woods, Rev. Leonard, 644. 

Woodward, David, 254; — Jane, 254, 308; 

— Josepli, 308. 
Woolsey, W. 680, 681, 684. 

Worcester, , 472. 

Worcester (Eng.), 185;— Worcester, 603. 

Worcester House, 141. 

Worrall Island, 51. 

Worthington Pumps, 695. 

Wright, William, 229;— Abigail, 229; — 

Edwin, 669;— John, 760. 
Wynian, T. B., jr. 166; — William, 442. 
Wyvern, The, 698. 

Y. 

Yale, David, 100, 102. 

Yale College, 225, 271. 

Yankees, 208. 

Yeamans, Lieut. Gov. John, 239 ; — Sir 
John, 239; — Henry, 232, 234; — John, 
9, 193, 195, 230, 232; owner of Nod- 
dle's Island, and will of, 239; pro- 
poses a bridge, 240 ; efforts of in behalf 
of trade, 242 et seq. ; thanks of general 
court to, 247 ; death of, 249 ; 250, 251, 254, 
257; his will, 311, 314, 315, 317, 358, 454, 



481, 488, 489, 570-572, 721; his journa 
724-730;— Elizabeth, 231, 232, 238-240;— 
S. S. 16, 195-197, 231, 232, 238; inherits 
Noddle's Island, 239, 241; will of, 249; 
questions concerning will, 252, 253-255, 
257-259, 270, 311, 312, 314, 315, 317, 318, 
320, 322, 323, 357, 385, 488, 489; opinion 
on will of, 731, 732;— Shute, 231, 249, 
250; will of, 252 et seq. 311; — John, 
234, 250, 251, 254, 257, 258. 

Yeamans Land, 193 ; — Estate, 255, 268, 
270. 

Yeamans Pedigree, 231; referred to, 254. 

Yoliannan, Mar, 225. 

Young, Sir William, 726. 

York (Me.), 308, 721, 736, 741. 

York County, 75. 

York, Duke of, 154, 169. 

Young's Chronicles, 58, 61, 63, 67, 72-74, 
79, 82. 

Young Raven, The, 099. 



Zaza, The, 697. 
Zephyr, The, 697 



